Election Day Research Articles

Teachers’ unions and school board elections: a reassessment

Drawing on an original data set of over 4000 teacher-union endorsements in local school board elections, I make three contributions to the literature on union power in education politics. First, despite some recent evidence that union strength has narrowed at the federal and state levels, I show that teachers’ unions remain an influential player in local school politics today. Second, I provide evidence that teachers’ unions are active and influential in elections that occur outside of traditionally strong union states and prolabor school districts. Finally, I show that union-endorsed candidates do not win simply because they are stronger candidates ex ante, but in part, because union support makes them more formidable candidates on Election Day. I conclude with a brief discussion of the implications of these findings and suggest some avenues for future research on interest groups in local school politics.

From election day to presidential approval: Partisanship and the honeymoon period in Mexico

This research analyzes the honeymoon period, the phase between election day and the first quarter of the first year of the presidential term, in which voters form their initial assessment of the new president's administration, a subject understudied by the literature. While different studies highlight that the president's approval is strong during the early phase of the administration, we seek to understand why and which are the most important individual-level predictors of early presidential approval. Relying on data from the 2018-19 Mexican Election Study, we argue that voters' partisanship is key to understanding the attitudes towards the new administration. While co-partisans do not alter significantly their attitudes towards the newly elected President (they already like him), out-partisans are the key group that changed between election day and the honeymoon period: they significantly improved their opinion about the newly elected President. Moreover, as opposed to most studies that identify retrospective evaluations as the most important predictor of presidential approval, this study highlights that, particularly in a honeymoon period—in which election day is still close—expressive postelection attitudes such as satisfaction of democracy or political efficacy are important predictors of early presidential approval, particularly among co-partisans of the newly elected President.

Patient Satisfaction with Face-to-Face Follow-Up versus Telephone Follow-Up after Elective Day Case Hand Surgery.

Background: There has been increasing amounts of work on the use of telephone follow-up (TFU) in trauma and orthopaedics, but little direct work on its use in the follow-up of elective day case hand surgery. The aim of this study is to compare patient satisfaction with face-to-face follow-up (FFU) and TFU after elective day case hand surgery. Methods: Sixty-four patients from an FFU and 61 patients from a TFU cohort were contacted by telephone at least 6 months after their last follow-up. A customized questionnaire with answers recorded on a Likert scale (0-10) was used to evaluate their satisfaction with the follow-up they received. Results: Data from 48 patients from the FFU and 52 patients from the TFU cohorts were available for the analysis. There were no statistically significant differences in patient demographics between the two cohorts. Patient satisfaction was significantly greater in all domains of the questionnaire in the TFU cohort. Most patients from both cohorts (71% face-to-face, 86% telephone) said they would prefer TFU if they were to have the same procedure again. Conclusions: Patients were more satisfied with TFU compared to FFU following elective day case hand surgery. Level of Evidence: Level III (Therapeutic).

“If you didn’t take a selfie, did you even vote?”: Embodied mass communication and citizenship models in “I voted” selfies

After participating in US elections, voters have begun to share “I voted” selfies, or networked self-portraits that display their political participation. “I voted” selfies exist at the intersection of competing ideals of citizenship, including dutiful citizenship, which centers civic duty and voting, and self-actualizing citizenship, which focuses on individualized and expressive forms of political participation. I argue that these images can be understood through historically resonant communication practices, namely, as a mediated manifestation of 19th-century political congregations that I term embodied mass communication. To trace how voters perform embodied visions of citizenship through shared practices of digital self-representation, I conducted a content analysis of “I voted” selfies posted to Twitter on US Election Day 2016. In these selfies, voters present their bodies as civic evidence, frame individual representations to signify visual collectives, and creatively contextualize their political participation. Their selfies suggest how representational rituals can reflect and reconstitute citizenship models.

Fungsi Pengawasan Partisipatif Dalam Mewujudkan Pemilu Demokratis

The involvement of the community in the political process is very necessary to be considered as the existence of political apathy in the general election. The political process can be said to be democratic when the community is the main actor in making political decisions, so that democracy guarantees the participation of the community itself. Participatory election supervision is a joint way of how the community can participate in supervising both campaigns, calm periods and election day by transforming moral strength into strength. with the consequence of having knowledge and skills about electoral and monitoring techniques. The main problem in this research is how to implement participatory supervision in realizing democratic elections?. The results show that participatory supervision plays a strategic role in the formation of responsive and impartial electoral law, implementation of election law by supervisors at the field level and the formation of a community legal culture/culture that can support the creation of participatory supervision for the realization of democratic elections in 2024.

Fungsi Pengawasan Partisipatif Dalam Mewujudkan Pemilu Demokratis

The involvement of the community in the political process is very necessary to be considered as the existence of political apathy in the general election. The political process can be said to be democratic when the community is the main actor in making political decisions, so that democracy guarantees the participation of the community itself. Participatory election supervision is a joint way of how the community can participate in supervising both campaigns, calm periods and election day by transforming moral strength into strength. with the consequence of having knowledge and skills about electoral and monitoring techniques. The main problem in this research is how to implement participatory supervision in realizing democratic elections?. The results show that participatory supervision plays a strategic role in the formation of responsive and impartial electoral law, implementation of election law by supervisors at the field level and the formation of a community legal culture/culture that can support the creation of participatory supervision for the realization of democratic elections in 2024.

In-Party Like, Out-Party Dislike and Propensity to Vote in Spain

ABSTRACT Do affectively polarised people vote or stay home on election day? Although there is an increasing number of comparative studies focusing on the origins of partisan affective polarisation, our knowledge about its impact on individuals’ decision to vote is still limited. This article takes a closer look at the relationship between propensity to vote and partisan affective polarisation by distinguishing those produced by in-party like and by out-party dislike. The results show that both in-group like and out-group hate sentiments increase people’s propensity to vote, and that the effects of the latter are more accentuated. The argument presented in the following pages is based on the analysis of a two-wave panel study conducted in Spain between April and May 2019.

Election Day in Florida

Election Day in Florida

Alternatywne procedury głosowania w polskim i litewskim prawie wyborczym

Organizing voting in general elections only in the traditional way (i.e., at the ballot boxes) may make it difficult for more and more voters to participate. This is due to the increasing mobility of society and the fact that citizens are away from home on election day, the aging population and much more difficult access of the old and the sick to polling stations, and – as shown in the years 2020–2021 – unexpected epidemic crises that affect public health, which in turn translates into the election process. This article focuses on alternative voting methods in Poland and Lithuania. The main intention of the authors is to analyze the legal basis and compare the functioning of alternative voting procedures in the electoral systems of both countries, as well as to answer the question about the possibility of introducing new forms of voting that could increase the health safety of voters and ensure the democratic nature of elections in emergency situations. The motivation to take up this topic were: the wprowapresidential elections in Poland in 2020 and the parliamentary elections in Lithuania in 2021, during which not only alternative voting methods were used (e.g., correspondence voting), but also the possibility of implementing completely new solutions – safe in the event of spreading coronavirus pandemic.

Postanesthetic Emergence Delirium in Children: Qualitative Differences between Sevoflurane vs Desflurane: A Randomized Clinical Trial

Background: Emergence Delirium (ED) is considered a usual complication in pediatric anesthesia. Aim: Analyze the quantitative and qualitative differences in ED in children receiving general anesthesia with sevoflurane or desflurane in day case surgery. Materials and Methods: Two hundred and two children, ASA I-II, who required outpatient elective day case surgery, were assigned to receive anesthesia with sevoflurane or desflurane. ED was assessed by a masked investigator using the Pediatric Anesthesia Emergence Delirium (PAED) scale at 5 and 15 minutes (min). Results: Mean time to wake up was shorter with desflurane compared with sevoflurane (6.0 versus 8.3 min, p = 0.0001). The overall incidence of ED was 21.3% and Postoperative Maladaptive Behavior Changes (POMBC) incidence was 22%; however, these were not related. Main factors found to be associated with ED were younger age, postoperative pain and preoperative anxiety. Although there were not statistically significant differences in ED incidence between sevoflurane (26.4%, 95% CI 17.3% - 35.4%) and desflurane anesthesia (16.3%, 95% CI 8.8% - 23.8%) (p = 0.18), scores of items 1 and 2 from PAED scale (eye contact and purposeful actions, items related to the patients’ connection with their surroundings) were significantly higher in sevoflurane than in desflurane group (p = 0.034 and p = 0.021 respectively). Conclusion: Recovery after anesthetic maintenance with desflurane is faster and as safe as sevoflurane, including postoperative behavioral disorders. Although desflurane did not statistically decrease ED incidence as compared with sevoflurane, patients who were agitated with desflurane were qualitatively less disoriented and disconnected from their surroundings.

Wooden Disposable Tongue Depressor: Can Facilitate Appropriate Reinforced Laryngeal Mask Insertion? A Randomized Controlled Trial.

Background: The reinforced laryngeal mask airway (RLMA) is difficult to insert due to the flexibility of its inner armored shaft. Many authors agreed that the available techniques have some disadvantages. They use materials that are reusable and require resterilization but may not guarantee infection control particularly during pandemics. The standard method can cause contamination and prone the operator to unanticipated trauma to their finger during placement. So this study aimed to evaluate the usefulness of disposable tongue depressors to aid insertion of the reinforced laryngeal mask airway. Methods: A randomized controlled trial included one hundred ninety-four adult patients of either gender American Society of Anesthesiologists (ASA) I and II attended for elective day case surgery under general anesthesia. Patients were randomly categorized into two groups; each group consisted of ninety-seven. In the first group, insertion of the reinforced laryngeal mask airway was done using the standard technique of digital manipulation whereas the second one is the study group where disposable wooden tongue depressor guided insertion was used. The data were analyzed using SPSS version 23. Data were presented as frequencies or means and standard deviations. Chi-Square, Fisher Exact, and t-test were used. P value < 0.05 was considered significant. Results: No significant difference in basic patients' demographic, anthropometric, and clinical characteristics were noticed between the two groups. The insertion time as well as the total time for RLMA placement, was significantly shorter in the new method group. Trauma was significantly less than 2.1% in the new method group compared to the standard group 10.3%, p=0.003). Conclusion: The disposable wood tongue depressor insertion technique helps facilitate the correct placement of the reinforced laryngeal mask airway.

A Comparison Between Caudal Epidural Analgesia and Paracetamol Suppository in Relieving Pain after Inguinal Hernia Repair in Pediatric Age Group

Background: the control of postoperative pain is important in children, and poor pain control leads to organdysfunction and behavioral problem.Aim of study: we compare the analgesic effect of bupivacaine by caudal block root and acetaminophen suppositoryon postoperative pain in pediatric inguinal hernial repair surgery.Patient and Methods: A prospective, randomized, controlled trail of 40 children, aged between (1-7 years), ASAgrade I-II, scheduled for elective day case unilateral inguinal surgery. For all the patients included in this study,a standardized controlled anesthetic protocol was used. Preoperatively the patients were randomized into twogroups according to the operation waiting lists. group 1 included (18) patients who received single - shot caudalblock with (1ml/kg) of 25% bupivacaine preoperatively after induction of anesthesia by the anesthetist, group 2included (22) patients who received (15-20 mg/kg) acetaminophen suppository.Results: The number of patients (who had first three hours free of pain); was significantly higher in the Caudalgroup than those of the other group. Patients of the Caudal group; needed significantly a longer duration of timefor the first analgesic drug. Patients of the Caudal group; had significantly a lower (Face, Legs, Activity, Cry,Consolability scale) in (1/2, 1, and 2 hours) time intervals of the study.Conclusion: Caudal anesthesia with bupivacaine has better painless period postoperatively.

Livestreaming Election Day: Political Memory and Identity Work at Susan B. Anthony’s Gravesite

Social media platforms record and fuel the construction of memories and social identities through discursive processes of memory work—or reconstructing the past in the present—and identity work—or representing individual and group characteristics. In this article, I interrogated sites of intersection and friction between mediated memory and identity work to uncover their shared political potential. I conducted a visual discourse analysis of Facebook Live videos and Instagram photos captured at the gravesite of famed women’s suffragist Susan B. Anthony during the 2016 US presidential election. In a long-standing Election Day tradition in Rochester, NY, local women visit Anthony’s grave after casting their ballots to pay tribute to her suffrage activism. However, when the nation saw its first woman presidential candidate nominated by a major political party in 2016, the gravesite drew an unprecedented crowd. The resulting media texts both capture and shape memory and identity work as they unfold. Ultimately, I identify a collection of four discursive practices that illustrate distinct modes of interdependence between memory and identity work in the gravesite livestreams and photos: (a) representing commemoration, (b) displaying affect, (c) regulating “respect,” and (d) personalizing political imaginaries. Together, these practices illustrate how memory and identity work can spark collective sentiments, encourage political sense-making, and invite discord or social regulation. They also demonstrate how competing politics of memory and identity coincide and clash to envision participatory futures across digital and physical spaces.

Localizing National Issue as a Campaign Strategy in West Java Governor Election 2018

West Java becomes one of central attention in the governor election in 2018. This article attempts to depict how the strategy of the governor candidate pair Sudrajat-Akhmad Syaikhu (henceforth ASYIK) in gaining the votes in the local leader election. This study used a documentation method with a type of descriptive analysis. The data were taken from online media including Liputan6.com, Detik.com, Pikiran-Rakyat.com, and Republika.com. It was found that the ASYIK candidate pair used campaign strategy by localizing national issues so that it could increase the electability and gain a large number of votes on election day. Unexpectedly, by using this strategy, they could get second place with the most votes. Whereas, previously, from the findings of several survey institutions, the ASYIK pair was predicted to be in the third position with a large gap of electability and popularity behind the top two pairs. But, after final counting and recapitulation of the election that was held on 27th June 2018, ASYIK ranked in the top two after overtaking the pair of Dedy Mizwar – Dedy Mulyadi.

How suspense and surprise enhance subsequent memory: the case of the 2016 United States Presidential Election

ABSTRACT We examined whether the retroactive enhancement effect – i.e., improved memory accuracy for event details occurring before a surprising moment – would be present in participants’ memory for details in their private lives following a surprising and suspenseful public event. To equate event type across participants, we selected when they first learned the outcome of the 2016 US Presidential Election. Participants self-divided into those who viewed the outcome as positive, negative, or neutral, while we experimentally divided them into those whose memory was assessed 6 or 12 months post-election. We assessed their accuracy for details surrounding the election and their phenomenological experience of learning the outcome, including emotional tension, our operationalisation of suspense. We found participants’ memory characteristics were strongly related to their level of tension and shock, irrespective of valence. We also observed uniformly high accuracy regarding details about the weather participants experienced in their ZIP codes on election day. While these results intimated about the presence of retroactive enhancement, Experiment 2 examined the effect more directly by comparing participants’ memory for the 2016 Election with two other politically-relevant events that provoked less tense reactions. The results revealed retroactive enhancement is dependent upon experiencing a surprising moment amidst a suspenseful event.

The Timing of Public Policies: Political Budget Cycles and Credit Claiming

AbstractWhy do politicians cluster the distribution of benefits in the run‐up to elections? I suggest that credit claiming is an explanation for political budget cycles. Brazilian rules banning credit claiming before elections while allowing the distribution of benefits until Election Day provides an opportunity to differentiate between distribution and credit claiming combined with distribution as an engine that reinforces political budget cycles. Evidence from housing and conditional‐cash‐transfer programs demonstrates that officials expand these programs before the credit‐claiming ban and halt expansion after the ban yet prior to Election Day. Drawing on social media and qualitative data, I show that politicians use credit claiming to convey information about their competence and attribution. Distribution without attribution reduces the likelihood of political budget cycles compared to distribution with attribution, which together reinforces pre‐election expansion of policy benefits. I rule out rival explanations of clientelism and party favoritism.

Stereotypes of Older Adults, Older Men, and Male Leaders Predict Expectations, Stance, and Voting Intentions

The 2020 U.S. Presidential Election offered a unique opportunity to examine how stereotypes of older adults, older men, and male leaders impact expectations of candidate job performance and intentions to vote for Biden or Trump. This online study involved 500 college students from two universities from September 30th until November 3 (Election Day). A Biden and Trump model were tested for the relationships among (a) stereotypes from public discourse with (b) expectations of candidates/ presidential performance with (c) voting stance (pro- and anti-Biden vs pro- and anti-Trump) and (d) intentions to vote for Biden/Trump. As expected, for the Biden model, endorsement of older adult (lesser endorsement of senile, unhealthy), male leadership (greater endorsement of assertive and collaborative, lesser endorsement of uncaring), and older male stereotypes (greater endorsement of elder statesman and family-focused) predicted greater expectations of Biden’s performance, which predicted pro-Biden and anti-Trump stances and ultimately voting intentions for Biden. As expected, for the Trump model, endorsement of older adult (lesser endorsement of senile), male leadership (greater endorsement of assertive, collaborative, lesser endorsement of immoral and uncaring), and older male stereotypes (greater endorsement of elder statesman) predicted greater expectations of Trump’s performance, which predicted pro-Trump and anti-Biden stances and ultimately voting intentions for Trump. Taken together, these results suggest examining relevant categories of stereotypes associated with candidates and voting stances provides a fuller picture of voting behavior toward multiple candidates vying for office in addition to political ideology and voting intentions.

Driving turnout: the effect of car ownership on electoral participation

AbstractInequalities in voter participation between groups of the population pose a problem for democratic representation. We use administrative data on 6.7 million registered voters to show that a previously-ignored characteristic of voters—access to a personal automobile—creates large disparities in in-person voting rates. Lack of access to a car depresses election day voter turnout by substantively large amounts across a variety of fixed-effects models that account for other environmental and voter characteristics. Car access creates the largest hindrance to voting for those people who live farther from the polls. These effects do not appear for absentee voting, suggesting a simple policy solution to solve large disparities in political participation. This study contributes to the theoretic understanding of political participation as well as the impact of potential policy reforms to solve participatory gaps.

Strategi Pemenangan Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan pada Pemilu Tahun 2019 di Kabupaten Aceh Tengah

A political party is a political organization that adheres to and is based on a certain ideology or can also be interpreted as an organization that accommodates the interests and voices of the people who want their interests to be heard by the authorities. Political marketing and political strategy are the most important part of selling and getting a positive response from the community so that people support certain parties or certain candidates. The research method with a qualitative approach, this strategy or method of winning has been thought out and also planned long before the election day arrives, but this strategy is also inseparable from the cooperation and contribution of the political parties it carries in achieving common goals. there are several ways and strategies carried out by the PDI-P party in the 2019-2024 period and it became one of the extraordinary events so that the PDI-P party won with the most votes. The strategy carried out by the PDI-P party in Central Aceh Regency is the collaboration between legislative candidates and the community. Cooperation carried out by the PDI-P party legislative candidates is one very good way to do it, so that work plans through the voice of the community can be carried out easily because of this collaboration. The next strategy is to improve good communication with the community, increase socialization, and have a competition event held by the PDI-P party to the community. With the competition event held by the PDI-P party legislative candidates to the community, so that people know more about the nature, character, behavior and know more about who the legislative candidates are. As well as improving the system and the way the PDI-P party's legislative candidates campaign openly and privately

Mengembalikan Tahapan Uji Publik Pada Pilkada

The writing of this article is intended to evaluate the urgency of revising the Pilkada Law, on eliminating public examination points. The DPR removed public test points in the revision of the Election Law No. 1 of 2015, and was replaced by the Election Law No. 8 of 2015. Until the current election law No. 10 of 2016 there has been no re-discussion regarding the stages of public testing. The public test is a stage of competency and integrity testing for candidates for regional head and representative in an open manner which is independently formed by the Provincial / Regency / City KPU. Public test points were removed on the grounds that they were inefficient and time consuming. Based on this, the authors identify that the elimination of public testing can limit public participation in deliberative public spaces. And if the public test is returned at the election stage, it can improve the quality of democracy. As a theoretical review in this article the writer uses the concept of public space. While the research method uses qualitative through literature study. The results of this paper indicate that it is important to maintain a public test mechanism to restore the public space for the implementation of the elections. The existence of this public space ensures that there is space for public participation, the public can find out the track record of the candidates, build communication between candidates and voters and that public trials can be used as a deliberative campaign. Therefore, the public test can be returned to the election mechanism by adding a committee from various elements of society (farmers, laborers, entrepreneurs, village heads, educators, students and other elements of civil society). So that the public test becomes the preliminary election before the election day takes place.