Early Joseon Research Articles

일본 무로마치 막부의 외교적 해명에 등장하는 포도(逋逃)와 고려 말 왜구

The problem with recent Japanese studies on Waegu is that they do not consider its correlation with the domestic situation in Japan, especially the military realia in Kyushu, which is geographically adjacent to the Korean Peninsula. Japanese academia is looking for the background and substance of the occurrence of Japanese pirates from the domestic situation of Goryeo (Joseon). To overcome this existing perception, this paper paid attention to the term ‘Podo’ mentioned by the Muromachi Bakuhu in 1377, the third year of King Woo of Goryeo. In June 1377, when the Japanese invasion was the most severe in Goryeo, Goryeo dispatched An Gil-sang to Japan asking for an explanation. In response, Muromachi Bakuhu explained that the reality of Japanese pirates invading Goryeo was ‘Podo’, which means a group that fled the arrest of Bakuhu. This has great implications when considering the domestic situation in Japan at that time. This paper examined the mechanism of the occurrence of Japanese pirates in relation to the background of the times of Japan’s civil war, when the term ‘Podo’ appears in official diplomatic documents. As a result, the following commonalities could be found. Whenever the civil war broke out in Kyushu, the groups that lost the civil war fled to Daemado Island to avoid arrest, and then from there they invaded the Korean Peninsula. Although not all Japanese pirates that invaded the Korean Peninsula can be explained in terms of ‘Podo’, many of the Japanese pirates that occurred during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods included cases of ‘Podo’ triggered by the Kyushu civil war.

국외소재문화재 '이선제 묘지' 환수 및 그 가치

The purpose of this thesis is to establish anew the year of birth and death of a scholar-official in the early Joseon Dynasty, his ancestry and activities, through the analysis of the contents of the 'Lee Seon-jae‘s tomb tablet', which was illegally exported to Japan in 1998 and returned in 2017. Lee Seon-jae served as a government official in the central government for over 20 years in the first half of the Joseon dynasty. He was a person who worked hard for enlightenment, such as implementing the 'Gwangju Hyangyakjomok'. However, the tomb tablet where Lee Seon-jae was buried with his body after he fell asleep was lost during the work of decorating the cemetery with a three-tiered stone in 1989, and it was smuggled to Japan through Gimpo Airport, Seoul in June 1998. However, in the process of being smuggled out through Gimhae Airport, Busan in May of that year, Yang Maeng-jun, a cultural asset appraiser, stopped the export of Lee Seon-jae's tomb tablet and left a picture of the tomb tablet. The Overseas Korean Cultural Heritage Foundation and the Gwangsan Lee clan persuaded the Japanese owner to return the 'Lee Seon-jae tomb tablet' smuggled to Japan back to their home country in August 2017. I corrected the following facts by analyzing the original text of the tomb of Lee Seon-jae. First, he was born in 1390, the 2nd year of King Gongyang of Goryeo Dynasty, and died in Seoul in 1453, the 1st year of King Danjong's reign. It was confirmed that the wife's family clan was the Boseong Seon clan, and the father-in-law was Seon Yun-ji. The children are five sons and one daughter, and we could confirm their specific interests. Due to the descendants involved in 'Kichuoksa' (己丑獄死), it is a case of great value in art and ceramics history along with the restoration of Lee Seon-jae's family and authority in a situation where there are few records or contents of the Gwangsan-Lee family clan for a certain period of time.

서울 공평구역 제15ㆍ16지구 나지역 유적 발굴조사 현황과 성과

The excavation survey of 15-16 districts in Gongpyeong-gu, Seoul, identified cultural traces from the early to the late Joseon Dynasty and Metallic artifacts were excavated. This Relic Site correspond to Gyeonpyeongbang in the central part of the Joseon Dynasty where government offices, royal palaces and commercial facilities are located. As a result of the survey on the relic, in particular, many metal artifacts such as metal type, which were only identified as records, were excavated in the cultural layer(16th century), the early Joseon Dynasty. Judging from the fence stone columns and drainage channels that can distinguish the boundary, the building remains where this metal artifact was excavated has an area of about 505㎡ of square land. There are a total of four building remains built within the site. This building remains are divided into two main buildings and two auxiliary buildings. Considering the housing construction regulations of the early Joseon Dynasty, it would have been owned by the class equivalent to 7 to 9 grade of the Joseon Dynasty's Poemgye(degree of official rank) rather than Seo-in group(庶人). The relics identified by this excavation survey will be important data for grasping the social status of Gyeonpyeongbang in the early Joseon Dynasty. In addition, metal artifacts excavated from the 16th century were intentionally buried. The meaning of this artifact can be clarified more clearly through future research.

매헌 권우의 생애와 신도시(新都詩)

Kwon Woo was a Neo-Confucian scholar of the late Goryeo and early Joseon Dynasty. He contributed greatly to establishing the foundation of the Joseon Dynasty by succeeding the scholars Giljae, Mongju Jeong, and Jeong Do-jeon at the end of the Goryeo Dynasty. there are many works that recite personal experiences, but the aspect that stands out in particular is his aspect as a Gwangak writer. Gwangak was the central organization that was in charge of sentences, and it was in charge of sentences related to state affairs for a long time. These experiential characteristics are related to Kwon Woo’s writing of ‘Poetry of the new capital’, which describes the scenery of Hanyang, the new capital city. When King Taejo Lee Seong-gye laid down an eight-panel screen with pictures of the capital, he wrote an eightview poem in response to the dynamism and beauty of the capital. In addition, there are works that have been written about the capital of the new dynasty, and it is valuable to gauge the literary trend of the early Joseon Dynasty.

조선 초 사방경계의 분석과 공간적 재현

The purpose of this study is to analyze the text of the sabang-gyeonggye (四方境界), and to reveal the meaning of the sabang-gyeonggye through spatial representation. The earliest recorded sabang-gyeonggye of gun-hyeon (郡縣) are found in Gyeongsang-do Jiriji (慶尙道地理誌). Afterward, the sabang-gyeonggye were arranged for all gun-hyeon in the country in Sejong Sillok Jiriji (世宗實錄地理志). In the early Joseon Dynasty, in the describing method of the sabang-gyeonggye of two Jiriji, the section from administrative centers (邑治) to the adjacent gun-hyeon was recorded as the direction and distance to express the facet properties of the gun-hyeon. To clarify the meaning of the sabang-gyeonggye, each section of the sabang-gyeonggye of Sejong Sillok Jiriji was represented spatially. As a result, sabang-gyeonggye’s meaning is first, describing the geometrical shape as a face of the gun-hyeon in text, second, describing the relationship with neighboring gun-hyeons, and third, describing the network between administrative centers as points and lines. However, it was pointed out that although the sabang-gyeonggye has inherent characteristics of the transportation route, it is difficult to confirm that the sabang-gyeonggye refers to the transportation route between regions during the compilation stage of Sejong Sillok Jiriji.

조선시대 국도 한성의 풍수적 경관 경영과 풍수 담론의 노정

The Feng Shui of the Joseon Dynasty Period formed the basis of traditional geography used for spatial arrangement and landscape management of various landscapes and places including the location of Hanseong, the capital. From the early days of the Joseon Dynasty, Feng Shui was recognized as a major national academic field by government officials, and was one of the exam subjects of Gwageo (bureaucratic recruitment) system, and professional bureaucrats were appointed to government posts. Immediately after the Imjin War[壬 辰倭亂], King Seonjo mobilized the idea of Feng Shui as a theoretical basis to restore the main landscape elements of Hanseong destroyed by the war. However, after the late Joseon Dynasty, the idea of Feng Shui was criticized by many bureaucrats and Confucian scholars, and even the king added it. Even harsh criticism from some official historians followed the king for his excessive favoritism of Feng Shui. In particular, during the reigns of king Yeongjo and Jeongjo, critical opinions on Feng Shui arose greatly. After the late Joseon Dynasty, Feng Shui was greatly reduced to the level of Eumtaek[陰宅風水] in charge of the location or relocation of royal tombs. At the same time, unlike the early Joseon Dynasty Period, when the meaning of ‘geography=Feng Shui’ was strong, in the late Joseon period, ‘geography concept with a meaning different from that of Feng Shui’, like the usage examples in King Jeongjo’s ‘Geography Policy Questions[地理策問]’, certainly existed.

金宇顒의 元史 인식과 『續資治通鑑綱目』

In the early Joseon Dynasty, the influence o f Wondae NeoConfucianism introduced at the end of the Goryeo Dynasty, the situationoriented Hwaigwan held by intellectuals at the end of the Goryeo Dynasty, and the Yuan Dynasty was recognized and positively evaluated. In Seongjongdae, there was a tendency to emphasize the legitimacy of the Confucianism of Namsongdae, and Hoanguk's Chunchuho Clan Exhibition began to attract attention. The race-oriented white crown and orthodox theory, represented by Namsongdae Juhee and Hoanguk, spread to intellectuals through King Seongjong and Jungjongdae, and based on this, Chinese history accounts such as Kim Woo-ong's Sokgangmok and Jeong-gu's History began to appear. Among them, Kim Woo-ong's Sokgangmok was compiled based on the orthodox theory, pointing out that Sang-ro's Gangmok sequel, which was mainly used as a textbook for Songwonsa Temple, was orthodox, and that the history of the Yuan Dynasty was not orthodox.
 Kim Woo-ong criticized the fact that Sang-ro's Gangmoksokpyeon does not conform to the ritual of the runner, and edited Sokgangmok. As the Yuan Dynasty, which was recognized as orthodox in the Gangmoksokpyeon, was not recognized as orthodox in Sokgangmok, much of the history of the Yuan Dynasty, which corresponds to Volume 12, was calculated. Sokgangmok did not recognize the legitimacy of the circle, so it was from 1293 The records until 1368 were recorded in small letters, and the national title and myoho were written, but the name of the county were written instead of the name of the county, revealing that the circle was painless. In addition to the basic sympathy of the Yuan Dynasty, such as the emperor and high-ranking government officials, the rebellion of Jaein and Wonmal was recorded in detail, emphasizing the instability of the reign because Won was not orthodox.
 Kim Woo-ong began the compilation of Sokgangmok in November 1591 (the 24th year of King Seonjo's reign), and completed Sokgangmok in March 1595 (the 28th year of King Seonjo's reign). However, Sokgangmok was not published for a long time after its completion and remained an abstract. In 1771, Sokgangmok was printed, and in 1808(8th year of King Sunjo), Kim Han-dong corrected the errors in the draft of Sokgangmok and published it as a woodblock. Lee Hang-ro paid attention to Sokgangmok, which does not recognize the tradition of Won, and compiled Hwagangmok, focusing on Yujunggyo and Kim Pyeongmuk. Although "Hwagangmok" did not recognize the circle as orthodox, "Sokgangmok" emphasized the distinction of Hwai and the pain of the circle by strictly revising the part that does not fit Ju-hee's "Gangmok" narrative without acknowledged the circle as orthodox.

손돌목의 유래와 공간적 의미의 문헌적 검토

Sondolmok is a waterway for ship passage located in Sinan-ri, Daegot-myeon, Gimpo-si, Gyeonggi-do. In the Goryeo era, it was called Chakryang(窄梁) or Geubsumun(急水門), and it was recorded as Sondolhang(孫乭項) or Sonseokhang (孫石項) in the literature from the Joseon era. Regarding the place name of Sondolmok, the following legend has been passed down. In the process of the king moving to Ganghwa Island(江華島) for safety from the war during the Goryeo era, Son Dol, who was a boatman, was killed under a false accusation. At the moment of his death, a wind caused by his resentment blew and people called it the Sondol Wind(孫突風), and the custom of performing an ancestral rites to comfort his soul on October 20, the anniversary of his death, has been passed down up to now. Although Sondolmok has been mentioned in many past literatures, research and analysis to compile them have been limited. It is estimated that Sondolmok was called by its present name from the late Joseon era. Afterwards, Yeojidoseo(輿地圖書) introduced its origin, and Joseon era's novels, through their own historical demonstration, offered various opinions, such as claiming that the origin was merely a legend. Nevertheless, the legend of Sondolmok seems to have been steadily passed down by the local people, and it has been established as a culture by modern times. Sondolmok reappeared on the stage of history due to its characteristic topography. In the early Joseon era, construction of a canal was considered to avoid the waterway of Sondolmok, and by the late Korean Empire, it was regarded as an important point of defense of the region. As shown in above, Sondolmok's image was formed in various ways through ancient poetry that sang this place. It is expected that the above results make a small contribution to revealing the historical and cultural value of Sondolmok.

전북지역 조선시대 제철로의 구조와 제철유적 조성 배경

Of the 250 iron-producing sites distributed in the jeollabuk-do, 9 were from the Joseon Dynasty. Various remains such as smelting furnace, forging furnace, and waste place were investigated through excavation and investigation in the seasonal relics of the Joseon Dynasty. Among them, the smelting furnace is estimated to have a similar planar shape to a rectangular shape with rounded corners, and secondly, there is one discharge port on one long wall with a low terrain and about 19 small wind holes on one side of the long wall. In general, there are wind holes in the long wall opposite the discharge hole for the efficiency of the work. These melting furnaces are a type of so-called “box type furnace” and have similarities such as the planar shape and the presence of small-diameter wind holes from those of Japan, but their structures are generally different. This is intensively distributed in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula, including Chungju and Asan, and in particular, in the case of jeollabuk-do, all the smelting roads of the Joseon Dynasty surveyed so far are box type furnaces, so they are local. The produced iron is Bloomery iron, and it is highly likely that not only sand iron but also iron ore (titanium iron ore) was used as the raw material. It is believed that forging furnace was responsible for the function of refining and training-forging, which improved the quality of iron and made the tissue more dense than molding that produced the finished product. In particular, it is highly likely that it is Refining-forging, as there is a large amount of slag inside Okgye-dong Danya-ro, Namwon. On the other hand, referring to the literature records related to iron production, some of the 250 iron production sites distributed in Jeollabuk-do are believed to have been created and operated according to the iron tax receiving system and social changes during the Joseon Dynasty. In the early Joseon Dynasty, it is thought to be deeply related to the operation of cheolso and cheoljang(steel mills), and in the case of cheoljang, it is deeply related to the Cheoljangdohoe System, which took effect in the 7th year of King Taejong(1407). In the 18th year of King Seongjong (1487), as the Cheoljangdohoe System was abolished and Gakeupchenap system(each town arrears system) was implemented, production seems to have continued around iron reserves in jeollabuk-do. In the late Joseon Dynasty, as mining development and market revitalized, private production increased, and it is estimated that "hiding and producing” was prevalent when high taxes were imposed by the government to control this. The excavated iron production sites are believed to be deeply related to private production as their operation period is concentrated in the late Joseon Dynasty. In particular, considering that most of them were built in deep valleys, it is estimated that they were created by “hiding and producing”.

교과서 구성 틀로서 ‘조선 초기 자주적 민족문화의 발전’과 그 비판

This study aims to identify textbook narratives and critically examine their influence through textbook analysis on the National Culture of the early Joseon Dynasty. This approach stems from my research interest in trying to deconstruct any textbook narratives which provides frameworks of organizing specific topics in instructional explanation as well as units in history textbooks. To foster historical thinking and deconstructive reading, it seems to be necessary to expose the characteristics of textbook narratives which would lead to reveal the constructing process and reality of textbook narratives. Specifically, the analysis was made with focus on ''the Development of Independent National Culture in the early Joseon Dynasty'' which plays a role of a textbook narrative throughout a series of National Curriculum revisions and textbook revisions. Such a textbook narrative was identified to provide a framework of decide, exclude, and describe historical facts to create a particular story of the National Culture of the early Joseon Dynasty. Compared to previous history textbook reviews focusing on factual errors, exaggeration, and biased descriptions, this study can be characterized to emphasize the way to read in a deconstructive way based on close examination of textbook narratives. Since the textbook narratives are to reproduce corresponding to public demands of present values and civic engagement, this study strongly suggests that students need to learn how to read historical documents argumentatively not by avoiding existing textbook narratives but by actively deconstructing them.

조선시대 출토유물에 나타난 악수(握手) 연구

This study classifies the records of related literature and analyzes each relic’s materials and shapes to investigate the characteristics of the times of Aksu(握手) appearing in relics excavated during the Joseon Dynasty. The results are as follows. First, the discussion of Aksu continued throughout the Joseon Dynasty. After the 17th century, drawings of Aksu began to appear in earnest, and discussions on the form of Aksu became concrete. The Aksu’s drawings shown in the literature are an “H-type(Bobbin style)” shape, and the length is defined as one cheok(尺) two chon(寸), and the width is defined as two chon. The Aksu’s material varies depending on the status, and each Confucian scholar had different opinions on the number of times the Aksu is used, the number of straps, and the way it is worn. Second, a total of 70 cases and 121 pieces of Aksu were excavated. The outer and lining fabrics of Aksu are Ju(Silk Tabby), Cho(Raw Silk Tabby), Neung(Twill), Dan(Satin), Sa(Simple Gauge), Cotton, and Mosi(Ramie Fabric) that was used specifically for lining is can also be found. The shape of Aksu has divided mainly into ‘square’ and ‘H-type.’ Third, the square type has two or four strings and has not been confirmed since the 18th century. The H-type appeared throughout the Joseon Dynasty. It is classified according to the number of straps and the location of their attachment. There are two straps. The straps attached at the bottom were shown in the 17th century and became popular in the 18th century. The reason for the appearance of square type Aksu that did not appear in domestic literature in the early Joseon Dynasty is the influence of Gujun(邱濬)’s Mungonggaryejeol(文公家禮儀節) in the Ming Dynasty. After the 17th century, the Joseon Dynasty had its own system of Aksu, and it is reflected in the funerary rites.

15세기 초 율문 교육과 형률적 교화 모색

This paper analyses how the Joseon government dealt with two conflicting concepts in the ruling: an ideal of realizing moral persuasion and a realistic measure of using legal punishment. As a compromise between these options, the government implemented double policies: to instruct common people about the codes and to allow reductions of sentences of some criminals. Such a measure can be called ‘Moral persuasion by legalist approaches.’<BR> By introducing the double policy, the government expected specific outcomes: to deter crime by instructing the codes, and the criminals to be regretful for their wrongdoing by commuting the sentences. The double policy was carried out based on specific intentions. On the one hand, instructing the code was intended to direct commoners not to offend the law. In instructing ordinances, the government was benefited from local intellectuals’ cooperation during the reigns of King Taejong and King Sejong. On the other hand, allowing commutation to some criminals is intended to avoid severe punishment. The government hoped the criminals to be remorseful for their wrongdoing in the process of commutation. Previously, this kind of approach was applied only to elites. However, from the early Joseon period, the target of the approach was widened beyond the upper class.<BR> In conclusion, the double policy reveals the Joseon government’s initiatives for harmonizing two conflicting political ideas.

조선전기 조회의례(朝會儀禮) 중 관원 복식 연구

Jobok(朝服) is official attire worn for official morning meetings between monarchs and servants. It is worn as an official attire that applies to various situations. This study clarified the types and elaborate ceremonies of inquiry rituals based on the Codes of the Early Joseon Dynasty. It analyzed the attire of officials who participated in each tradition. This study reviewed the literature from a new perspective. Although it is essential information for understanding the situation of wearing clothes, we analyzed data that has not been noticed in the history of clothes. The study results are as follows. In a dictionary sense, government officials’ Jobok means clothes worn when meeting the king and is the concept of Jobok worn when participating in the morning meeting with the king. The official morning meeting is to greet the king, solidify the ruling order, and discuss political affairs. Moring official meetings for the early Joseon Dynasty were formalized as ‘Joha(朝賀),’ ‘Jocham(朝參)’ and ‘Sangcham(常參)’ in 『Gyeongguk Daejeon(經國大典)』. The official’s morning meeting attire was defined as Jobok, Gongbok(公服), and Sangbok(常服), according to the size and nature of the ritual. In the case of new year day and the winter solstice. the officials wear a Jobok to the king, a Gongbok to the prince in the morning greeting, and a Sangbok to the Jocham and Sangcham. In Sakmang(朔望), the officials wore Jobok but after 1433(the 15th year of King Sejong’s reign), the wearing regulations have changed to Gongbok. In the case of various rituals on the same day, such as the Lunar New Year and the winter solstice, the official wears Mangwolrye(望闕禮) and Jobok during the morning greeting to king and queen the official wears Gongbok during the greeting to the crown prince. Officials wear appropriate costumes for each ritual and move to the place where each ritual is performed to participate in the ritual.

New Perspective on the Protocol of receiving Chikseo(勅書) in the early Joseon Dynasty

이 글에서는 영칙의례를 통해 태종∼세종대에 『세종실록』 오례 성립을 위한 의주 정비의 노력이 있었고, 미진한 부분을 보완한 『국조오례의』의 편찬으로 조선 국가의례가 완성되었다는 조선 초 예제 성립의 기존 인식에 대해 재검토하였다. 연구 결과 조선 초 거행된 영칙의례에는 다음과 같은 특징이 있었다. 첫째, 영칙의례는 편의적으로 거행되었다. 조선에서 영칙의례를 예제적으로 더욱 올바르고 치밀하게 정비하기 위해 꾸준한 노력을 계획적으로 진행한 흔적은 없었다. 의례 거행 당시의 상황이 일반적 기준에 적합하면 그대로 거행하였고, 그렇지 않다면 적합하지 않은 규정과 절차를 수정하였다. 둘째, 오례의에 편제된 「영칙서의」는 영칙의례 절차의 표준을 보여주는 지침이었을 뿐, 절대 불변의 완성형이 아니었다. 이들 의주는 의한 글자도 추가하거나 삭제하면 안 되는 것이 아니었고, 언제든 그 글자 그대로 의례를 행할 수 있을 만큼 예외적 상황까지 포괄하고 있는 것도 아니었다. 「영칙서의」는 의례 거행시에 변수가 발생한다면 그 상정 의도를 헤치지 않는 선에서 언제든 변용될 수 있었다. 조선은 분명히 고도로 세련된 의주로써 오례의를 편찬하였다. 다만 그 과정은 이미 계획되고 설정된 완성형에 도달하기 위해 이루어진 것이 아니라 의례 거행 때마다 전례를 고찰하고 수정하였던 순간순간을 수렴하는 진행형이었다.

Review of Selecting Hanyang, the Capital City and Buddhist Activities by Monk Muhak in the Early Joseon Dynasty

본 연구는 태종과 세종대 불교 탄압시책 이전인 조선 건국초 왕사 무학의 興法과 奠都에 대하여 살펴본 것이다. 무학은 이성계의 탄신일에 왕사로 책봉되어 그의 스승 지공이 터를 잡고 스승 나옹과 함께 흥법하고자 했던 양주 회암사에 머물렀다. 무학은 회암사에서 태조의 권유에 따라 계룡산의 지세를 살피는데 동행하였으나 “능히 알 수 없다.”고 하여 부정적인 견해를 피력하고 회암사로 돌아왔다. 무학은 그 후 1년여 동안 고려의 국도였던 개성에 머물면서 고려말 숭유억불운동의 도화선이 되었던 연복사의 탑을 낙성하였을 뿐만 아니라 고려 태조 왕건이 희사해 지은 개성 광명사에서 불사를 주관하는 등 흥법을 펼쳤다. 이는 후에 이성계로 하여금 흥덕사를 한양에 창건하게 하였다고 생각되며, 흥덕사는 교종의 도회소가 되기에 이른다. 그런 후 양주 회암사로 가서 스승 지공과 나옹의 탑명을 새기고 불교계의 조파를 새롭게 확정하여 『불조종파지도』를 편찬하였다. 이렇듯 무학은 나옹을 중심으로 하는 법계를 정립하여 불교계의 재편을 꾀하였다고 생각된다. 그 후 국도 후보 터가 제기되었지만 그 가운데 가장 중요한 후보지인 고려의 남경 터나 그 일대인 무악과 한양의 지세를 살피는데 참여하였다. 무악의 지세를 살필 때 무학의 의견은 알려진 바 없으나 남경의 터에서는 “도읍을 정할 만하다.”고 하면서도 신료들의 의견을 따라 결정하라고 하였다. 비문에 의하면 이성계가 무학에게 “세상 사람들의 터 잡는 것이 도사의 눈만 하겠는가.”라고 하였으며, 무학은 계룡산과 한양 등 국도 후보지의 지세를 살필 때 이성계와 함께 하였다. 이렇듯 무학은 한양을 국도를 선정하는데 적지 않은 기여를 하였음을 알 수 있다.

조선 초기 조용조에 대한 이해와 부세제도 개혁의 방향

In the King Sejong period, the perception of the Joyongjo(租庸調)-Tax system changed. King Sejong presented the Joyongjo(租庸調) as a comprehensive model of tax reform aimed at the ancient ideal. This system was quite different from the one actually operated at Tang(唐) period in China. The three key elements of the the Joyongjo(租庸調) proposed by King Sejong were as follows. ① The financial philosophy of YangipWichul(量入爲出 ; determining the amount of spending by the amount of earning), ② The ideal of a homogeneous farmer and direct administration of the state, ③ The financial principle of paying tax in-kind. Joseon preserved the ideal of a homogeneous peasant through a direct taxation policy in parallel with the land policy. The financial principle of paying tax in-kind, which was more fundamental was, the result of adapting fiscal policy of Ming(明) to the national task of the early Joseon Dynasty.

The Introduction of North China’s Ceramic Culture to 15th Century Joseon and the Influence on Buncheong Ware

This paper is a study on Korean Buncheong ware in relation to the ceramic culture of North China. The focus on drawing connections between the ceramic industries of Korea and North China expands on views presented in previous scholarship. Research thus far has traditionally ascribed the origin of Buncheong forms and decoration techniques to the influences of inlaid celadon from the late Goryeo Dynasty and the Cizhou ware of the Yuan and Ming Dynasties. The ceramic culture of North China was quickly transmitted to Korea due to the naturalization of the Jurchen people, who took part in founding the early Joseon Dynasty. Another factor was the migration and settlement of immigrants from North China, which began from the late Goryeo Dynasty and continued into the Joseon Dynasty or the fifteenth century. Therefore, the influence of North China is evident in various aspects of Buncheong ware from the early fifteenth century as observed in the forms of inlaid examples produced during this period. In the latter half of the fifteenth century, increased cultural exchange between the two regions and the growing number of migrants from North China were two important factors in the development of Buncheong in Korea. This is particularly true for examples featuring underglaze iron-brown (cheolhwa), sgraffito (bakji), slip-brushed (gwiyal), and slip-coated (deombeong) decorations fired in kilns populating the region of Chungcheong-do and parts of Jeolla-do. Traces of ‘Bunjang (粉粧)’ ceramics, which served as the transition from celadon to White Porcelain, is detected not only in the fifteenth century Buncheong ware of Joseon, but also in the porcelain of North China produced in the late Yuan and early Ming Dynasties. Though South China also experienced a quick transition from celadon to White Porcelain, the inclusion of ‘Bunjang’ ceramics is unique to North China. In conclusion, early Joseon Buncheong originated and developed from the inlaid celadon of late Goryeo–a progression that occurred under the ceramic culture of North China, whose influences prompted innovations in form and technique vital to the development of Buncheong ware.

Reorganization of National Rites in the Early Joseon Dynasty and Family Rituals(家禮)

이 글에서는 조선초기 국가의례 정비에 반영된 『가례』의 면모를 살펴보았다. 조선초기의 예제 정비는 민간에 대해서는 『가례』를 정착시키는 방식으로, 국가의례의 경우에는 오례 체제로 된 국가전례서를 편찬하는 방식으로 수렴되어 이원적으로 이루어졌다. 그러나 양자가 완벽하게 분화된 것은 아니었고, 『가례』는 보다 폭넓게 활용되어 국가의례를 제정하는 데에 있어서도 중요한 근거 자료가 되었다. 즉 국가의례 관련 논의의 장에서 『가례』에 근거한 주장이 받아들여지기도 하였고, 그러한 사항이 『세종실록』 &#65378;오례&#65379; 및 『국조오례의』의 의주에 반영되기도 하였다. 또한 『가례』는 국상(國喪) 중 상복제도의 근거가 되었고, &#65378;가례도(家禮圖)&#65379;는 『세종실록』 &#65378;오례&#65379;와 『국조오례의』에 포함된 상복도설(喪服圖說)의 바탕이 되었다. 이와 같이 『가례』는 사가(私家)의 영역을 넘어 국가의례의 정비에 있어서도 주요 자료로서 기능하였고, 이는 조선초기에 『가례』를 중요시한 것은 물론 국가의례의 제정에 있어서도 보다 폭넓은 자료를 다양하게 참조함으로써 예의 원칙에 부합하고자 했던 국가적 노력을 보여주는 것이다.

麗末鮮初 品官層의 정리와 재편: 과전법상 田地 분급과 侍衛 의무를 중심으로

Pumgwan , originally a general term for government officials, came to signify officials who did not have actual duties to perform in spite of holding office in the late Goryeo dynasty. The number of officials without actual duties increased because the number of honorary posts was too numerous. In local provinces, there were mainly two types of Pumgwan . Pumgwan (A) were actually former officials, and Pumgwan (B) were local functionaries who received honorary posts. The late Koryo government consistently tried to separate Pumgwan (A) and Pumgwan (B).<BR> The Gwajeon Act in 1391 mediated the loyalty between the king and his subjects through land allotment. In return for the lands, incumbent officials served in government posts, and former officials guarded the royal family. According to the Gwajeon Act, officials living in the capital received Gwajeon, and officials living in the local provinces only received a small Gunjeon. This act led many officials to come to the capital. However, officials without actual career could not receive lands, even if they went to the capital to apply for land. Therefore, Pumgwan (A) were more likely to go to the capital, and Pumgwan (B) were more likely to stay in the provinces. In this way, the government hierarchically reorganized the Pumgwan class in the late Goreyo and early Joseon period.

The Study on the Style and Value of Stone Buddha Statue of Hoeamsa Temple in Yangju

This study focus on the characteristics and of the Fragment of Stone Buddha of Hoeamsa Temple(檜巖寺). As is well known, this temple had been developed rebuilding by supporting of the royal family from the late of Korea Dynasty to the early of Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮). The Hoeamsa Temple Site in Yangju(陽州) is believed to have been destroyed in a fire in the late 16th century, and various artifacts have been excavated after several excavations since 1999. This Temple has been excavated a variety of Fragment of Stone Buddha statues. The Buddha statue of Hoeamsa Temple in Yangju has a hole on top of high usnisa(肉髻), and special folds in the left arm and a thick clothing style. It was reflects the sculptural Joseon style modified by the Tibet-Chinese style. This style is very similar to that of Buddha statues produced in the 15th century, supported by the royal family of Joseon. In particular, these statues were believed to have been produced around the first half of the 15th century when the temple was heavily fortified with the support of Prince Hyo-ryeong(孝寧大君). It is also interesting to note that these statues show the sculptural features of the early Joseon Dynasty, reflecting the Tibetan-Chinese sculptures style, compared to those of the Buddhist sculptures in the first half of the 15th century during the year of Yeongrak (1403~1424) and Seondeok (1426~1435), the kings of the Ming Dynasty. This reflects the development of Buddhist sculptures in the early Joseon Dynasty in line with the trend of Buddhist art in East Asia.