Early Greek Research Articles

The role of Jews in the late Ottoman and early Greek Salonica

Salonica is the ‘Jerusalem of the Balkans’ and the ‘mother-city of Israel’.1 However, the contribution of the Jewish community to the local cultural and economic development of late Ottoman and ear...

Elegia marcial e ocasião de performance

<div class="page" title="Page 116"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>O presente trabalho consiste de um exame breve das correntes teóricas que propõem o simpósio aristocrático como ocasião única e evidente da <em>performance</em> de poemas elegíacos arcaicos de pequena extensão. Igualmente, considera testemunhos antigos sobre a recepção da poesia de Tirteu e a presença de tópicas militares em elegias notadamente simposiais. Por conseguinte, visa a oferecer, liminarmente, pressupostos para uma compreensão outra da elegia exortativa marcial, na medida em que verifica a relação entre esta poesia, o contexto que a motiva, e a sua similaridade formal e temática com textos pertencentes à tradição épica. </span></p><div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><strong>Martial elegy and performance </strong></p><p><strong>Abstract </strong></p><p><span>This work consists in a brief exam of academical studies which assume the aristocratic symposion as an exclusive occasion for early greek </span><span>elegies’ performance. It also considers historical evidence about the reception of Tyrtaeus’ poetry and the p</span><span>resence of military topics in typical symposion environment. Therefore, this paper raises preliminary conjectures for a different comprehension on martial exhortative elegy, along with the inspection of relations among this poetry, its context, and its formal and thematic resemblances with epic texts. </span></p><p><span><strong>Keywords:</strong> early greek elegy; epic tradition; performance; Tyrtaeus. </span></p></div></div></div><p><span><br /></span></p></div></div></div>

Overlapping Universe: Understanding Legal Insanity and Psychosis

The Insanity Defense of Not Guilty by Reason of Insanity is the defense used by some mentally disordered defendants who do not have the capacity for understanding right and wrong at the time of their criminal act. This defense has perplexed legal and mental health professionals for centuries. Though it has been a part of the legal system since the early Greeks, it has been and continues to be amended, modified, and in some jurisdictions, abolished. Moreover, despite its infrequent use, many in our society hold onto the belief that defendants can evade criminal responsibility by means of this defense. Furthermore, insanity is often equated with psychosis; however, the two are not the same and have different connotations. It is essential for any clinical psychiatrist to understand the concept of the insanity defense and how it differs from psychosis. This paper will clarify the meaning and purpose of the insanity defense and will differentiate insanity and psychosis.

'A DIFFERENT OBJECT': space and place in the early poetry of Edward Dorn, 1961-65

This article gives an account of space and place in the early work of the twentieth-century American poet, Edward Dorn. Readings of these concepts are pursued in the context of Early Greek and Hellenic physics and natural philosophy in distinct opposition to Newtonian mechanics. Dorn's representations of space and place reveal both a tension between impulses towards the freedom of spatial extension and the coherent stability of place or the plenum of bounded space, and the poet's vexed recognition that place affects space, consumes or obscures it. This configuration is a crucial way of approaching Dorn's ambivalent response to the American Far West as a site both of seemingly endless spatial freedom and endless, rootless vagrancy.

The Poetics of exôleia in Homer

AbstractThe notion of delayed generational punishment, or ancestral fault, has a long history in Greek literature. The identification of its earliest attestations in the Archaic period is contested, especially its presence in Homeric poetry. This paper aims to show that delayed generational punishment does indeed appear in Homer, where it is, however, confined to one context: the great oath of exôleia of Iliad 3.298-301 and 4.155-65. The institutional and ritual context of the generational oath is essential to understanding this earliest Greek attestation of ancestral fault, and making sense of the idea’s larger significance for narrative perspective, divine justice, and temporal order in the Homeric epic.

Introduction to this special section: The Black Sea Region

Indeed, the Black Sea represents a very colorful region, not only from a historical and cultural perspective, but also from a hydrocarbon exploration point of view. This region has a long history of geological and geophysical activity. For example, the Black Sea became the type example of an euxinic basin and the name was literally derived from its earliest ancient Greek name, Pontos Axeinos (the dark or somber sea). Strangely enough, at one point its Latin name became Pontus Euxinus (the welcoming sea).

Language and Metre

If melody is the soul of music, rhythm is its heart. But is rhythm integral to communication or simply an adjunct to it? This article focuses on ancient Greek, a language whose rhythms, from which its numerous and complex regularized metres derived, appear to have been intrinsic to its expression. The earliest Greek written texts, spanning three centuries from 800 BC, were composed almost entirely in different forms of verse. The Greeks were not disposed to accept that the 'music' of their language — its rhythm as well as its melodic contours — could or should be divorced from its expression. Evidence is presented here to show how rhythms and metrical patterns were embedded in the everyday expression of Greek no less than in the more formal patterns of sung music and verse, as well as in the exuberant effusions of later oratorical prose.

From Daimonion to The “Last” God

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) Blaise Pascal famously distinguished between God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (and of Christians) and God of philosophers. The first is God of religious beUever, personal, loving God (of whatever reUgious tradition) that offers hope of salvation to beUever and fear of punishment and damnation to nonbeliever. The second refers to all those abstract ultimate realities that have accumulated throughout history of Western philosophy that complete some comprehensive, inteUectual view of all that is (and has been or will be). To this distinction we also might add another sort of God, what Richard Rorty caUed God of theologians, sort of God that results from running together needs of religious beuevers with needs of by changing label of latest philosophical costume.1 Rorty specifically had in mind Paul TilUch's theological knockoff of Heidegger's Sein and Mark Taylor's appropriation of Derrida's differance, but his label would include everything from Philo's use of Plotinus and Aquinas's use of Aristotle to process theology's reinterpretation of Whitehead, to recent efforts by philosophers working in Continental tradition to reconcile postmodernism with Biblical themes.2 These distinctions, however, overlook more original, more primordial sense of what is divine: of thinker. The early Greeks named this understanding of divinity daimon (...), naming which is heard at crossroads between philosophy and religion, between eariier and later Greek thinking, in Socrates' talk of what inspires and drives him. Interestingly, twentieth century philosopher Martin Heidegger wrestles with meaning of daimon in his interpretations of Plato, Aristotle, and early Greek thinkers, hinting at his own understanding of what is named in the (der letzte Gott). This is field I want to survey in this paper: what are meanings of daimon and last god, and how do they name of thinker. We begin with Socrates, paradigmatic thinker of Western philosophy. In course of his trial, Socrates notes that: I am subject to (daimonion; ...), which Meletus saw fit to travesty in his indictment. It began in my early childhood - sort of voice which comes to me, and when it comes it always dissuades me from what I am proposing to do, and never urges me on. (Plato, Apology, 31c-d)3 Socrates' daimonion apparently was well known; both Plato and Xenophon note or have Socrates refer to his daimonion number of times. In addition, as Socrates observes here, his daimonion is part of what is at issue in his indictment; aU sources note that Socrates was charged with introducing or bringing in daimonia (...).4 Socrates' daimonion was clearly important to who he was and to what he was charged with being. As first reading, noncommital translation of daimonion as something divine seems most appropriate. On one hand, many of earliest Greek writers (e.g., Homer, Pindar, Greek tragedians) use term daimon in conjunction with theos (...), such as in stock ending for Euripides' plays: Many forms are there of (daimonion; ...). Many things gods (theoi; ...) accomplish unexpectedly. What we waited for does not come to pass, while for what remained undreamed (theos; ...) finds ways. Just such doing was this doing.5 The two terms - daimoni and theos - are and are not exactly interchangeable. Lacking an image or cult, ... often indicates strange sort of or power rather than class of beings. In that sense, daimon is similar to o theos (...), which means god or the in generic sense, not particular and individual gods of Greek pantheon. Naming a force that drives man forward where no agent can be named, one way to understand daimon then is as the veiled countenance of activity that is invoked when event or action eludes characterization and naming. …

Auspicious Reasoning: Can metadesign become a mode of governance?

Why has rational logic remained so appealing to the western mind? It is probably because of its high level of consistency. Unfortunately, internal consistency does not always lead to practical consistency, and this has encouraged the development of bureaucratic, negative, cynical and solipsistic modes of reasoning. Moreover, whereas the logic of nature is non-linear, rational logic tends to be linear. As such, it is inauspicious. The world needs wisdom, but although governments consult some of the brightest thinkers, collective human actions frequently turn out to be dysfunctional. In maintaining a bureaucratic, ballot-box system of governance, our society has evolved a reasoning process that limits civic responsibility to the making of critical, often negative choices, rather than inspiring future-based, imaginative reflection. This decision-oriented mindset is now ubiquitous within the economic and political domain. As voters and consumers we are merely invited to choose, never to dream. Although this democratic style of capitalism may seem characteristically modern, its origins can be found in the strongly truth-oriented philosophies of the early Greeks. This article argues that the mindset it produced is inauspicious if it encourages citizens and governments to regard facts, statistics, or scientific laws as less important than imaginative thoughts and emotional experiences. In politics, the claim to being part of the so-called real world is common. Ironically, this idea evolved from within the western idea of a world that is independent from the thinker, yet is also, somehow, amenable to truth-oriented inquiry by the rational mind. This dualistic approach was implicit in the idealism of Pythagoras and Plato, and in the categorical reasoning of Aristotle, all of whom, in different ways inspired the notion that data, numbers, forms or sets might represent a higher mode of reality than the experiential world. Many legal, bureaucratic and political systems still reflect this kind of alienation. This article argues that it should be every citizen's duty to envision beneficial ways of living. This would require a radical overhaul of the education system and an alternative to the political and economic discourse that has led us to the brink of disaster. Where this may be useful to individuals who wish to formulate a truth-claim, or to defend a rhetorical position, it is less helpful for facilitating actions that are attuned to the ecosystem. This article asks whether design thinking, incorporated within metadesign, might inspire a more sapient form of governance. Where precedent-based legislation manages society at the level of textual and categorical logic, traditional design methods do similar things by managing forms and anticipating the behaviours they might inspire. What is most urgently needed in the twenty-first century is a more collective, imaginative, incentivizing and outcome-centred mode of reasoning that will support new, co-creative forms of democracy. This new mode of reasoning may need to be highly situated and contextualized, because an ethics of creative engagement would need to eclipse an ethics of standing-for a particular cause, or belief. By exploring design-thinking as a possible basis for further development, we may therefore create a richer type of ethics that is eudemonic, synergy-enhancing and, above all, auspicious.

Inconspicuous Consumption: The Sixth-Century B.C.E. Shipwreck at Pabuç Burnu, Turkey

In the first half, probably the second quarter, of the sixth century B.C.E., a ship sank off the coast of Pabuç Burnu, Turkey, southeast of Bodrum (ancient Halikarnassos). Excavated by the Institute of Nautical Archaeology in 2002 and 2003, the preserved ceramic cargo and hull remains of the vessel provide evidence for the development of production and exchange systems in the Archaic period. The circulation of agricultural products in a moderate-sized merchant vessel—carrying a load of well under 10 tons—speaks for a practice of local transport designed to operate in a rather different framework of consumption from the exchange of luxury items catalogued by early Greek lyric poets or the optimized mechanisms utilized in the markets of classical Athens. This preliminary report of the ship's cargo and construction situates the vessel within the developing commercial environment of standardized quality and quantity in the archaic eastern Mediterranean.

The Linguistic Case for the Aiolian Migration Reconsidered

Ascribing the presence of speakers of Lesbian in the northeast Aegean during historical times to the migration ofAiolian tribes from mainland Greece receives no support from linguistics. Migration is not the only or even primary way in which languages and dialects may spread. Moreover, on reexamination, the idea of an Aiolic dialect group falls apart. Boiotian, separated by the First Compensatory Lengthening from Lesbian and Thessalian, appears as a conservative dialect, most closely related to West Greek. In turn, Lesbian and Thessalian are both archaic branches ofGreek that share no demonstrable common innovations. They are best viewed as two separate relic areas of a relatively unaltered early Greek.

Jewish perspectives on Hellenistic rulers

preface abbreviations Introduction: Tessa Rajak part one: theories and practices of hellenistic rulers 1. Philosophy and Monarchy in the Hellenistic World Oswyn Murray 2. The Character of Ptolemaic Aristocracy: Problems of Definition and Evidence Jane Rowlandson part two: rulers in greek-jewish texts 3. Persia through the Jewish Looking-Glass Erich Gruen 4. Ben Sira on Kings and Kingship Benjamin Wright 5. The Image of the Oriental Monarch in the Third Book of Maccabees Philip Alexander and Loveday Alexander 6. The Angry Tyrant Tessa Rajak 7. The Narrative Function of the King and the Library in the Letter of Aristeas Sylvie Honigman 8. Kingship and Banditry: The Parthian Empire and Its Western Subjects Richard Fowler part three: light from the septuagint translators? 9. Translating for Ptolemy: Patriotism and Politics in the Greek Pentateuch? Sarah Pearce 10. Poet and Critic: Royal Ideology and the Greek Translator of Proverbs James Aitken 11. The King's Good Servant? Loyalty, Subversion, and Greek Daniel Jennifer Dines 12. The Terminology of Government in the Septuagint--in Comparison with Hebrew, Aramaic, and Other Languages Lester Grabbe 13. The Court Function of the Interpreter in Genesis 42.23 and Early Greek Papyri Trevor Evans part four: ideologies of jewish rule 14. The Greek Bible and Jewish Concepts of Royal Priesthood and Priestly Monarchy Arie van der Kooij 15. Royal Ideology: 1 and 2 Maccabees and Egypt Jan Willem van Henten 16. Constructing Kings--from the Ptolemies to the Herodians: The Archaeological Evidence Douglas Edwards cumulative bibliography list of contributors indexes general ancient sources modern authors

Genesis and Nature in Early Greek Philosophy

The Greek Concept of Nature. Gerard Naddaf (New York: State University of New York Press, 2005), x + 263 pp. $70.00 cloth.

The concept of the cosmopolitan in Greek & Roman thought

Nouns and Poetic Technique” (1968), “Stoic Studies” (1996), and “Epictetus: A Stoic and Socratic Guide to Life” (2002). He has edited “Problems in Stoicism” (1996), “The Question of ‘Eclecticism’: Studies in Later Greek Philosophy” (with J. M. Dillon, 1988), and “The Cambridge Companion to Early Greek Philosophy” (1999). He is a Corresponding Fellow of the Brit-

Vedānta Personality Development: A Model to Enhance the Cultural Competence of Psychotherapists

Inasmuch as psychology references a conscious questioning of what it is to be self, or what it is to say "I," it can be considered to be as old as civilization itself. Yet it is a relative neophyte within the paradigm of Western/Eurocentric scientific disciplines. Contemporary mainstream psychology traces its origins to the late nineteenth century for its disciplinary status and to the Greeks for its philosophical underpinnings. However, the lines of influence may not be as narrow and clear-cut, and the fact of the matter may well be that civilizations that existed earlier, and elsewhere, have played a decisive and formative role in shaping the very fundamentals of contemporary psychology. India (and perhaps "the East" in general) may well be such a case in point. Archaeological sources suggest that the genesis of modern-day psychology can be traced to civilizations that existed around 3000 BCE and earlier. According to Gardner Murphy and Joseph K. Kovach (1972), it was the forces from the Persian uplands who invaded India, "borrowed" from her culture, and produced influential philosophical treatises such as the Upanisads and the Bhagavad Gita. In the period 500 BCE the psychological systems of Buddha, Confucius, and Laotsu emerged, and concomitantly during this era Greek systematic philosophy began its evolution - which arguably was the point of conception of Western psychological systems. Klaus K. Klostermaier (1994) asserts that there is evidence to support the presence of Indian religious and philosophical thought in ancient Athens and comments on its possible influence on early and classical Greek philosophy. If it is so that India contributed significantly to the Greeks, who in turn provided the ontological and epistemological foundation for contemporary psychology in the West, the irony is that psychology is now exported to countries, including India, wholly devoid of any acknowledgment or recognition of such multifaceted, multiregioned, and multicultural intellectual origins. Anand C. Paranjpe (1988) asserts that the contemporary psychology taught at most Asian universities bears the hallmark of European intellectual heritage of philosophers such as Plato, Aristotle, and Descartes, rather than that of Buddha, Confucius, or Sankara. Several writers such as

Solon and Early Greek Poetry: The Politics of Exhortation by Elizabeth Irwin

316 BOOK REVIEWS SolonandEarlyGreek Poetry: ThePolitics ofExhortation. ByELIZABETH IRWIN. Cambridge Classical Studies. Cambridge and New York: CambridgeUniversity Press,2005.Pp. xiii+ 350. Cloth,$90.00.ISBN 0-521-85178-5. Perhaps it is faintpraise to say thatElizabethIrwin's Solonand EarlyGreek Poetry is themostexcitingbook on Solon's politicalelegy ever written. Most ofthe scholarshipdevoted to Solon's poetryhas notbeen remarkably adventurous;certainly ithas had nothingclose to thewhitehot criticalenergythatcracklesthroughIrwin'swork.1 As she notes,Solon scholarshave traditionally put thelawgiverbeforethepoet ; thepoetryhas been treatedas corollaryto thepolitical activity. ButIrwinshows how organicallythepoetryand thepolitics are linked;indeed, themultiform configurations ofthislinkage are her trueabiding theme.The dual careerofSolon offers a richcase studyofpoeticpoliticsand politicalpoetics:he "represents theideal figurethroughwhich to analyse thepoliticalimplicationsof poetic expressioninthearchaicperiod" (p. 87). The semantic,grammaticaland tonal ambiguitiesand discontinuitiesin thepoliticalelegies thatscholarshave traditionally triedto corrector explain away in an effort to preservean unproblematic Solonian "viewpoint"are Irwin'shermeneutic bread and butter.She capitalizes on these details to thefullest,freeingtextssuch as fragment4 (theEunomia)fromthegraycocoons in whichtheyhave been trapped to reveal thedynamicpoikilia ofSolon's poeticand political personae.Irwin'sSolonis a polytropic expertinsemanticcontestation, Lakoffian"framing,"conceptual detournementand recuperation, and subtlycoded doubletalk;he is a bravura self-fashioner, a cunningpoliticaland poetic"masterofthegame." Whatyou see is what you do not get (e.g., "Solon exploitsthelanguage of tyranny while seemingexplicitly torejectit"(p. 243)-such disingenuousdisavowal being a characteristic Solonian maneuver).All thisfurioussignifying and rhetorical sleightofhand will notbe everyone'scup oftea. This Solon may seem to some like too dreamya posterboy fora certain second-generation New Historicist-inflected classicalstudies.I, however ,would takehimany day overthestraight Solon,themeasured statesmanand earnestlyversifying propagandist.Bothare too good to be true,but therecan be no doubt thatIrwin's trickster is more responsiveto the sophisticatedand contentiouspoliticaland poetic culturesofArchaicGreece. Above all, Irwin's Solon is a self-serving manipulatorof poetic traditions.Crucial to her argumentsis an intelligentapproach to ' But see now thestimulating essays,includingone by Irwin,in PartI ofJ.Blok and A. Lardinois,eds., SolonofAthens: NewHistorical and Philological Approaches (Leiden ,2006). BOOK REVIEWS 317 intertextuality and allusion, between elegy and Homer, elegy and Hesiod, and sympoticand public elegy, and the way intertextual engagement allows poets and reperformers to fashion complex sociopoliticalidentities.Irwinis aware ofthespecial methodological dangers in arguing for "strong" intertextuality in orally derived poetry,but succeeds in creatingan "interpretive space betweenthe traditional verdictofstrict allusion and thecountervailing view that reduces all repeated themes... to the categoryof moral and poetic cliches"(p. 115). She channelsStephenHinds here,whose expansive vision of metapoetic interplayin Latin poetry she convincingly importsintothe studyof earlyGreekelegy,whichbadly needs its sophistication.Irwin largelystays away fromargumentsforstrict textualreference, preferring to describethe more gesturalyetultimately richer modes of intertextualacknowledgement through which Solon engages the postures of rival poets, genres and traditionsas shaped bytheirown framesofreception. In PartOne, "The Politicsof Exhortation," Irwinundertakesto read anew the martialexhortation elegy of Tyrtaeusand Callinus. The intertextual engagementbetween this elegy and martialepic allowed sympoticperformers to indulge in "a type of heroic selffashioning "(p. 62). Such narcissistic role-playing belies thepropatria mori sentiments ofthepoetry,whichmostscholarstakeas a genuine expressionofan emergent polisideology.Anything but,arguesIrwin; polis ideologyhas a purelyinstrumental function, toreinforce aristocraticideology . As the Iliadic laos was thereto validate thekleosof thehero,so thed^fmos in elegyconfersstatuson itssympoticsingers intheeyes oftheirfellowsymposiasts. PartTwo, "PoliticalPoetics:Solon's Eunomia,"argues thatSolon critically definedhis public elegyagainstthesympoticelegiac tradition ;theimageryof martialexhortation in the latter,which served the distinction of the few,is detournedin civic exhortation toward thecollectiveconcernsofthepolis. At thesame time,Solon's Eunomiaimplicitlycriticizesthe martialepic (i.e. the Iliad) thatsupports theideologicalorientations ofa Tyrtaeus.Solon's epic modelis rather theOdyssey. Throughthematicand structural allusions,he "recapitulates in elegy" the Odyssey'sown critiqueof the Iliad "throughhis use ofmartialepic and elegiacimageryas foil"(p. 121). Irwinfurther suggeststhatSolon modeled bothhis poeticand politicalstanceson Odysseus, that"masterat controllinghis own reception"(p. 148). She exploresin detailtwokeyepisodes in Solon's biographicaltradition -the "crazylikea fox"performance oftheSalamiselegyand the accountsoftravel-arguing thatbothreflect Solon's success at defining the termsof his reception;theypositivelynarrativizehis selfrepresentation in thepoetryas a cunningOdysseus. (Irwin'ssemiotic analysisofthefelthat supposedly wornby Solon when he sang the 318 BOOK REVIEWS Salamisis a brilliant example ofhow to recoup "culturaltruth"from apocryphalanecdotes.) The sectionconcludes with a long but less interesting discussionofSolon's (well-known)Hesiodic debts. PartThree,"Poetryand PoliticalCulture,"looks at the framing of politicallanguage in the elegies. The primarycontentionis that Solon's politicalactivity is hauntedby thespecteroftyranny, which he does not attemptto exorcize fully.Rather,he performsa coy dance...

‘Sugaring the Pill’: Gregory of Nazianzus' Advice to Olympias (Carm. 2.2.6)

Advice on marriage and the proper deportment for wives begins with the earliest Greek literature. While Homer's Andromache and Penelope provide practical role models, Hesiod (Works and Days 695-705, Theogony 568-612), followed (in iambics) by Semonides (frr. 6, 7), forcefully articulates male concerns about evil wives and women's wicked wiles. Hesiod's imperatival infinitives as well as his viewpoint reverberate more than a millennium later in a poem of advice composed, probably in the early 380s, by the Christian Gregory of Nazianzus for the marriage (νῦν μὲν σοὶ τόδ' ἔδωκα γαμήλιον, ‘now I have given you this wedding gift’, 2.2.6.108) of Olympias, elder daughter of Vitalian, a local Nazianzene worthy. This paper seeks to contribute to recent revaluations of Gregory's poetry—and hence of his place in the larger development of later Greek hexameter poetry—by illustrating how reading of the Olympias poem is enriched by exploration of its literary allusions and intertexts and its poetic craftsmanship. My title adopts Gregory's own image of ‘sugaring the pill’ of instruction for the young by writing in verse, but I extend the expression to include the pleasure that any reader may obtain in recognising Gregory's literary artistry, even when unpalatable prescriptions for female married life are the theme. Since the corpus is not well known, I begin by locating the poem within the context of Gregory's verse.

Sinai Ar. N.F. Parchment 8 and 28: Its Contribution to Textual Criticism of the Gospel of Luke

AbstractThis article examines the text of an Arabic Gospel manuscript from the “New Finds” at St. Catherine's Monastery, Sinai. It provides a general description of the codex, and then studies two hundred and thirty readings in Saint Luke's Gospel. These readings differ from the Majority Text and agree with some of the earliest Greek witnesses as well as ancient versions. The contribution of this manuscript is shown to be considerable, and a warning against minimizing the textual value of the Arabic versions.

The Shorter and Longer Texts of Ezekiel: The Implications of the Manuscript Finds from Masada and Qumran

The second-century CE Papyrus 967 contains a Greek version of Ezekiel that is significantly shorter than the Masoretic text. It has been argued that this shorter text reflected an earlier version of the Hebrew that was later expanded to form the text now found in the Masoretic text. Although the manuscript finds of Ezekiel from Qumran and Masada are scant, enough data are available to demonstrate a broadly proto-Masoretic text, which contains sections absent in the pre-Hexaplaric Greek versions. As these finds predate the earliest Greek witness (Papyrus 967) by over 200 years, the conclusion that the shorter text had been expanded becomes seriously questionable. This article argues that the available data are better explained by the conclusion that two different texts of Ezekiel must have been in circulation concurrently for a prolonged period of time and that the historical precedence of either text cannot be established legitimately.

From Budé to Zenodotus: Homeric Readings in the European Renaissance

The reception of Homer in the European Renaissance is still in many ways an uncharted territory.1 The present article deals with some approaches to Iliad and Odyssey in the four main European humanistic cultures at the turn of the 16th century. Though not systematic in its analysis, it tries to assess similarities and differences between the Homeric studies of some outstanding Italian, Spanish, German and French humanists, with a special focus on their attitude to earlier Greek Homeric exegesis, and on the enduring conflict between philology and allegory, between a “textual” and a “moralistic” approach. This attempt towards a new perspective on the overall development of the European reception of Homer will be substantiated by the study of partly neglected (Politian, Melanchthon, Camerarius) or still unpublished exegetical material (Pincianus, Bude). Particular emphasis will be put on Guillaume Bude, whose manuscript notes to the Homeric poems reveal the surprising wealth of his sources; in some cases, these notes may help improve the text of ancient scholia or even bring to light new, hitherto unknown, fragments of Alexandrian exegesis. (I. Italian prologue – II. Spain: the case of Pincianus – III. Germany: a moral Homer – IV.1 Paris; IV.2 Bude’s notes: dating; IV.3 Bude’s notes and ancient Homeric exegesis; IV.4 Bude’s Homer. – Appendix A: From Pincianus’ notes on Iliad and Odyssey; Appendix B: From Bude’s notes on the Iliad; Appendix C: Some Homeric references in Bude’s published works. Le Paris que vous aimâtes n’est pas celui que nous aimons et nous nous dirigeons sans hâte vers celui que nous oublierons Raymond Queneau, L’Amphion (1967) Le Paris ou nous marchons N’est pas celui ou nous marchâmes Et nous avancons sans flamme Vers celui que nous laisserons. J. Roubaud, Paris (2006)