Early Papyri Research Articles

George Kiraz and Sabine Schmidtke, eds. Scribal Habits in Near Eastern Manuscript Traditions

George Kiraz and Sabine Schmidtke, eds. <i>Scribal Habits in Near Eastern Manuscript Traditions</i>

Likelihood calculations for reconstructed lacunae and Papyrus 46’s text of Ephesians 6:19

AbstractThis article presents an approach to quantify the likelihood of a given reconstruction of lacunose text in a manuscript using statistics on line lengths (in letters), information about the line-breaking conventions and scribal habits of the scribe who copied the manuscript, and the well-known computational technique of dynamic programming. The approach and its value are illustrated with an application to a textual contest between the readings τὸ μυστήριον τοῦ εὐαγγελίου and τὸ μυστήριον in Ephesians 6:19, where the early papyrus witness P. Chester Beatty II/P. Mich. Inv. 6238 (Gregory–Aland P46) is lacunose. The study shows that under reasonable assumptions, P46 is over fifty times more likely to have read τὸ μυστήριον.

Lawsuits with Headless Foes: A Greek Incantation Motif

Abstract This study proposes a new interpretation of the texts of two late ancient or early Byzantine papyrus amulets that refer to conflict with “headless” entities (PGM P 5a–b). Based on the identification of parallels in the Byzantine and later Greek tradition, a traditional incantation motif can be identified, targeting fever, which is analogized as a judicial crisis. An appendix publishes or republishes the relevant texts with translations. The complex career of the motif attested by the papyri and the Byzantine texts is also applied to illustrate the workings of the Greek tradition of incantations, in particular the mechanism by which elements of a received repertoire are re-combined, modified, and augmented for changing contexts, a process comparable to folkloric composition. The judicial motif can further be contextualized among beliefs about the supernatural, including the divinization of fever itself and the crediting of a broad cast of powers, including John the Baptist along with other holies, angels, and demons, with its infliction and relief.

The Use of the Earliest Greek Scripture Fragments in Text Editions

Abstract This article deals with the relation between the early papyri of the LXX and the presumed original text of the translation units. The assumed dates of these units can be compared with the assigned dates of the earliest preserved fragments. Do the oldest known fragments reflect the purest form of the Old Greek or had they been revised to MT? Some modern editions of the LXX tend to disregard the possible guidance of some early fragments, recording them almost always in the apparatus rather than in the reconstructed eclectic text. Due to the recognition of revisional traits in several early fragments, a prejudice developed against them, except for P.967 covering Ezekiel and Daniel. Because of their early date these papyri should have a central place in reconstructing the original text of the LXX in text edition, certainly in the Torah.

Texts and Artefacts: Selected Essays on Textual Criticism and Early Christian Manuscripts by Larry W. Hurtado

Reviewed by: Texts and Artefacts: Selected Essays on Textual Criticism and Early Christian Manuscripts by Larry W. Hurtado Izaak Connoway Hurtado, Larry W. 2018. Texts and Artefacts: Selected Essays on Textual Criticism and Early Christian Manuscripts. The Library of New Testament Studies 584. New York: Bloomsbury T&T Clark. ISBN 978-0567677716. Pp. 231. £73.44. As could be expected from "one of the pre-eminent scholars of the field" (back cover), this volume is masterly written and extremely insightful. It is a collection of twelve essays written over twenty years (xvi). Except for one essay, they are all reproductions, although they have been updated to reflect the latest information (ix). In these essays, Hurtado analyses some second and third-century Christian manuscripts as artefacts. He believes that studying these manuscripts should be central to early Christian studies (xv). Although each essay makes an individual contribution, there is some repetition due to overlapping interests (xvi), but not to the point of detracting from the experience. This volume has two sections. Part one is on "Textual-Critical and Text-Historical Studies" (chs. 1–4) and part two is on "Manuscripts as Artefacts" (chs. 5–12). (1) "The New Testament in the Second Century: Text, Collections and Canon" (3–27). In this chapter, Hurtado looks at how NT writings were transmitted, especially in the second century (xvi). Factors that would promote text stability are highlighted (xvii), and he also inspects the phenomenon of early collections of writings, as well as how certain writings gained status and authority (3). He discusses recently-published, late-second and early-third-century papyri that include P.Oxy. 64–66 (6–14). Hurtado presents arguments that date the four canonical Gospels to 125–135 CE (19) and a collection of Paul's letters to 140 CE (20–21). (2) "The Early New Testament Papyri: A Survey of Their Significance" (28–47). In this chapter, Hurtado reviews fifty NT papyri from the second and third centuries (xvii). The Chester Beatty library and the Bodmer collection are indicated as significant findings (30, 32). A case is made that the Rylands fragment (𝔓52), often dated 125 CE, is more likely from the late second century (33). Hurtado acknowledges the validity of asking whether the Oxyrhynchus papyri are really representative of wider Christianity, considering that they were all found in the same place. He does, however, present a positive case for why he thinks that they are indeed representative (35–36). (3) "New Testament Scholarship and the Dating of New Testament Papyri" (48–63). In this chapter, Hurtado assesses the accusation some level against NT scholars that they date texts too early (xvii). Good NT [End Page 513] scholarship is based on the critical texts, which in turn are based on the earliest papyri, so the dating of papyri is quite important (54). Hurtado admits that some NT scholars are too precise and overconfident in their early dating of texts (59), but he provides reasons why he opposes lowering the amount of papyri included in the period between the late second and early third centuries (58). He discusses an important essay that claims scholars do not really agree with the dating of, for example, the Nestle-Aland text, but he criticises this study for conflating the data (60–62). (4) "God or Jesus? Textual Ambiguity and Textual Variants in Acts of the Apostles" (64–82). In this chapter, Hurtado inspects instances where the manuscripts of Acts vary over whether the reading should be κύριος, θέος or Ἰησοῦς (xvii). At times, it is clear whether κύριος refers to Jesus or God (67). Generally, Jesus is the referent for an artherous singular κύριος, while God is the referent for an anartherous singular κύριος. But there are cases of genuine ambiguity (65–66). Hurtado analyses the textual data for all the ambiguous texts and proposes that the scribes were merely making honest attempts at trying to disambiguate the texts as best they knew how. (5) "The 'Meta-Data' of Early Christian Manuscripts" (83–98). In this chapter, Hurtado points out that early Christian manuscripts are more than just texts (xvii), and should be studied as artefacts (83). His criteria for considering a text as part of this study are that...

4. Stagecraft

First published in 1971, this early second-century papyrus, POxy. 2805, was soon identified as coming from Sophocles’ Niobe. It portrays the killing of Niobe's children by Apollo and Artemis during a tragic drama, the staging of which, as we will see, seems to have been among Sophocles’ most striking dramatic creations. This killing, an unvarying element of the myth, was punishment for Niobe's boast that she had borne many children (fourteen, seven sons and seven daughters, is the number specified in Sophocles’ play: fr. 446), Leto only two. A further papyrus, from a mummy case at El-Hibeh (though quite possibly written at Oxyrhynchus) and dated to between 280 and 240 bc, PGrenf. ii.6(a)+PHib. 11, is from the same drama. Aeschylus wrote a Niobe, set after the killings; Euripides is not known to have written such a play. That leaves Sophocles’ Niobe (whose citation fragments indicate that it included the killings) or a play by a minor tragedian; but it is much more likely that two papyri of a Sophoclean drama should survive, from different times and perhaps places too, than that a work by another tragedian should be so unexpectedly favoured. A decade after Barrett argued this, a hypothesis of Sophocles’ play was published which refers to the event described in POxy. 2805: case closed.

A Disconcerting Prayer: On the Originality of Luke 23:34a

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-US-ASCII text omitted.) Luke 23:34a (Father, forgive them, for they do not know what they are doing), one of famous seven last words of Jesus, is enclosed by double brackets in NA27 and UBS4, indicating that logion is known not to be a part of original text.1 In reality, however, a vigorous debate rages on, with proponents of shorter reading tending to emphasize external evidence, and defenders of longer reading focusing on intrinsic probability. Both sides have claimed victory in transcriptional arena but have paid little, if any, attention to early Christian interpretations of prayer, giving this aspect of debate a regrettably speculative flavor.2 In this essay I shall review external evidence, arguing that proponents of shorter reading have exaggerated their case. Then, after examining formidable intrinsic evidence in favor of longer reading, I shall turn to neglected transcriptional evidence that shows that Luke 23:34a was a problem passage in early Christianity. I. EXTERNAL EVIDENCE The evidence for spuriousness of Luke 23:34a is both early and diverse. The prayer is missing from arguably two strongest Alexandrian witnesses, p75 and Codex Vaticanus, as well as from 579 and Sahidic version. It is missing also from important witnesses-most notably, first hand of Codex Bezae and Old Latin manuscripts a and d-and from Caesarean manuscript Codex Koridethi. Finally, it is missing from Byzantine manuscripts stretching from Codex W in late fourth century to 597 in thirteenth century. Although it lacks august company of an early papyrus, long reading also enjoys early and diverse attestation. Jason A. Whitlark and Mikeal C. Parsons have attempted to characterize prayer as a distinctively reading, claiming that the evidence for inclusion of Luke 23.34a is restricted to text prior to fourth century.3 Yet only pre-fourth-century witnesses to text of Luke are p75 and a handful of church fathers, hardly enough evidence to justify speaking of a variant being confined to a particular text type. Moreover, one of these pre-fourth-century witnesses is Origen (ca. 185-254), whose citations of Luke consistently support Alexandrian text.4Whitlark and Parsons dismiss Origen's testimony, claiming that his writings evidence many distinctly readings, but they make no attempt to explain why one should presume that Origen used a text when writing De Pascha (2.43.7-14) and Homiliae in Leviticum (2.1.5), both of which quote prayer. Having thus characterized pre-fourth-century evidence, Whitlark and Parsons assert that presence of logion in Codex Sinaiticus is due to mixture with text, citing Westcott and Hort's claim that Western readings [in Codex Sinaiticus] are specially numerous in St John's Gospel, and in parts of St Luke.5 Surprisingly, Whitlark and Parsons do not attempt to explain why Luke 23 should be considered one of parts identified by Hort, thereby demoting an important Alexandrian witness to a text without an argument. This treatment of evidence is particularly unfortunate in light of absence of readings in Sinaiticus at end of Luke, an absence that suggests that Sinaiticus retains its Alexandrian character here. Apart from a few very minor exceptions, such as omission of ?δη in v. 44, Sinaiticus never agrees with Bezae against p75 or Vaticanus in Luke 23. Moreover, Sinaiticus disagrees with Bezae on every major variant in Luke 23, and lacks non-interpolations.6 Other Alexandrian witnesses to Luke 23:34a are Codex Regius and Bohairic Coptic version, as well as Didymus Blind.7 The Palestinian Syriac version, thought to be based on a Caesarean Vorlage,8 also contains prayer, as do a number of witnesses, including Old Latin versions (itaur, b, c, e, f, ff2, 1, r1), Vulgate, and Old Syriac. …

The Fortunes and Misfortunes of the Gospel of John in Egypt

AbstractThe numerous manuscripts of John among the earliest Christian papyri have given rise to discussion and speculation. It has been suggested, on the grounds of an alleged preference for the Fourth Gospel among gnostics, that the high number of papyri of John compared to other gospels would favour Walter Bauer’s thesis of the ‘heterodox’ character of early Christian Egypt. The obscurity which veils the origins of the early Egyptian Church allows for conjectures of this kind. However, recent studies on the reception of the Fourth Gospel in the early Church and newly published papyri show that the abundance of early manuscripts of John is not necessarily indicative of the gnostic nature of early Christianity in Egypt. This paper attempts to shed additional light on the issue by comparing early papyri of John with other pieces of Christian evidence.

Are there any Early Fragments of the So-Called Gospel of Peter?

The first text in the Akhmîm codex discovered in Upper Egypt in 1886–87 was confidently identified as the Gospel of Peter, mentioned by Eusebius in his description of the activities of the second-century bishop Serapion. Although the Akhmîm text is dated palaeographically between the seventh and ninth centuries, it is seen as being a witness to a text that dates from at least as early as the second century. This position appeared to have been strengthened by the identification of a number of early papyrus fragments as belonging to the Gospel of Peter. This paper calls into question such identifications, and consequently suggests caution should be exercised before too quickly making the conclusion that the text from Akhmîm is to be identified with the second-century Gospel of Peter.

Nymphaea cults in ancient Egypt and the New World: a lesson in empirical pharmacology

Modern drugs used to treat erectile dysfunction act locally to facilitate penile smooth muscle relaxation, but a new generation of centrally acting agents is in clinical trials. One of these, apomorphine, a dopamine receptor agonist, was recommended in 2000 by a committee of specialists at the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) as a treatment for impotence.1 We describe here evidence that the treatment of erectile dysfunction with apomorphine is not new: the Mayans and ancient Egyptians were well acquainted with the clinical effects of an apomorphine-containing plant, and they probably used that plant as an aid to sexual activity. Nymphaea caerulea (blue lotus) and N. ampla, which has a white flower but a similar alkaloid content, grow along lakes and rivers, thrive in wet soil, and bloom in the spring.2 They belong to the water-lily family. Another variety is N. lotos, sometimes called the 'white lotus' though not a true lotus. The isolation of the psychoactive apomorphine from Nymphaea species3 has offered chemical support to speculation that Nymphaea species may have been employed as hallucinogens in both the Old and the New World.4,5 The use of N. caerulea and of N. lotos in rites and rituals is depicted in the frescoes within the tombs, and in very early papyrus scrolls. The most important of these was the scroll of Ani (Book of the Dead). Nymphaea is mentioned and represented in several chapters of the book, always tied to magical-religious rites. Depictions of Papaver somniferum and mandragora, also known as mandrake, a hallucinogenic plant with anticholinergic properties, often appear alongside those of Nymphaea.6 Tutankhamon's tomb contained a gold-plated shrine decorated with a bas-relief of a pharoah holding a huge Nymphaea and two mandragoras in his left hand. Nymphaea flowers were also depicted in frescoes from the tomb of Nebaum (XVIII Dynasty, 1370-1318 bc) found in Luxor, and now located in the British Museum. The frescoes illustrate a ritualistic funeral dance with two male dancers accompanied by three women, garlanded with petals of N. caerulea. The women are offering vases, from which golden emanations flow as if they contained a magical fluid. Nymphaea species also feature in erotic cartoons (Figure 1). Figure 1 Detail from erotic cartoon (Turin papyrus 55001), showing 'lotus' over the head of woman, possibly symbolizing her powers of arousal. Reproduced by permission from Manniche L, Sexual Life in Ancient Egypt (London, New York, Bahrain; Kegan Paul, 2002) Similar motifs are seen in Mayan art, and Dobkin de Rios,7 Diaz,8 and Emboden9,10 hypothesize that the plants were used as hallucinogens during religious rites or as 'entheogenes', symbolic of a union between man and the divine. In a vase found in the Classic period Mayan site of Bonampak, the headpiece of the central figure depicts a character adorned with a Nymphaea, performing a ritual dance. In the Mayan ruins of Palenque, also in Chiapas, Mexico, a bas-relief in the tomb of Pacal, in the Temple of Inscriptions, contains a representation of two Mayan priests standing on either side of 'jaguar god'. One of the priests has a Nymphaea bud emerging from his head, and the other has the same bud emerging from his headpiece. Such striking similarities in such distant cultures lead to the conclusion that the plants had a common use. Studies from several different laboratories have identified apomorphine and aporphine in the bulbs and roots of N. ampla.11 The emetic effect of apomorphine (and aporphine, which is hydroxylated in the body to form apomorphine) is well known. Mescal beans, ritually used by shamans to induce an ecstatic states are likewise emetic; it has been hypothesized that Nymphaea was used by both Egyptian and Mayan cultures as a purifying ritual emetic.11 However, it has only recently become clear that apomorphine can be utilized, with excellent results, to treat erectile dysfunction. It is a centrally acting, selective D1/D2 dopamine agonist, and activation of dopaminergic receptors in the paraventricular nucleus of the hypothalamus initiates a cascade of events, ultimately resulting in smooth muscle relaxation and vasodilatation within the corpora cavernosa, leading to penile erection.12,13 This discovery provides a likely explanation for the appearance of Nymphaea in the Luxor frescoe and in erotic cartoons such as that reproduced in Figure 1. The fact that temple drawings only depict use by the higher castes, such as priests and royalty, suggests that the masses did not benefit from this discovery. The Nymphaea story serves as a further illustration of how the effects of substances of plant origin were known even though the discoverers lacked the technology to explain them.14,15

The Greek Text of the Gospel of John According to the Early Papyri

Out of all the NT books, the Gospel of John has the most witnesses among the papyrus MSS – twenty-two to date (P2, 5, 6, 22, 28,36, 39, 44, 45, 52, 55, 60, 63, 66, 75, 76, 80, 84, 90, 93, and 95). Two of these MSS, P66 and P75, contain a good portion of this gospel by themselves; and when all the MSS are compiled together, they cover nearly the entire book, with a great deal of overlap. The missing portions are as follows: 14. 31; 15.1; 16. 5, 8–10; 21.10–11, 14, 16, 21–22. Many more verses, especially in chapters 14–21, have lacunae.

An Early Theocritus Book (P. Oxy. 2064 + 3548): Placing Fragments

In 1930 Hunt and Johnson published the remains of P. Oxy. 2064, a roll containing at least some of the poems attributed to Theocritus and dating from the late second century A.d. (A. S. Hunt and J. Johnson, Two Theocritus Papyri [London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1930], 3–19). The papyrus was important, even though very fragmentary (no column is preserved complete, and very few lines are wholly intact), since at its time of publication it was one of the three earliest witnesses to the text of Theocritus. Fragments of other early papyri of Theocritus have been published since then, but P. Oxy. 2064 has remained the most important known witness prior to the fifth century because of the spread of poems which the extant fragments show it to have contained. No other papyrus allows us to reconstruct the contents of an early Theocritus book to such an extent. In 1983 the editors of Oxyrhynchus Papyri published a further collection of Theocritus fragments from various papyri (P. Oxy. 3545–3552), among which were more remains from P. Oxy. 2064 edited by P. J. Parsons under the number P. Oxy. 3548 (Oxyrhynchus Papyri L [Graeco-Roman Memoirs, 70: London, 1983], 105–22).

Some Unnoticed Points in the Text of the New Testament

paratively easy undertaking if all the critic had to do was to apply two simple rules: A. Follow the Alexandrian uncials (principally 8 B and the early papyri); B. When in doubt, select the shorter reading. When the supposedly true reading has been established by the application of these rules, explanations of one kind or another can always be thought up to account for the variants, mostly as pious amplifications or improvements designed by tendentious copyists. This has been the method employed for the most part by editors over the last hundred years from Tischendorf and Hort to the recent Greek Testament issued by the United Bible Societies. Although the Editors of the UBS edition claim to have employed a more eclectic method, an examination of their actual text and of their Commentary' on it shows that they have been largely guided by these two rules. Unfortunately the explanations put out to justify the readings selected on this basis are of little value as arguments for these readings, because they rest on the assumption that the readings are authentic. If some other reading is preferred, the variants can still be explained as deviations from it by tendentious copyists. If for instance the preferred reading is longer, the rejected variants can be explained as due to omission of words which a copyist thought unnecessary or in some way objectionable; if on the other hand the preferred reading is shorter, the variants can be explained as due to the desire of copyists to improve the text by expansion. If the prefer-

An Early Papyrus of the First Gospel

I am indebted to Mr. Neil Ker for first drawing my attention to the presence of these small papyrus fragments in the Library of Magdalen College, Oxford, to the Librarian, Dr. C. T. Onions, for enabling me to study them, and to the President and Fellows of the College for permitting their publication.The fragments were purchased by the Reverend Charles B. Huleatt in Luxor in 1901 and presented by him to his old College through the then Librarian, the Reverend H. A. Wilson. It is probable that there were further fragments of the same leaf since a letter by Mr. Huleatt to the Librarian refers to purchases of fragments from the same manuscript in successive years, but nothing beyond what is published below is now extant in the Library. The fragments were correctly identified by their purchaser, and assigned by him to the third century A.D.; a note in the Librarian's report for 1901 reads: “Mr. Huleatt supposes them to be of the third century; but Dr. Hunt who recently examined the fragments thinks they may be assigned with more probability to the fourth century.”

An Early Papyrus Fragment of the Gospel of Matthew in the Michigan Collection

Greek Papyrus 1570 of the University of Michigan Collection is a leaf of a papyrus book written on both sides. The preserved portion measures 4¾ by 9 inches (121 by 224 mm.). One entire line is lost at the bottom, and over half of each of the four lines immediately preceding. Of the top line only eight or nine letters are preserved. All other lines are somewhat damaged at one end or the other. Such loss often amounts to five or six letters. Eight lines in the middle of the leaf are damaged at both ends. Originally the size of the leaf must have been about 6 by 10 inches. There were 33 lines, which varied from 40 to 50 letters in length. The text covered is Matthew 26, 19 συνέταξεν to 26, 52 ἀπολοῦνται.So large a papyrus fragment of Matthew's version of the Lord's last supper and betrayal is certain to be of special importance, as well for its content as for the bearing it has on the problem of the New Testament text.

Isocratea

Among the writings of Isocrates the discourse ‘on the Peace’ ranks second only to the Panegyricus. Apart from its literary merits and historical importance, an additional interest attaches to this work, because it is one of the few classical writings of which an early papyrus in a fair state of preservation has come to light.