Economic Reorganization Research Articles

The Clarion Clubs, Rambling and the Holiday Associations in Britain since the 1890s

The various workers' rambling and holiday associations (which form the subject of this paper), had in many respects as significant an effect in forming the attitudes of many workers as those bodies more concerned with political change. They were less preoccupied with political programmes than with enlarging the individual personality through creative activities, the development of 'fellowship' and a group life which foreshadowed the collectivity of the socialist society for which they were striving. Moreover, they expressed a revulsion against the ugliness and anonymity of urbanised, industrial society, and a deep reverence for nature. In this they continued the tradition of Ruskin, Morris and others who followed Rousseau in his treatment of the problems of Nature and Civilization and the appeal for naturalness and simplicity of living. The Clarion Clubs and the holiday associations (which were separate bodies) were founded to provide for the more fruitful use of leisure at a time when alternative opportunites for workers' recreation were limited. While these groups were largely concerned with the enlargement of the human personality, the intellectual and moral regeneration of the working class was seen as the essential counterpart to any social and economic reorganization. In order to change society it was necessary, they argued, to transform the individual. Some of the organizations considered here, such as the Co-operative Holidays Association, were not specifically socialist or even political

Cobija, Bolivia's First Outlet to the Sea

The first years of independence in Bolivia, as in all of the nations born of the Latin American wars of independence, were times of significant and often accelerated political, social and economic change. The republic created in 1825 in what was known in colonial times as Upper Peru participated fully in this important transformation. During the administration of Bolivia's first president, Antonio José de Sucre, (1825-1828) a program of ecclesiastical reform, educational and social innovation, and economic reorganization of far-reaching implications was undertaken. Upper Peru's chronic poverty, the concentration on silver mining and subsistence agriculture, excessive military expenses, hostility from neighboring countries, and the unbridled political ambitions of the military and civilians resulted in the failure of most of the reforms which might have radically altered the course of Bolivian history.

Time for a new business model?

In the relatively short history of the biotechnology industry, new business models have emerged every few years. Some have been little more than short-lived marketing or investment-attraction devices, whereas others have had endured as viable options. Given the dramatic changes in the economic climate and potentially the regulations affecting biotechnology, is it time for a new business model?A SHORT HISTORYFirst there was the FILCO, or fully integrated life science company, business model. This model, employed by some of the first biotechnology companies, positioned firms to capture the revolutionary advances of biotechnology and to build large vertically-integrated companies. Companies like Amgen and Genentech were able to fulfill this endpoint, but many other companies were not so fortunate. Another early model was to improve existing products, rather than to build an entire franchise around discovering and commercializing new ones. This model is exemplified by Alza, which was founded to improve medical treatment through controlled drug delivery and focused on improving existing drugs rather than developing new ones. This same model is still employed today, and shares some similarity with the technology platform business model, where companies focus on developing technologies that can be sold to other R&D firms, rather than independently developing consumer applications.Newer business models did not replace the older ones, but rather enabled new firms to focus on the unique environment in which they were founded. Examples include the hybrid model that combined product development with a technology platform, which could be sold or licensed to others, and the no research, development-only model that as a derivative of the specialty pharmaceutical model, saw newly founded companies buying drug leads off of other companies to complete late-stage clinical trials. These models enabled new firms to meet the respective needs of risk-averse and cash-rich investors.WHERE ARE WE NOW?I've previously written that the global economic crisis has been (and still is) transformative for the biotechnology industry. The aforementioned biotechnology business models rose to prominence in conditions that favored them. For example, the hybrid model emerged in a funding drought and was favored as it enabled companies to build internal revenue streams while still maintaining the possibility to realize the upside of product sales.What are the factors influencing biotechnology companies today? In the United States, beyond the general economic climate there are still unresolved questions about the availability of early stage financing, the ability to recruit foreign workers, and – post-commercialization – data exclusivity, generic biologics and the potential for price controls. Internationally, some nations are still undergoing dramatic economic reorganizations, while others are making significant investments in building biotechnology R&D capacity.So, the question remains: Is the biotechnology industry ready for a new business model, and is there a business model that can accommodate the myriad domestic challenges faced by many countries while addressing the increasing globalization of activities?

Political Implications of Recent Soviet Economic Reorganizations

Current literature on recent Soviet industrial and agricultural reorganizations emphasizes the economic rather than the political significance of the reforms. Because economists have written on these developments more than political scientists, the importance of politics and the political meaning of these changes have not been adequately recognized. This article does not purport to minimize the economic significance of these reforms; it will examine some of the political factors which hitherto have been overlooked or de-emphasized.

Modern Welfare Economics and Public Policy

Economists have from inception of their discipline been interested in welfare propositions and public policy. Although some of classical economists purported to conceive scope of economics in terms so narrow as to exclude consideration of matters relating to human happiness-insisting that these were proper materials for subject of legislation but not of political economy2-they not infrequently intermingled policy recommendations and analysis, and attitude of classical writers toward such topics as corn laws, free trade, taxation, monopoly, currency reform, et alii are well known. The utilitarians, too, with their concern with hedonistic calculus and problem of the general optimum were interested in policy implications of their analysis. Misgivings among economists resulting from their inability to measure utility and to make interpersonal utility comparisons did not seriously deter them from making policy recommendations during first three decades of present century. Marshall had taken as a rule of thumb that it would naturally be assumed that a shilling's worth of gratification to one Englishman might be taken as equivalent with a shilling's worth to another.., .until cause to contrary were shown,3 and prime neoclassical study of welfare economics, Pigou's Economics of Welfare, was also based on Marshall's equality postulate.4 The significance for welfare economics of our inability to measure utility, and hence to make interpersonal comparisons of utility, was pointed up with publication in 1932 of Professor Robbins' An Essay on Nature and Significance of Economic Science.6 If interpersonal utility comparisons cannot be made, and if a given economic reorganization makes some people better off and others worse off, there is no way to determine with precision whether society as a whole has gained or lost. To be objective and scientific, therefore, economist qua economist has no basis for advocating or opposing policy innovations since

Problems of Economic Reorganisation

Journal Article Problems of Economic Reorganisation Get access Problems of Economic Reorganisation. By J. B. Condliffe. 1943. (New York: Commission to Study the Organisation of Peace. 812′​′×512′​′⁠. 44 PP. 5c. International Affairs Review Supplement, Volume 19, Issue 13, September 1943, Page 685, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/19.13.685b Published: 01 September 1943

THE ECONOMIC REORGANIZATION OF THE WORLD AS A CONDITION OF POLITICAL PEACE.

Annals of Public and Cooperative EconomicsVolume 14, Issue 3 p. 561-566 THE ECONOMIC REORGANIZATION OF THE WORLD AS A CONDITION OF POLITICAL PEACE. A Report and Draft Resolution submitted to the Fiftieth-Anniversary Congress of l'Association « La Paix par le Droit ». (The League for ‘Peace through Right’) Edgard MIILHAUD, Edgard MIILHAUDSearch for more papers by this author Edgard MIILHAUD, Edgard MIILHAUDSearch for more papers by this author First published: October 1938 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8292.1938.tb00562.xCitations: 1Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume14, Issue3October 1938Pages 561-566 RelatedInformation

Colbert and Governmental Control of Industry in Seventeenth Century France

COLBERT AND HIS TIME COLBERT was by temper an administrator; ordinarily shrewd in his judgments of current problems, and energetic in accumulating precise information. Though he certainly possessed genuine convictions, he was ever ready to temporize and to adapt his policies to local conditions. Many aspects of his reforms were essentially liberal in character, because his administrative reorganization necessarily led him to destroy obsolescent feudal rights and privileges, and to remove the numerous impediments to freedom of internal trade that were created by the officials of provinces, towns, and villages. His correspondence discloses such flexibility of thought on all these matters that any reader will be quickly convinced that the full content of Colbert's mind cannot be rendered in the catchwords of mercantilism. His industrial policy likewise discloses considerable breadth of mind. There is so much emphasis on advanced instruction, training in the fine arts, and upon technology that one must be careful not to impute to Colbert indifference to the achievements of the individual. In discussing his position in respect of the merits of individualism and collectivism it is necessary to bear in mind that in his day France was already beginning to feel the stress of competition with England and Holland. There were changes in the valuation of her economic resources that constituted a threat to her continued prosperity, though they were not at that moment an explicit factor. Colbert lived in a region that had really reached the height of its development. It was a society, too, already deeply affected by the peculiarly insidious inertia of a venal bureaucracy dominated by persons holding life interests in their salaries, irrespective of the continuance of the functions of the office. Many families of wealth looked upon their positions in the judiciary as estates by inheritance, subject to the payment of specified fines. It -was a society characterized by the courtier and the sycophant, dominated by ambitions for the secure social position conferred by land and offices. Industry and commerce were at best merely means of purchasing social security, and neither industry nor trade was expanding rapidly enough to inspire much hope or to foster a general spirit of enterprise and adventure. It was a society deeply conscious of its age; the individual looked for shelter and security rather than for opportunities to do new things or to exploit new fields. Neither the appeal of India, nor the romance of the New World, really stirred this blase and timorous society. Colbert's judgment of the possible contribution of the individual to society must thus be read in its context. His policies express only his estimate of the possible achievement of the Frenchmen that he knew, both bourgeois and nobles. To conclude, as he did, that the state might contribute much to the economic development of this society was shrewd realism. We must recognize also that Colbert was by no means the first to formulate the policies that are commonly associated with his name. Scarcely aniy phase of his policies or administrative reforms was significantly original. His financial reforms were foreshadowed by the projects laid before the States General in i6I3. The administrative system embodied in the Intendants was merely the culmination of a process of growth that reached far back into the sixteenth century. The industrial policy is foreshadowed by the edicts of I58i and I597 and' by the systematic schemes of Laffemas for the development and encouragement of industry. Many projects of economic reorganization were entertained by Richelieu. Despite these extensive plans, there was little effective accomplishment before Colbert's time. In some instances edicts had been issued with all possible solemnity; in other cases, schemes were worked out on paper but never given legal sanction. Whatever the history of the various projects, actual accomplishment was negligible. Colbert gave practical effect to concepts of royal authority and to policies that had been held since the later phases of the Wars of Religion.

The Place of Occupational Therapy in Social Work Planning

In attempting to lay before you some suggestions as to the place of occupational therapy in a social work programme, I realize that I am stepping beyond the generally familiar concept of occupational therapy as any activity or occupation used for remedial purposes and entering upon the little explored field of therapeutic occupation as a preventive measure. To-day, emerging as we are from the prolonged and wide-spread depression that the world has known, the words of Galen the Greek philosopher, spoken in A.D. 172, have come to have particular significance to us: Employment, he said, nature's best physician, and essential to human happiness. Modern society is organized on an occupational basis, it is the occupation of the individual which gives him a feeling of independence, and at the same time binds him to society. Occupation is the point of contact at which occupational therapy and social work should join forces in a programme of social and economic re-organization. Assuming that you have a general knowledge of the main principles and objectives of occupational therapy as applied to the hospital patient, I will stress two less familiar but equally important aspects of the work, the further development of which would be of undoubted social benefit: first, a programme of preventive work in the community, and second, the extension of therapeutic treatment beyond the hospital through the medium of the out-patient department, and of community wide follow-up work as already evidenced in general hospital work, in the mental health clinics, and in the after-care of the tuberculous patient. Much has been written on the subject of the use of the new leisure time, which we are assured will be ours following the continued discoveries of science. We have been advised to develop hobbies, to seek higher education, to learn to play, but Miss Joanna Colcord, writing in The Family, strikes a more practical note when she declares that most of us need to feel a direct relation between our activities and our standard of living.... With leisure on our hands, industrious American people are going to use some part of it to produce things that the family can use. . . . There exists in our midst not only native ingenuity but skill handed down through generations. Our settlements do provide in some measure an outlet for creative ability, but we are still very definitely limited in what we are able to offer to the adult, and much needs to be done to provide facilities whereby the real spontaneous

The Problem of Tropical Africa. A Review of Recent Books

HE political map of Africa in I891 shows almost complete partition of territory among the European powers; but this is far from saying that there was effective occupation of the country or effective administration of the natives. The boundary lines represented merely the scope of future economic and social reorganization and development by the various powers. In short, that earlier period was one of political adventure; the present period is one of economic development. Because the African continent has a number of distinct zones ranging from the humid central tropical forests to the desert borders north and south, economic development takes place under widely varying physical conditions, and there is an equally wide difference in possibilities from place to place. To adapt colonial practice and administrative schemes to the zonal arrangements of nature is a problem of great magnitude; and it is vastly complicated by the fact that the territories in question are inhabited by diverse hunting, pastoral, and agricultural races whose social and political organizations are imperilled or overthrown by the white man and the foundations of whose character are being sapped by the substitution of the white man's organization and purpose. This is not to say that the ultimate effect of white development will be bad but only that it may be bad and that it undoubtedly has already produced extremely serious effects here and there.