Eastern Conflict Research Articles

The Issue of War: States, Societies, and the Far Eastern Conflict of 1941-1945.

The Issue of War: States, Societies, and the Far Eastern Conflict of 1941-1945.

The Issue of War: States, Societies, and the Far Eastern Conflict of 1941-1945

The Issue of War: States, Societies, and the Far Eastern Conflict of 1941-1945

The Issue of War. States, Societies, and the Far Eastern Conflict of 1941-1945.

The Issue of War. States, Societies, and the Far Eastern Conflict of 1941-1945.

Distortions in the Perceptions of International Conflicts

Summary Two groups' (Israelis and Irish) attitudes toward each other were compared, along with the attitudes of a control group (Australians) toward both. The groups were divided according to surmised attitudes toward the conflict in their country, Jews vs Arabs and Protestants vs Catholics. Students of education (N = 153) answered open-ended questionnaires about the Northern Irish conflict (in Israel), the Middle Eastern conflict (in Ireland), or both. On the basis of political alignments and Heiderian principles of interpersonal balance it was hypothesized that Israeli Arabs would be more sympathetic toward the Irish/Catholic cause than Israeli Jews, and that Irish Catholics would be more supportive of the Arab side in the Middle Eastern conflict than Irish Protestants. The samples possessed significantly different amounts of both nominal and correct information, revealed different types of misconceptions, and expressed significantly different attitudes. Wherever the expression of an attitude would have created imbalance, evasive techniques were used, including expressions of ambivalence, neutrality, indifference, and rationalization.

Oil, the Super-Powers and the Middle East*

W ITHIN the scope of public debate, it is a commonplace that the Middle East is an area of frequently violent international conflict, where the level of violence is subject to sudden and considerable elevation. It is a second commonplace that the two superpowers-the United States and the Soviet Union-have significant, and sometimes divergent, interests and influence in the Middle East, substantial enough respectively to encourage and support their involvement in Middle Eastern conflicts. It is a third commonplace that, as major industrial states, both super-powers, and especially the United States, must be concerned with trends in an international energy market which is itself decisively affected by the volume and price of oil exported from the Middle East and North Africa. The historical prevalence of political and military conflict between and within Middle Eastern states hardly needs to be proved. The second commonplace is more questionable, however platitudinous it may appear. Soviet and United States interests in the Middle East are evident enough, even if they may frequently have been misunderstood. Influence is another matter. Despite the widespread advertisement over twenty years of their respective links with a list of ' client states ' in the region, neither super-power has been notably or consistently successful in manipulating Middle Eastern politics or Middle Eastern conflicts to its own advantage. Indeed, as I have argued elsewhere, they have shared, especially since 1967, the predicament of having responsibility without control.' The third of the commonplaces must also be open to question, on at least two grounds. First, it must be recalled that the United States and the Soviet Union, in addition to being two of the largest industrial economies, are also the two largest oil-producing states in the world; whatever their dependence, if any, on imported oil, they can never be so vulnerable to its supply or price as the industrial states of

Rebellion in a World of Totalitarianism Sharīf Ḥatātah’s Novel "The Eye with an Iron Lid"

Political freedom in the Arab world and rebellion against it underpin the novel al-ʿAyn dhāt al-jafn al-maʿdanī (The Eye with an Iron Lid, 1980) by Egyptian author Sharīf Ḥatātah (1923– ). This novel set in 1940s Egypt, a decade of national and social ferment, harshly criticizes British colonialism and the Egyptian governments of the time. The narrative depicts the struggle of the Egyptian national movement as well as the brutal denial of political and individual freedoms that led to the July 1952 revolution. The novel is profoundly autobiographical, and Ḥatātah’s life story as a doctor, writer and political activist depicted in his al-Nawāfidh al-maftūḥah (The Open Windows, 2006) contributesvaluable background. A wide-ranging analysis of the author and his novel embraces comparative literature, especially within the Arabic prison literature genre, recent critical studies, the existentialphilosophy of Albert Camus and the psychological elements of fear of death, loneliness and persecution. At its root the article spotlights the adage, the people’s fear of the leadership and the leadership’s fear of the people, that drives so much of contemporary Middle Eastern conflict and oppression.Keywords: Sharīf Ḥatātah, The Eye with an Iron Lid, Arabic prison literature, Egyptian literature, ModernEgyptian history, totalitarianism

United Nations Action with Respect to the Middle Eastern Conflict United Nations Security Council

United Nations Action with Respect to the Middle Eastern Conflict United Nations Security Council

V. Moltke-Conrad: Relations between the Austro-Hungarian and German General Staffs, 1909–14

The Eastern Front of the First World War remains, as Winston Churchill called his book on it, ‘The Unknown War’. Whereas in the West, politics were dominated by the military events, the reverse happened in the East: the gigantic struggles which took place from the Baltic to the Black Sea now seem to have been but a prelude to the Revolution in Russia and the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. There has been little interest in the military aspects of the Eastern conflict.

The New Far Eastern Conflict

The New Far Eastern Conflict

Legal Problems in the Far Eastern Conflict

Legal Problems in the Far Eastern Conflict

War and Diplomacy in Eastern Asia. Claude A. BussLegal Problems in the Far Eastern Conflict. Part I, "The Legal Background in the Far East". Quincy WrightLegal Problems in the Far Eastern Conflict. Part II, "The Problem of Non-recognition". H. Lauterpacht , Edwin M. Borchard , Phoebe Morrison

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewsWar and Diplomacy in Eastern Asia. Claude A. Buss Legal Problems in the Far Eastern Conflict. Part I, "The Legal Background in the Far East". Quincy Wright Legal Problems in the Far Eastern Conflict. Part II, "The Problem of Non-recognition". H. Lauterpacht , Edwin M. Borchard , Phoebe Morrison Paul M. A. LinebargerPaul M. A. Linebarger Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Modern History Volume 14, Number 2Jun., 1942 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/236629 Views: 1Total views on this site Copyright 1942 The University of Chicago PressPDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

The Far East and the War

PROF. P. M. ROXBY'S admirable pamphlet on “China”(Oxford Pamphlets on World Affairs, No. 54. London: Oxford University Press. 4d. net) provides an excellent introduction, for those who have only now come to realize the importance of China in the War, to an understanding of the place of China in the struggle of the United Nations. Within the compass of thirty pages, he gives a succinct description of the land of China, the impact thereon of the West, and of the Nationalist movement and the progress of reconstruction up to 1931. The latter part of the pamphlet deals with the Japanese seizure of Manchuria and the consequences of the Sino-Japanese war which broke out in 1937. With Sir John Pratt's “Japan and the Modern World”(Oxford Pamphlets on World Affairs, No. 55. 4: d. net) a penetrating analysis is afforded of the causes which have merged the European and the Far Eastern conflicts into a single war. Sir John Pratt, moreover, in tracing the course of Japanese foreign policy and particularly of Japanese relations with Great Britain, goes to those fundamental differences in national temper and outlook which explain the present hostility of Japan and Great Britain, and indeed raise the question as to the desirability from the start of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance of 1902.

Foreign Policy Of Japan : 1914–1939

Foreign Policy Of Japan : 1914–1939 Foreign Policy Of Japan : 1914–1939. By Masamichi Koyama. (Far Eastern Conflict Series, No. 7.) 1941. (Tokyo: Japanese Council, Institute of Pacific Relations. 8vo. 182 pp.) International Affairs Review Supplement, Volume 19, Issue 6-7, December 1941, Page 424, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/19.6-7.424c Published: 01 March 1942

Indian Nationalism and the Far East

THE recent visit of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru to Chungking and the enthusiastic reception accorded him brought to the attention of the world the concern and interest of nationalist India in the outcome of the Far Eastern conflict.* This was by no means the first indication that nationalist India was giving serious attention to events in the Far East, but rather it was another signmore widely publicized than previous events-of an already established trend. In the history of the relations between the Indian nationalist movement and China and Japan, the Indian National Congress has played the most prominent role in reflecting the nationalist opinion of India. This organization, which must be thought of as a movement rather than as a mere organization, has always been the best gauge of Indian nationalist sentiment. However, its actual composition, which of course has been a vital factor in determining its outlook on any question, including foreign affairs, has undergone constant change. At its inception in i885 it represented the educated middle class of India-merchants and professional men. By i905, when our story begins, it had attracted to it the younger intellectuals, particularly the students. It was not until the post-war era that it developed into a countrywide organization, with emphasis on the desirability of penetrating into the villages and winning over the peasants. The development of the trade union movement in the I920'S gave the Congress still another source of support. As the base of the Congress has broadened, its policies have tended to become more strongly nationalistic and more concerned with peasant and labor reform. At present, in addition to millions of sympathizers, the Congress has over three million members. About 8o per cent come from rural areas, reflecting India's predominantly (89 per cent) rural character.

The Far Eastern Conflict: Some Historical Backgrounds

Research Article| July 01 1939 The Far Eastern Conflict: Some Historical Backgrounds Paul Hibbert Clyde Paul Hibbert Clyde Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google South Atlantic Quarterly (1939) 38 (3): 297–304. https://doi.org/10.1215/00382876-38-3-297 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Permissions Search Site Citation Paul Hibbert Clyde; The Far Eastern Conflict: Some Historical Backgrounds. South Atlantic Quarterly 1 July 1939; 38 (3): 297–304. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/00382876-38-3-297 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsSouth Atlantic Quarterly Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Copyright © 1939 by Duke University Press1939 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Potentialities of America's Far Eastern Policy

kT NO time since the turn of the twentieth century, when visions of Oriental lands and trade launched America on the career of a world power, has there been greater evidence than in the present of forces straining to break away from the moorings of American Far Eastern policy. Now the stimulus is not the prospect of national aggrandizement but a realization that the aggression of an Oriental nation menaces seriously existing American interests. Now the question is not whether America should depart from isolation but whether it should go beyond even the relatively vigorous policy developed since its advent to national maturity. In the first year of the Sino-Japanese conflict America pursued a policy midway between isolation and active intervention; in the second year its policy has been at least a little beyond this midway point. But now from the most varied quarters-public organizations, members of Congress, and even, by implication, from the President in his last annual Congressional message-come proposals to the effect that America's policy should progress considerably farther, even if by no means to active intervention. In sum, there are indications that the potentialities of America's Far Eastern policy are much greater than has been commonly assumed. The times and their practical issues thus emphasize an important problem-that of how far, in terms of specific measures in relation to the Far Eastern conflict, the potentialities of American Far Eastern policy do extend. The problem must be differentiated from the undertaking of prophecy, which the quick play of the casual or the imponderable has never made more venturesome than in the present. The question here raised is rather that of what new methods are potentialities of American Far Eastern policy, in the sense that they are compatible with its fundamental principles and the trends evinced in the development of those principles. Such a

War Losses to a Neutral. An Analysis of the Cost to the United States of Cash and Carry, Neutrality Embargoes, Economic Sanctions, and Other Policies in the Far Eastern Conflict. By Eugene Staley. (New York: League of Nations Assn., 1937. pp. 78. 25¢.) - International Loans and the Conflict of Laws. A Comparative Survey of Recent Cases. By Martin Domke.

War Losses to a Neutral. An Analysis of the Cost to the United States of Cash and Carry, Neutrality Embargoes, Economic Sanctions, and Other Policies in the Far Eastern Conflict. By Eugene Staley. (New York: League of Nations Assn., 1937. pp. 78. 25¢.) - International Loans and the Conflict of Laws. A Comparative Survey of Recent Cases. By Martin Domke.

Christianity in the Eastern Conflicts. William Paton

<i>Christianity in the Eastern Conflicts</i>. William Paton

Book Review: Christianity in the Eastern Conflicts

Book Review: Christianity in the Eastern Conflicts

Hitler and The Christians and Christianity In The Eastern Conflict

Hitler and The Christians and Christianity In The Eastern Conflict