Election Issues Research Articles

Classification of Multiple Emotions in Indonesian Text Using The K-Nearest Neighbor Method

Emotions are expressions manifested by individuals in response to what they see or experience. In this study, emotions were examined through individuals' tweets regarding the election issues in Indonesia in 2024. The collected tweets were then labeled based on emotions using the emotion wheel, which consisted of six categories: joy, love, surprise, anger, fear, and sadness. After the labeling process, the next step involved weighting using TF-IDF (Term Frequency-Inverse Document Frequency) and Bag-of-Words (BoW) techniques. Subsequently, the model was evaluated using the K-Nearest Neighbor (KNN) algorithm with three different data splitting ratios: 80:20, 70:30, and 60:40. From the six labels used in the modeling process, the accuracy was then calculated, and the labels were subsequently merged into positive and negative categories. Then the modeling was conducted using the same process with the six labels. The results of this study revealed that the utilization of TF-IDF outperformed BoW. The highest accuracy was achieved with the 80:20 data splitting ratio, attaining 58% accuracy for the six-label classification and 79% accuracy for the two-label classification

EDUKASI PEMILIH MUDA DALAM PILKADA DI OGAN ILIR SUMATERA SELATAN

At present, especially in Ogan Ilir District, the COVID-19 pandemic conditions had triggered a food war between candidates in the 2020 Ogan Ilir Regional Election (pilkada). Although social media, particularly Facebook, facilitates voter participation in various political issues in the regional elections, voters had the potential to became political victims because they consumed fake news, slander, and hate speech. One of the layers of the population that was vulnerable to becoming victims was youth voters (17-23 years old). As youth voters will continue the political leadership relay in Ogan Ilir District, there should be a systematic effort to increase their thinking and political awareness. Even though every day they was presented with patronage practices and emotional political relations, youth voters should be given the opportunity to understand and elaborate election contestation from a different perspective. Money politics may not be prevented, but the young generation must still be introduced to the concept of the ideal pilkada. This service activity was designed to increase the political knowledge of the officials/members of the Karang Taruna in Ogan Ilir District with the tutorial lecture and group discussion methods. The contribution of this service activity to the increase in knowledge and political insight of the participants was proven statistically, t(52) = 11.25, p <0.001. This article recommends that similar activities be carried out in a sustainable manner by various parties with an interest in the process of empowering the younger generation.

PRN SABAH 2020: TINJAUAN TERHADAP SENTIMEN PEMBANGUNAN

The 16th Sabah State Assembly took place after the Sabah State Assembly was dissolved on 30 July 2020 and the polling day was set by the EC on 26 September 2020 with 73 state seats contested. Generally, the GeOPES research panel will analyze the findings of studies conducted before, during and after the 16th Sabah PRN. Undeniably, the 16th Sabah PRN has shown interesting political and electoral dynamics in Sabah to study and explore; especially from the aspect of political development, central-state relations, media and political communication, as well as primordial sentiment. In addition, electoral issues are also interesting and have been highlighted by political parties or candidates in the Sabah PRN this time such as development issues, Sabah rights issues, subsistence/poverty issues, local issues as well as national issues as capital to win the support of voters. In the context of media and elections, for example, the medium used to deliver campaign materials, express issues to voters and promote manifesto is usually through mass media (electronics and print), cyber media, talks and posters. Generally, the objective of this panel session was to analyze the political dynamics that color the Sabah PRN 2020, as well as to see the influence or sentiment on the election issues. The research methodology carried out by GeOPES is to combine qualitative and quantitative methods. The data observed and analyzed through a combination of the two (2) methods scientifically can help us to understand the nature and form of Sabah's political dynamics in a more comprehensive Malaysian political environment. Thus, the findings of the 2020 Sabah PRN study by GeOPES can either be symbiosis or antagonist, understanding the political development of Malaysia ahead of the Sarawak PRN as well as the 15th general election.

FROM MIONG TO DIGONG: THE DYNAMICS OF PHILIPPINE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS (1897-2016)

Elections have always been a vanguard of procedural democracy in the Philippines. From the time of the first presidential election in the Tejeros Convention in 1897 until the 2016 Presidential derby, the voice of the people has been instrumental in catapulting the chief executive to the seat of power in Malacañang Palace. It is interesting to note that the dynamics of Philippine presidential elections has been written by only a few scholars. This study attempts to provide the mechanism of elections including its results in determining the occupant of the highest position of the land which is held by the Office of the President.
 Since the first presidential election in 1897 with Emilio Aguinaldo as president, the outcome has always been marred with influence peddling and electioneering. The maturity of presidential election was further enhanced with the 1935 and 1941 Commonwealth election with Manuel L. Quezon at the helm of power. However, mudslinging and rumour-mongering became pronounced during this democratic exercise. After the death of Quezon, the Philippines witnessed its first presidential succession under Sergio Osmeña Sr. During the outbreak of World War II and the Japanese occupation in 1941, Jose P. Laurel was installed as president by the National Assembly controlled by the imperial government of Japan.
 After World War II, the election of Manuel Roxas, Elpidio Quirino, Ramon Magsaysay, Carlos Garcia, Diosdado Macapagal, Ferdinand Marcos, Corazon Aquino, Fidel Ramos, Joseph Estrada, Benigno Simeon Aquino III and Rodrigo Duterte provided strength in the procedural aspect of democracy. It is in this context of the process of presidential electoral procedure that the following questions will be answered: what was the context of the presidential election of each chief executive?, what were the political parties involved and how they contend each other?, what were the significant election issues?, how was the presidential election conducted?, and what were the results?

Remembering Hamidin Abdul Hamid: His Contribution to Africa-Malaysia Relations and the Development of African Studies in Malaysia

n this obituary and research note, we dedicate our prayers and peaceful thoughts to the late Associate Professor Dr Hamidin Abdul Hamid (1970-2022), who recently passed away in the late afternoon of September 19, 2022. Malaysians knew him through his national television appearance, famous witty commentaries on national electoral issues, past adjuncts and visiting posts, and consultations. He will always be remembered for his contributions and legacy in advancing African Studies in Malaysia. To colleagues, former students, supervisees, and known associates and academic networks within and outside the circle of History, African Studies, Leadership, and Malaysian elections, his presence is always felt. We are always honoured to know his excellent works in many impactful ways. As part of this attribute to the late Dr Hamidin, the rest of this research note provides updates on current trends in Malaysia-Africa relations and African Studies at Universiti Malaya and in Malaysia generally. We also would like to express our sincere gratitude to SINERGI's Editor-in-Chief and the rest of her editorial team, UKM Press, and SPHEA, UKM, for allowing us to share our views on research in Africa-Malaysia relations.

Issues in Australian Foreign Policy January to June 2022

Issues in Australian Foreign Policy January to June 2022

General Election in Pakistan: A critical study

An election is a critical component of democratic governance. In the formation of an elected government, elections play a decisive role. The Election Commission of Pakistan derives its authority from the constitution of Pakistan 1973. It deals with conducting elections in constitutional intervals. The Chief Election Commissioner of Pakistan is the head of this institution. However, the forty-eight-year electoral history of Pakistan is full of accusations, rigging, and malpractices. The defeating parties do not accept the electoral results that create uncertainty, political instability, and erode democracy. The paper examines the "Part VIII of the constitution of Pakistan." It delves into the electoral history and critically evaluates the role of subsequent elected governments in manoeuvring the disagreements over the results of the General Election. It argues with electoral reforms and analyses their applicability in the next general elections. It answers why these reforms did not resolve electoral issues. The paper contributes to clarifying ambiguities that persist with elections. It identifies issues and suggests recommendations to make the electoral process transparent. This research is conducted using various approaches, i.e., critical, analytical, deductive, and qualitative.

Election Law as Materia Constitutionis– an Example of the 1888 Constitution .

As a standard source of constitutional law, the constitution usually contains basic provisions on the electoral system. However, constitutions sometimes regulate the electoral issues in more detail. An example of such a constitution in the constitutional history of Serbia is the Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbia of 1888. This paper will analyse the provisions of the 1888 Constitution regarding the electoral system. Having this in mind, the aim of this paper is: 1) to present and analyse the provisions in this constitution that regulate the electoral system, and to group them according to the appropriate institutions of election law; 2) to point out the unusually large number of provisions about the electoral system in this constitution and explain the reasons for that; 3) to present the reasons for making certain solutions at some of the institutions of election law. Provisions on election law will be classified according to the following institutions: the basic principles of the electoral system, constituencies and the number of MPs, active and passive suffrage, voting by lists, qualified MPs, electoral administration, election periods and subsequent elections, distribution of mandates.

Natural resources, authoritarian regimes, social services and the limits of cash transfers in Middle Africa

The francophone and especially iberophone countries of the UN subregion Middle Africa are a gap in the literature on social policies in sub-Saharan Africa. A comparative analysis shows that there are differences in the provision of social services in the mainly authoritarian regimes in Middle Africa. Countries with a current or past form of authoritarianism that include elites from regions across the country are less underperforming regarding social services than the more exclusive authoritarian regimes based on one region or even one family. However, against parts of the literature, no Middle African country introduced a tax-financed age-based cash transfer, although most of them, having natural resources, are not low-income countries. Many have fragmented small short-term emergency cash transfers that the literature expects rather in low-income countries. The remarkable exceptions are the richest upper middle-income countries, namely Gabon and Equatorial Guinea, where research did not reveal any cash transfer programmes. Social policies are strikingly unimportant as electoral issues.

New Perspectives on Electoral Politics and Policy Under Putin

Abstract This introduction to the special issue on Electoral Politics and Policy under Putin presents the central arguments of the contributors and situates those within the broader relevant literatures. Collectively, the articles cover a sweeping constellation of electoral issues that have become hallmark considerations of the Putin era, such as opposition party performance in a consolidated dictatorship, the election of women and minority candidates, corruption, electoral malfeasance, and cancelled elections. Many of the manuscripts address two central themes in the Russia-specific and comparative literature – first, how dictatorships coordinate machine politics, and second, explanations for why authoritarian regimes may struggle to capture electoral support, even when engaging in blatant and conspicuous forms of manipulation. The contributions shed light on the multifaceted challenges that the Putin regime faces today and suggest that the regime may be experiencing a type of widespread decay that is ultimately insurmountable.

Local elections 2021: an overview of survey research

The President of Kazakhstan, on September 1, 2020, addressing the citizens of the country, took the initiative to hold direct local elections. Such elections should become a new stage of political modernization. A course was set for the liberalization of the political system in the country. This article presents partial results of the experience of conducting a study into the recent elections of local heads. The methodology of the study is described, and there are answers to some hypotheses presented. The assessment of the socio-economic situation of the objects of research- settlements is presented. The article considers electoral behavior, communication of the authorities with the population and the effectiveness of the reform. The theoretical significance of this study consists in the study and identification of factors related to electoral issues. The practical significance lies in the development and application of the questionnaire, in the pre-electoral and post-electoral period in the subsequent direct elections of heads of local executive authorities. The information obtained can be used for further study of the problematic issue, both for the areas under consideration and in similar types. The article examines the theoretical aspects of elections in general, and in particular, of local executive bodies. The research of electoral behavior in the perspective of transition into democracy, the interaction of "power and society" are considered. Some problems of personnel management, economic management and budgeting are raised.

Metaphorical Analysis of Electoral Texts: The Case of Philippine and Taiwanese Online News Commentaries

Drawing on contrastive rhetoric tradition, this paper analyzes the metaphorical expressions utilized in the online news commentaries about the 2016 presidential electoral issues of two Asian countries, the Philippines and Taiwan. Upon a close scrutiny of the data, results show that Filipino journalists tend to thrive on individualistic issues dealing with certain political candidates whereas Taiwanese news writers seem to focus more on collective issues relating to a group such as political party and matters pertaining to their country in general. The data further revealed that Philippine commentaries are longer, contain more word-types and metaphor-laden while Taiwanese articles are shorter, indirect, and loaded with direct quotations. Additionally, findings disclosed four dominant metaphorical themes describing the electoral campaign procedure of the two countries as: ‘straight campaign’, ‘dirty campaign’, ‘witchcraft campaign’ and ‘warlike campaign’. Finally, this study concludes that metaphorical choice reflects the writer’s cognitive and socio-political stance. Pedagogical implications are offered in the light of these findings.

Media access, bias and public opinion

I develop a model in which an incumbent with reelection concerns seeks to influence public opinion by strategically controlling the media’s access to information. I show that the incumbent’s optimal access strategy balances her demand for positive bias with the public’s demand for credible coverage. The media’s access increases with the competence of politicians over issues under public focus. Controlling media’s access can be instrumental in shaping public opinion, especially in the hands of popular incumbents. Persistence of key election issues, however, decreases the effectiveness of media access control by incumbents.

Marketing affect: mapping the centredness of the election campaign through a comparison of party strategies in the Delhi assembly elections

ABSTRACT Electoral campaigning in India is now effectively multi-modal and inhabits both the virtual and the real sphere. However, tools and techniques of campaigning vary across parties. The two parties that this paper focuses on, the BJP and the AAP, are known for running highly organized campaigns marked by their intensity and voter reach. The paper looks at the specific case of the Delhi assembly elections of 2015 and 2020 to compare strategies and the election campaign of the two parties. The paper argues that while the campaign of both parties was methodical and micro-managed, the selection of electoral issues and customization of the campaign to the addressed audience varied. The parties are comparable in terms of being leader centric, tending towards the personalization of politics, and both conducted professionalized campaigns, yet the political marketing of the element of affect differed. To demonstrate this, the paper firstly draws on literature in the field of political communication to illustrate the role of emotions, or the aspect of affect, in an electoral campaign. Secondly, through a perusal of media reportage and analysis, the paper traces the process by which personalization was manifested and how the narrative of affect came to be framed in the election campaign.

How can STEM disciplines support political engagement? Examining student characteristics and college experiences

Science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) educators have a unique opportunity to prepare voters who are knowledgeable about science-related policy issues that inevitably become election issues (Rudolph & Horibe, 2016). A substantial body of higher education literature indicates that college students learn civic values and commit to civic engagement through their curricular and co-curricular experiences (Bowman, 2011; Hurtado et al., 2012). Within STEM education, in particular, we study whether, and to what extent, students’ curricular, co-curricular, and classroom experiences—as well as background characteristics—relate to political engagement. We analyze data from the 2017 Student Experience in the Research University survey, using self-reported measures of voting in the 2016 U.S. presidential election and self-assessed political efficacy for 5,838 STEM students at six research universities. We use regression analyses to examine relationships among curricular, co-curricular, and classroom experiences with STEM undergraduates’ political engagement. Instead of simply examining whether STEM majors are less politically engaged than their non-STEM peers, our analyses and results provide insights about how STEM academic departments and faculty members can support students’ political engagement. We offer implications for education policy and practice for supporting STEM students’ political engagement through undergraduate experiences.

The 2010 Hulu Selangor by-election in Malaysia: A Qualitative Analysis

The ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) for the first time failed to secure its two thirds majority in Malaysia’s 2008 general elections and lost few states to the opposition Pakatan Rakyat coalition parties. This indicated that, the opposition parties successfully posed credible challenges towards the authoritarian regime. In 2010, the ruling Barisan Nasional was tested once again, when Hulu Selangor by-election was held. By using the qualitative content analysis as the research methodology and the framework for analysis, this study examined the factors that affected the performance of opposition Pakatan Rakyat in the 2010 Hulu Selangor by-election. The significant of using this particular method is that, it contributes towards the understanding of the dynamic competitive election within the context of Hulu Selangor by-election. İt could be argued that, the ruling Barisan Nasional managed to bypass the opposition Pakatan Rakyat by utilizing its strategy of political development. Beside that, the proposed methodology of qualitative method of analysis also revealed a number of factors such as: the candidates, electoral issues, and campaign strategies.

Electoral violence and voter apathy: Peace journalism and good governance in perspective

Throughout election seasons, threats, verbal bullying, hate speech, misinformation, physical attack, and imposed “protection” are all utilised to limit, postpone, or otherwise impact the electoral process, according to Fischer (2002). By examining the role of the media in the portrayal of electoral violence, this research highlighted the struggle for power and state resources in electoral contests. The paper looks at peace journalism as a key component of election coverage for defusing tensions and fostering good governance. Two hypotheses were tested, and no link was found between media reporting on electoral violence, media portrayals of electoral violence, and voters’ perception of good governance. The result demonstrates that the Nigerian media is fair in its coverage of electoral issues, including violence before, during, and after elections, in a balanced and responsible manner. It is all geared towards promoting good governance. The study indicates that journalists are primarily responsible for what readers learn about elections and electoral violence, and audience perception will be shaped by how journalists represent political players and their activities

Challenges for Security Threat of Ethiopia in Using Subaltern Realist Security Theory Perspective

Subaltern is the postcolonial approach to study international relation from the week states’ perspective. It is the offspring of realism which focuses on internal vulnerability is a major source of insecurity. The paper is applied as a framework to explain security threats in Ethiopia and reviewed papers that are writing on Ethiopian national security. This term paper reviewed and classified the Ethiopian security threats as internal and external. By consulting the bulk of literature and my daily academic talk with colleagues; Poverty, famine, recurrent and drought, National integrity (consolidating Ethnic conflict federalism), The danger of succession and state failure, Democratization and election issues are identified as Internal security threats. On the other hand Terrorism, Proliferation of arms, Fragile Relation with Neighboring governments, Nile politics and neighboring countries’ spreading civil wars are claimed to be External security threats. To sustain the sparkle of democracy and development achieved throughout the last decades, it is imperative to work aggressively and focus on the country’s internal vulnerability

KEADILAN ELEKTORAL BAGI PEMILIH PENYANDANG DISABILITAS MENTAL PADA PEMILU SERENTAK 2019 DI SURABAYA

This research focuses on upholding political justice in elections for mentally disabled people, more precisely about how the state and its institutions seek to restore political rights and implement inclusive election policies for person with mental disabilities regarding their participation in elections and their right to vote when election. This research takes two main topics, namely restoration of political rights of mentally disabled people in elections through the regulation of the Election Law, and the making of special rules to accommodate the needs of mental disabled people in elections and the implementation of these policies in the 2019 elections in the city of Surabaya. Data obtained through the analysis of news content and interviews with sources that are then processed and explained qualitatively descriptive. The theory used in this research is electoral justice theory, with a focus on conformity in the field with elements of justice in the electoral justice system. The results obtained are in the first part, the regulation carried out by the government based on complaints from community organizations that focus on defending mental disability rights and electoral issues, meets the criteria for fulfilling rights and distributing justice first where the state gives equal rights for everyone to channel their voice in elections, without discriminating any group by giving them access to the right to be registered as DPT and entitled to participate in the election process. In the second part, it discussed the implementation of the policy in the city of Surabaya, specifically at the Menur Hospital and found that the state tried to accommodate the political rights of the mentally disabled in elections by providing more specific technical rules by adjusting the conditions and needs of the mentally disabled, which according to the elements election justice which requires electoral governance to protect citizens' voting rights. The final conclusion of this study illustrates how the state and its institutions fulfill the elements of the electoral justice system in distributing justice in elections, for people with mental disabilities in Indonesia, especially in the city of Surabaya in the 2019 Elections.

The nullification of the 2019 presidentail election in Malawi. A Judicial Coup d’État?

In February 2020, the High Court of Malawi nullified the May 2019 presidential election and ordered a fresh election. This judgment was later confirmed by the Malawi Supreme Court of Appeal. These two judgments are monumental and unprecedented because this was only the second time a presidential election had been judicially nullified in Africa. The fresh presidential election also scored a first in Africa when it was won by an opposition candidate. These judgments carved new terrain for electoral law in Malawi and divided legal and political opinion. This paper offers a critical analysis of the two judgments. It focuses on the court’s treatment of the burden and standard of proof in electoral disputes; the interpretation of ‘majority’ to mean 50% + 1; and the effect of the nullification of the 2019 presidential election and consequential transitional issues. Overall, the paper concludes that while the outcome of the litigation garnered plaudits, the reasoning in the two judgments is not wholly persuasive.