Electoral Management Bodies Research Articles

Institutionalising inclusion

Inclusion within the electoral process is crucial for democratic societies, ensuring all citizens can participate regardless of background. The study explores how institutional frameworks, particularly electoral management bodies like the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), facilitate or hinder inclusivity through their operational mandates. Drawing on data from Election Observation Missions and other sources, this analysis evaluates the ZEC's performance in candidate inclusion, accessibility of polling stations, voter education initiatives, and representation of marginalised groups such as women and youth. Key findings reveal that while ZEC implemented measures to enhance inclusion, challenges persisted, such as accessibility issues for voters with disabilities and uneven voter education coverage. Through a historical backdrop and contextual framework, this paper delves into the role of electoral institutions in promoting democratic processes and enhancing inclusion. The findings underscore both achievements and challenges encountered by the ZEC, suggesting areas for future improvement and policy refinement to strengthen electoral inclusivity through institutional means. The study concludes by recommending enhanced financial and legislative support for ZEC to bolster its operational capacity and collaboration with other institutions. Addressing these recommendations could mitigate common electoral challenges and further embed inclusive practices within Zimbabwe's electoral framework.

Right to Vote and Electoral Judiciary in Brazil

Abstract This paper aims to demonstrate how the constitutional guarantees of the right to vote and the constitutional design of the Electoral Judiciary have protected electoral integrity in Brazil during the Bolsonaro administration. The 1988 Constitution entrenched voting rights, expanded suffrage, and adopted compulsory voting, creating inclusive voting practices that facilitate voter turnout. The constitutional system also provided for an independent Electoral Judiciary that operates on all levels of electoral governance, including rulemaking. As the sole electoral management body in the country, the Electoral Judiciary generated a process of positive feedback that reinforced its authority. This process has also been guaranteed by the institutional linkage of the Superior Electoral Court with the Federal Supreme Court, where the latter acts as a self-referencing veto point, upholding the decisions of the Electoral Judiciary. Keywords: voting rights, electoral management, electoral justice, Brazilian election law.

The conflict within: the politics of parliamentary election management in Iran

ABSTRACT Scholars of comparative politics have long been interested in understanding conflicts that arise among elites within authoritarian contexts. Such conflicts are particularly puzzling when they occur in the context of authoritarian elections and within state administrative institutions like the electoral management body (EMB). Using previously unanalysed primary sources provided by Iran’s Ministry of Interior, which document the inner workings of Iran’s 2000 parliamentary election management, this study investigates intra-elite conflict associated with this important election. I found that within the dual EMB structure, where elected and unelected members coexist, elected administrative members can access information on irregular activities by unelected members more than those outside of this body. These information resources encourage elected members to take the risk of accusing more powerful elites – the unelected members of the regime – of electoral fraud. This is particularly evident during the reformist (moderate opposition) Presidency. My findings suggest the importance of examining intra-elite conflict within administrative institutions – EMBs – for a better understanding of political contestation within otherwise opaque authoritarian regimes.

The Nexus between Electoral Management System and Post-Election Violence in Kenya Since 1963

The study investigates the relationship between Kenya's electoral management system and post-election violence, which has persisted despite numerous reforms since the country's independence in 1963. The primary aim was to identify structural issues within the electoral administration that contribute to violence following elections. The research analyzed key components of the electoral management system and the causes of post-election violence. Utilizing consociationalism theory, voting theory, and rational choice theory, the study employed a historical design with both qualitative and quantitative methods. The research was conducted from July to December 2022. The target population included eligible voters (260), politicians (50), IEBC officials (40), political analysts (60), humanitarian-aid organizations representatives (10), local election observers (5), international election observers (5), security personnel (10), and county administrative staff (10). A stratified random sampling method was employed to collect data using both questionnaires and interviews. The targeted population established the strata of 641,396, and a random sample was taken from each stratum, arriving at a sample size of 450 respondents. The findings revealed that Kenya's electoral system is primarily based on the First Past the Post (FPTP) model, which is a plurality/majority system. The study identified several key factors contributing to post-election violence, including the "winner-takes-all" nature of elections, disputes over election results due to perceived bias in the electoral management body, and voter incitement by politicians. A statistically significant correlation was established between the electoral management system and post-election violence (β=.685, t = 16.225, Sig. =.000). The findings indicated that the self-interest and impunity of political leaders, along with ethnic divisions and mistrust, hinder the IEBC's ability to conduct fair and credible elections. A significant association was also found between the causes and consequences of post-election violence (β=.757, t = 19.088, Sig. =.000). The study recommends exploring alternative electoral systems, such as proportional representation and mixed-member models, to promote inclusivity and fair representation. By establishing a connection between the electoral management system and post-election violence, this research contributes to peace and conflict studies, addressing a relatively understudied area in Kenya and the broader region.

Changing the rules to win the game again: does presidential term-limit evasion affect measures of electoral integrity?

ABSTRACT Presidential term-limit evasion (TLE) is inconsistent with international human rights, and researchers have linked the practice to democratic backsliding. Yet, this practice has much to uncover, including how different TLE tactics (constitutional court ruling, legislative change, referendum) influence electoral integrity. We expect the increase in the incumbent advantage and the imbalance in the separation of powers obtained through TLE to affect the integrity of the subsequent elections in which the evading leader is running. To test this, we analyse an original dataset of 414 presidential terms in 63 African and Latin American countries (1988–2019), using mixed-effects models to investigate each tactic’s effect on different electoral measures, including overall quality perception, Electoral Management Body Autonomy, election day irregularities, vote buying, and intimidation. We confirm our expectations, further finding that the court mode specifically consistently precedes the worst effects on electoral quality, EMB Autonomy, irregularities, intimidation, and voter registry accuracy.

The Dynamics of Electoral Manipulation and Institutional Trust in Democracies: Election Timing, Blatant Fraud, and the Legitimacy of Governance.

This paper explores the dynamic relationship between electoral manipulation and popular trust in political institutions. Governments often manipulate election results by resorting to electoral fraud. They also tilt the electoral field by opportunistically deciding when to hold elections, in other words, election timing maneuvering. How do these two different types of electoral manipulation affect citizens' trust in the government, legislature, and election management bodies (EMBs)? We suggest that although the short-term effects of election timing manipulation are unclear due to its ambiguous nature as an electioneering strategy, substantial electoral margins created by timing maneuvering facilitate smooth decision-making, leading to boosting trust in the government and legislature over the long run. In contrast, as electoral fraud is an unambiguous form of manipulation, it may undermine trust in the government and parliament, although such effects may not last. By combining an original dataset of election timing with existing survey data comprising 335,000 citizens from fifty-eight democratic countries, we find evidence in support of our theoretical expectations.

Preventing Electoral Fraud in Indonesia: Protecting the Social Security of Election Management Personnel

Indonesia’s Election Management Bodies (EMBs), constitutionally mandated to manage legislative and presidential elections, face substantial risks, including accidents and fatalities. However, their social security rights are often overshadowed by the focus on civil servants and private-sector workers. This study, employing normative legal research, urges the need for state protection of EMBs’ social security rights, drawing on secondary data sources. EMBs should receive comprehensive work-related accident benefits, death benefit programs, and old-age protection schemes from the Workers Social Security Agency (BPJS Ketenagakerjaan). The legal basis for these social security rights can be found in several legislative provisions, including the Indonesian 1945 Constitution, the National Social Security System Law, and other related regulations. Recognizing EMBs as state-serving workers is a crucial step in safeguarding their social security rights. This recognition is not merely a matter of legal interpretation; it is a necessity to ensure a fair and secure electoral environment. By ensuring that EMBs are accorded the same rights and protections as other workers, the state can create a more equitable electoral process and reinforce the integrity of its democratic institutions.

Alexander B. Makulilo; Eugène Ntaganda; Francis A. Away; Margaret Sekaggya & Patrick Osodo, Election Management Bodies in East Africa: A Comparative Study of the Contribution of Electoral Commissions to the Strengthening of Democracy. Nairobi: Open Society Foundations, 2015. 293 pages, ISBN 978-1-920677-96-1

Election Management Bodies (EMBs) are critical to the conduct of elections and the consolidation of democracy. Nevertheless, there remains a scanty comprehensive analysis of EMBs in East Africa. Makulilo, Ntaganda, Away, Sekaggya, and Osodo’s book ventures into that journey. Their book analyses the nature and role of EMBs in five East African countries, namely Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda, centring election management at the heart of democratisation and democratic consolidation. The book situates EMBs into a broader perspective, assuming "their status as a product of the struggle for democracy, their anchorage in the constitutional traditions of each society, their place in the history of political reform, and their interaction with the other institutions of each country" (p. viii). The book's essence draws from the reality that African elections and governance contestations primarily revolve around the management and administration of elections (p. 1).

Designing Election Management Bodies for Post-Conflict Electoral Processes to Consolidate Peace

Designing Election Management Bodies for Post-Conflict Electoral Processes to Consolidate Peace

The Effectiveness of Peace Building Strategies Used in the Management of Electoral Conflict in Trans-Nzoia County, Kenya

In recent times, Kenya has had a series of crises after elections, highlighting the imperative of ongoing endeavors to cultivate enduring peace. Understanding the factors that contribute to electoral conflicts is of utmost importance in formulating efficacious strategies for promoting peace. The primary objective of this study was to assess the efficacy of peace-building measures in the management of election tensions in Trans-Nzoia County, Kenya. The study used an evaluation research methodology. After combining basic random and selective sampling methods, a total of 203 respondents and 36 key informants were selected for the study. The data was gathered by means of interview guides and questionnaires. Tables, charts, and figures were used to display the results of the descriptive statistical analysis of the quantitative data collected from the questionnaires. Thematic analysis was used to arrange and analyze the results of the interviews. The findings highlight the efficacy of various peace-building strategies in lowering tensions and avoiding violence before, during, and after elections. These strategies include training, mediation, dialogue, grassroots advocacy, sensitization programs, and attitude-transformation initiatives. Furthermore, the study noted that targeting youth, developing confidence in the electoral management body, an early warning system, and collaboration between security forces and political parties is essential for a peaceful election. The study recommends that it would be beneficial for the Government of Kenya to develop a comprehensive framework that can effectively and methodically lead peace-building operations in the region.

Local Government Election Management in Lagos State and the Influence Of A Zero-Sum Game

By intent and definition, the Local Government in a democracy is supposed to be the closest government to the people and its administrator should be decided by its residents through a free and fair election. But in Nigeria, the works of the election management bodies that conduct Local Government elections in the States are cumbersome because the Governors have substantial control over them. For instance, the Chairman of the Lagos States Independent Electoral Commission is nominated by the Governor, who also has a major stake in the outcome of Local Government elections. The Local Government election in Nigeria is a zero-sum game for the ruling party in the State, as election into all the Local Government administrative centers is seen as a 'must-win' for the party of the Governor. One of the reasons for this is that Local Governments in Nigeria receive a monthly statutory allocation from the National Revenue. Also, local government official positions that include: the Chairman, Vice Chairman, Supervisory Councilors and other Councilors are used by the Governors and other ruling elites in the States to ‘settle’ loyal party members in their localities. This paper uses Lagos State to highlight the reality of the management of local government elections in Nigeria. It submits that the mode of configuration and procedure of local government election administration must be changed to a more transparent and unbiased one before the election can be taken seriously by the residents of the State.

Causes and Consequences of Post-Election Violence in Kenya

The election of leaders by the people is the aim of democratic procedures. An electoral system is intended to ensure that the outcomes reflect the preferences of the majority of voters, providing elected officials’ legitimacy, and that the results are unchallenged in any form. The aim of this study was to identify the causes of the post-election violence. Voting theory served as the foundation for this work. A descriptive study approach using both qualitative and quantitative methods was used by the researcher. The research was carried out from July 2022 to December 2022. Political parties, political analysts, IEBC members, legislators, and voters made up the study's target population. The researcher employed the stratified random sampling technique. The target population established the strata, and a random sample was taken from each stratum. The researcher used interview guide techniques to collect data, using items that were developed from the study objectives and research questions. Questionnaires and interviews were the two main ways that data were gathered. Voters were handed questionnaires, and interview guidelines were provided for political experts, electoral experts, and IEBC officials. The information gathered through the use of questionnaires was statistically analyzed using descriptive methods. According to the findings, disputed election results, tribalism, inadequate electoral conflict resolution mechanisms, the "winner-takes-it-all" election system, perceived bias of the electoral management body, and voter incitement by politicians are among the main causes of post-election violence in Kenya since 1963. Casualties, internally displaced people, the damage to private and public property, economic instability, and emotional and psychological suffering are only a few of the key effects of the post-election violence in Kenya. The report recommends, among other things, looking at alternative choices, including mixed-member and proportional representation models, since they are more inclusive and produce fair representation, as a remedy for the existing polarizing plurality voting system.

Role of Voter Education and Performance of Electoral Management Body: A Case of Independent Electoral and Boundary Commission Kenya

This paper focuses on the role of voter education on performance of electoral management body. The study is undertaken at Independent Electoral and Boundary Commission (IEBC) Kenya. The study was grounded on civic engagement theory. The study was a descriptive research design investigation. The target population involved 772 commission officers with a sample size of 264 based on the Cochran formula. The IEBC officers were selected through use of stratified random sampling technique. The data collection tools were the questionnaire and interview schedule. Data collected from the field was analysed using qualitative and inferential statistics. Qualitative data analysis involved categorising responses from interviews and open-ended questions into themes and sub themes while inferential statistics was analysed using the Regression Model to test the hypothesis. The study found out that one of the pre-electoral strategies that IEBC focused on was voter education to the members of the public on regular occasion. The respondents indicated that the EMB conducted regular mobilisation campaigns jointly with other stakeholders to inform members of the public on matters relating to commission mandate in elections and boundary delimitations. Correlation statistics revealed existence of significant positive effect of pre-electoral voter education strategy and IEBC Kenya performance. It was concluded that voter education strategy played a significant role in predicting IEBC performance in Kenya. The study recommends that voter education needs to be done on continuous basis rather than waiting one year to the general election by regularly seeking funds support from government and non-government sources to support voter education

Explaining the length of party manifestos in gubernatorial elections in Ecuador

Party manifestos have been widely analysed in political science, with a particular focus on their content rather than on their format. This article focuses on one specific aspect of the format of party manifestos as it attempts to understand the variation of their length by digging into the Ecuadorian case. Using empirical data on the content of party manifestos drafted by candidates for the gubernatorial elections (2009-2023), this article concludes that time and party size matters when one wants to understand the production of party manifestos. Party manifestos drafted in more recent years tend to be longer while large political parties tend to produce longer manifestos. In a context where the electoral management bodies take into account party manifestos for the registration of candidates worldwide, the identification of the determinants their length proved to be increasingly relevant.

AI and core electoral processes: Mapping the horizons

AbstractIt is well documented that there has been significant enthusiasm across the globe in respect of using AI for all forms of social activity. However, the electoral process – the time, place, and manner of elections within democratic nations – is one of few sectors in which there has been limited penetration of AI. Electoral management bodies in many countries have recently started exploring and deliberating over the use of AI in the electoral process. In this paper, we consider five avenues within the core electoral process which have potential for AI usage, and map the challenges involved in using AI within them. These five avenues are: voter list maintenance, determining polling booth locations, polling booth protection processes, voter authentication, and video monitoring of elections. Within each avenue, we lay down the context, illustrate current or potential usage of AI, and discuss extant or potential ramifications of AI usage, as well as potential directions for mitigating risks when considering AI usage. We believe that the scant current usage of AI within electoral processes provides a very rare opportunity to deliberate on the risks and mitigation possibilities prior to actual and widespread AI deployment. This paper is an attempt to map the horizons of risks and opportunities in using AI within electoral processes and to help shape the debate around the topic.

Autocratic Electoral Management: Lessons From Thailand

How can we ensure quality elections when the key institutions responsible for the organisation of polls are openly partisan and anti-democratic? In their 2017 paper, Birch and van Ham suggest that partisan electoral management bodies (EMBs) do not matter for the quality of polls so long as effective alternative oversight institutions exist, are active and independent. These institutions can make up for the EMBs’ shortcomings and ensure that a relatively high-quality election is still achieved. I argue that the notion of active and independent alternative oversight institutions leaves us guessing under which conditions it works. Adopting James’s network-based approach to electoral management, I show on the example of the 2019 Thai election that electoral governance networks that are characterised by high levels of political polarisation, the presence of entrenched authoritarian elites and formally independent EMBs that are too powerful make substitution untenable.

Stakeholders Mapping in Election Management in West Nusa Tenggara Province

Purpose: This study aims to analyze stakeholder mapping as a model for strengthening the role of stakeholders in election management. This model explores the success of election management using a collaborative approach between election management bodies, namely the General Election Commission, the Election Supervisory Body, and election stakeholders. Method: The object of study is limited to the 2019 elections in West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) Province. This study uses a qualitative method with a case study approach. The findings of the research show that the stakeholders collaborating in election management are mapped using the hepta-helix model, namely the collaboration model of seven stakeholders: (1) the election management body; (2) the government; (3) the business world; (4) NGOs; (5) mass media; (6) universities; and (7) political parties. Results and Conclusions: This finding proves that election management has implemented the concept of collaborative governance. Nonetheless, collaborative governance in election management does not place all collaborative actors in decision-making. Specifically for the decision-making stage, this is the function of the election management body, while other actors function as a support system in the management of election management. The weakness of collaborative election management practices is that the categories and functions of each actor as a stakeholder have not been mapped. Research implications: This study recommends that the application of the collaborative governance model in election management should be preceded by the preparation of stakeholder mapping into the main, key, and secondary stakeholder categories with their respective functional roles. Originality/value: The findings of stakeholder mapping in election management emphasize that the application of the concept of collaborative governance from Anssel and Gash which is well established in the science of public administration will only be successful if it is supported by stakeholder mapping initiated by Grimble and Wellard, as well as the election stakeholder model initiated by Allen Wall.

Electoral Violence in Nigeria: Insights From Off-Cycle Subnational Elections

There is a popular assumption that off-cycle subnational elections should be better governed and more peaceful than general elections. This position is premised on the notion that limited geographical and demographical scope of such elections offers the national electoral body, security agencies and other key actors in electoral governance the opportunities to concentrate resources and energies in a given jurisdiction for maximum efficiencies. These have encouraged advocacy to unbundle the Electoral Management Body, namely the Independent National Electoral Commission by decentralising electoral governance. However, this assumption has not been subjected to adequate academic scrutiny. This study, therefore, examines comparatively, records of violence in off-cycle subnational elections conducted in Edo, Kogi and Ondo States between 2019 and 2020, and those of Nigeria’s 2019 general elections. The study is descriptive by design, with data largely extracted from Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project and analysed using mixed method.

African election management bodies in the era of democratic backsliding

ABSTRACT Although democratisation has evolved unevenly across Africa since the 1990s, there has been progress in the establishment and strengthening of independent election management bodies (EMBs). Since the mid-2000s, scholars and analysts have identified a global trend toward democratic backsliding, characterised in part by the erosion of democratic institutions. Such a trend might be expected to pose significant threats to EMBs. This article contributes new insights through a review of data from the Perceptions of Electoral Integrity and Varieties of Democracy projects. While it finds wide variation in EMB performance and autonomy, there is no overall pattern of decline that might be associated with democratic backsliding in Africa. Case analysis of Ghana and Zambia further demonstrates that the challenges EMBs face are multifaceted and not only driven by anti-democratic leaders. Co-ordinated efforts are therefore needed to strengthen EMB autonomy and capacity to (re)build trust and deliver elections with integrity.

Safeguarding election management bodies in the age of democratic recession

ABSTRACT There is strong evidence that we have entered into a democratic recession – where the quality of democracy is being reversed around the world. As the organisations responsible for running elections, election management bodies (EMBs) are at the fulcrum of the challenge of protecting democracy. This article introduces the special issue on ‘Safeguarding Election Management Bodies in the Age of Democratic Recession’ which aims to consider the emerging challenges that EMBs are facing, and how they can be best equipped to respond to them. It begins by defining some characteristics of a democratic recession and mapping global trends in democratic quality. It charts global trends in election quality and maps variation in the quality of electoral management worldwide. The article then considers the implications of a democratic recession for EMBs and how international and regional organisations have sought to address these problems. Finally, it introduces articles in the special issue.