Domestic Negotiations Research Articles

Cultural Differences in Interaction Goals between Malaysia-China Business Negotiations

As the world is getting more globalized due to digital world, cross-cultural business negotiation is getting more in demand and challenging compared to those days where most business involved mostly in domestic business negotiations. With such situations and environments, cultural intelligence is important to be learned. As many Chinese and Malaysian companies seeking the role as importer-exporter, international business negotiation skills and cultural awareness are much needed skills to meet the interaction goals of both parties. A lack of cultural awareness will lead to miscommunication and rejection from the other party during negotiations. The participants in this studies involve Chinese and Malaysians who are involved in real negotiation world. This paper used GLOBE model to compare the cultural dimensions between Malaysians and Chinese business negotiators. Questionnaires were sent by emails and through WeChat Apps to the participants who are based in China and Malaysia. Based on analysis, we found that between Chinese and Malaysian business negotiators, cultural norms influence the interaction goals between the two groups. As to the future research, we suggest that future research be directed towards developing theories and also focus on the application of GLOBE model in different research fields across different cultures, such as halal business management, digital marketing and business entrepreneurship. This study has contributed in enriching the knowledge on international business negotiations between Malaysia and China business literature context. On practical implication, this study has strengthen the negotiators’ knowledge on cultural norms of both Malaysians and Chinese in order to build better relationships with their business partners

Revisiting domestic support to agriculture at the WTO: Ensuring a level playing field

In the agriculture negotiations, developing members remain concerned about the inherent inequities in the Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) which allows developed members to provide huge product-specific support without breaching their commitments. As a result, developed members enjoy artificial competitiveness, which leads to an adverse impact on farm income and livelihood security for poor farmers. Further, developing members have been increasingly finding difficulties in implementing support measures due to the constraining provisions of the AoA. From the developing members’ perspective, the elimination of trade-distorting entitlement for developed members along with special and differential treatment for themselves are the key demands in domestic support negotiations. However, some developed members have tried to build a narrative depicting developing members as major providers of trade-distorting support. This study brings out the fallacies of this narrative by highlighting the asymmetries and inequities in the trade-distorting entitlement of 8 developed and 12 developing members based on their socio-economic conditions. Results show that per farmer Amber box entitlement for developing members under the AoA is a mere fraction of the entitlement enjoyed by the developed members. This study provides a different dimension to the on-going agriculture negotiations to make trade rules development-oriented and inclusive for all.

Networked politics and the supply of European defence integration

ABSTRACT Defence integration is frequently in demand but hardly supplied. Sovereignty concerns and a desire for national control constrain integration of the core state power of arms production. The European Aeronautic, Defence and Space (EADS) company (today’s Airbus Group) stands out as an exception to this rule. How was this instance of defence integration supplied? We suggest a two-step network mechanism. First, the structure of national networks shapes the capacity for collective action. Centralised networks are better in forming a joint national position than fragmented networks. Second, networks also operate at the transnational level, shift domestic power balances, and enable agreements. Our process-tracing analysis demonstrates how Germany’s centralised network smoothly adopted a stance on a European firm under private control, whereas domestic negotiations stalled in France. However, a transnational alliance ultimately posed credible threats of exclusion and could overcome this deadlock. Therefore, EADS was both European and predominantly private.

Making Sense of Asia's Crowded Space

Making Sense of Asia's Crowded Space Alice D. Ba (bio) Asia has become a crowded space. A region once distinguished by the near absence of cooperative security mechanisms is now distinguished by the opposite. Indeed, once upon a time, this was a region where the only cooperative frameworks purposed for regional security were (1) the bilateral alliances between the United States and a select few regional states and (2) the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which until the 1990s did not even encompass all the subregion's states. In contrast, the region today consists of a mix of overlapping, crosscutting security frameworks of varying shapes and sizes. Andrew Yeo poses two questions in Asia's Regional Architecture: Alliances and Institutions in the Pacific Century, his recent contribution to the debates about East Asian security. The first is how we explain "the robustness of U.S. bilateral alliances with the rapid proliferation of multilateral institutions in the region" (p. 4). The second is, broadly speaking, what Asia's different security arrangements constitute in toto. There is much to recommend about his discussion. I would emphasize two points, in particular. The first is the "historical institutionalist" perspective the book brings to a policy and analytical space that tends to reduce most outcomes to "strategy," especially the geopolitical and functional challenges faced by states. As Yeo argues, the historical institutionalist approach provides ways to highlight continuity, not just change, as well as the means to capture the complex mix of threat perceptions, ideas, institutions, and domestic politics that go into the construction of elite consensus and, in turn, what he and some others call Asia's regional architecture. The second is his effort to offer a framework that accounts for both the U.S. alliance and multistate institutional dimensions of Asian security. In both instances, the book offers ways to bridge existing accounts that tend to be bifurcated between, on the one hand, those who focus on more conventional (i.e., realist) security drivers associated with traditional security frameworks like U.S. alliances and, on the other hand, those who focus on Asia's regional multilateral endeavors, especially their liberal and sociological drivers. This is important because to consider one without the other is not just to offer an incomplete picture of Asian security but [End Page 131] also, arguably, to miss something even more fundamental going on in the region's international politics. A more accurate picture of Asia consequently demands attention to U.S. bilateral alliances alongside the dramatic growth of nonalliance, multistate arrangements. Andrew Yeo's book thus offers a more complete account than most. Yet, I do have questions. In the spirit of discussion, let me raise two. The first concerns the historical institutionalist approach. In a critical respect, this is the main value the book adds, given that previous studies have detailed similar empirics, processes, and logics of layering associated with Asia's institutions and alliances. One of historical institutionalism's more important insights is the way that past commitments (e.g., cognitive, material, institutional, and policy) bear on conceptualizations of interests (individual and collective), the realm of possible options, and, in turn, the choices made. What is, at times, less clear in the discussion under review, however, is what is doing the work. For example, historical institutionalist approaches highlight the effects of "lock-in" and "feedback" effects associated with particular institutional-ecological contexts, but the processes and mechanisms through which that happens in the cases presented by Yeo are often left underspecified beyond the need to be "cognizant" of the security arrangements created earlier. Part of the challenge is one of scope. Yeo's book is inclusive of nearly all of Asia's actors and a wide range of diverse arrangements—from U.S. alliances to six-party talks to China-Japan-Korea trilateralism to ASEAN configurations. I appreciate the author's attempt. It is very difficult to highlight how past commitments constrain calculations and conclusions in each case over time and across actors without closer examination of either the international or domestic negotiation processes or of their accumulating lock-in processes that, in historical institutionalist accounts, bias one outcome over another. This is, again...

A Comparison of China and Malaysia in International Business Negotiation

<p class="Default"><em>The real negotiation world particularly cross-cultural negotiation is very challenging and competitive compared to domestic negotiation as each party needs to have cultural intelligence when it comes to international business environment. As many companies are going global, seeking international growth as an importer-exporter, international business negotiation skills are very much needed. The participants in this study were Chinese and Malaysian business negotiators involved in China-Malaysia business. One hundred questionaires were conducted by sending emails or through WeChat to the participants who are based in China. In fact, China’s One Belt One Road’s plan has created plenty of opportunities for Malaysia to collaborate with Chinese government officials and business leaders in different areas. Based on our analysis, we found that between the two groups of Chinese and Malaysian business negotiators, interdependent self-contrual mediated the relation between cultural norms and interaction goals.</em></p>

Reshaping institutional arrangements for TPP ratification in Korea

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to assess the current state of Korea’s internal negotiation system and the role of domestic policy factors in the process of Korea’s joining the mega FTAs such as Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP).Design/methodology/approach– Along with Putnam’s three determinants of win-set size, the authors analyze a new set of policy factors – including Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA), the FTA Domestic Planning Division, and the Trade Procedure Act – to examine the institutional arrangements available for the ratification of the TPP in Korea.Findings– To minimize the social cost of the internal negotiation process of the trade, better understanding of the role of domestic policy factors is essential. The paper proposes some important policy suggestions which will scale up the benefit of the trade.Research limitations/implications– The very same analysis can be easily extended to examine the domestic reactions for future FTA negotiation, especially for Mega FTA negotiation.Practical implications– The authors propose six policy suggestions: a Master Process Manual; measures to diagnose domestic reactions; emphasizing non-economic issues; strengthening human resources; considering the strategic role of the Trade Procedure Act; and reshaping TAA, to ensure that a tranquil environment exists for domestic negotiation and confirmation and the authors believe these policies can be implemented widely in trade negotiations.Originality/value– This paper contributes to the existing literature in at least three respects. First, the authors made the first attempt to integrate the domestic policy tools with the domestic determinants of trade negotiation outcomes. Second, the policy proposals can be extended to other countries’ cases with a minor adjustment. Finally, the analysis is based on the assumption that international trade negotiations are multi-level frameworks where domestic influences play a vital role in the aftermath of bilateral FTAs.

Accession of the Russian Federation to the World Trade Organization: A New Player Joins the Trade Game

To date, no country has taken longer to join the World Trade Organization than the Russian Federation despite the fact that the ussr (of which the Russian Federation is the legal successor) participated in the drafting conference of the Charter to the International Trade Organization, i.e., the original source of the rules of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the later wto. While the ussr never joined the ito, Russia finally joined the wto in 2012, eighteen years after its first application had been made. The reasons for the lengthy accession process were partially economic, as the wto was established to remove trade impediments; however, the context also was highly politicized. The economic aspects of the wto accession process are the concessions made to existing members. These entail removing the cover offered to domestic producers by opening up to international competition. This process also has political aspects, as domestic lobbies representing economic sectors likely to suffer from an increasingly competitive international environment seek compensation. The politicization is facilitated by a custom contra legem in wto decision-making procedures that gives a de facto veto to existing members. Georgia used this to reassert its position on South Osetiia and Abkhaziia. China brought a border dispute into the process, and the us entangled the process in a broad-ranging debate linked to human rights. In joining the wto, a dual process of domestic and international negotiations results in the final package of commitments to which an acceding member needs to agree as it joins the wto. Part of our focus in this article will be on key economic and political obligations that the Russian Federation took upon itself by becoming a member of the wto.

Case Studies: Resolving cross-cultural issues in doing Business in China.

The impact of international business in domestic markets compels us to ask a question: How can we survive in this global playing field, and what can we do to run our businesses more effectively? Nowadays, businesses of all sizes search for suppliers and customers on a global level. International competition, foreign clients and suppliers may become bit cautious, but they may also create huge opportunities in developing our business. The increasingly global business environment requires managers to approach the negotiation process from the global business person's point of view. This approach may not be relevant in domestic negotiations. Some of the components of a cross cultural negotiation process are more complex and difficult, but will surely help in overcoming barriers and failures in the international business arena. When doing business internationally, we need to consider (Salacuse, 1991): The negotiating environment Cultural and sub-cultural differences Ideological differences Foreign bureaucracy Foreign laws and governments Financial insecurity due to international monetary factors Political instability and economic changes If we consider the fact that negotiating with our fellow citizen is not an easy task due to many individual differences, it would be reasonable to suggest that negotiating with foreigners may be even more difficult. The way we perceive and create our own reality may be completely different to our counterpart's way of thinking, behaving and feeling. Unfortunately, knowledge of any foreign language is not enough to face and solve the problem. Language is a cluster of codes used in communication which, if not shared effectively, can act as a barrier to establish credibility and trust. We need more effective tools, and the most important is knowledge of all factors that can influence the proceedings. Nations tend to have a national character that influences the type of goals and process the society pursues in negotiations. This is why specifying and understanding cultural differences is vital in order to perform successfully in inter-cultural communication (Schuster-Copeland 1996, 33). As we better understand that our partners may see things differently, we will be less likely to make negative assumptions and more likely to make progress when negotiating. “When crossing Cultures, it is essentials that the source of the Communication think of the product in terms of the culture to which the communication will be directed rather than the home culture”.(Cateora and Keavency, 1987)

Domestic Negotiations: Gender, Nation, and Self-Fashioning in US Mexicana and Chicana Literature and Art. Marci R. McMahon.

Domestic Negotiations: Gender, Nation, and Self-Fashioning in US Mexicana and Chicana Literature and Art. Marci R. McMahon.

Domestic negotiations: Gender, nation and self-fashioning in US Mexicana and Chicana literature and art by Marci R. McMahon

Domestic negotiations: Gender, nation and self-fashioning in US Mexicana and Chicana literature and art by Marci R. McMahon

Borderlands Saints: Secular Sanctity in Chicano/a and Mexican Culture Domestic Negotiations: Gender, Nation, and Self-Fashioning in US Mexicana and Chicana Literature and Art Radical Chicana Poetics

Borderlands Saints: Secular Sanctity in Chicano/a and Mexican Culture Domestic Negotiations: Gender, Nation, and Self-Fashioning in US Mexicana and Chicana Literature and Art Radical Chicana Poetics

Review: Domestic Negotiations: Gender, Nation, and Self-Fashioning in US Mexicana and Chicana Literature and Art, by Marci R. McMahon

Review: <i>Domestic Negotiations: Gender, Nation, and Self-Fashioning in US Mexicana and Chicana Literature and Art</i>, by Marci R. McMahon

Antecedents of Problem-Solving Cross-Cultural Negotiation Style: Some Preliminary Evidence

IntroductionNegotiation is one of the most common human activities in business as well as in the normal activities of everyday life. We engage in negotiation on a daily basis for creating, maintaining, strengthening, and even terminating relationships. In fact, no business transaction can occur without being preceded by some form of negotiation. Because of its omnipresence in our everyday life, negotiation is one of the most widely studied human phenomena, as can be evidenced by the prevalence of a voluminous literature on negotiation.Negotiation has been studied from various disciplinary perspectives such as business, communications, conflict resolution, diplomacy, global environment, law, world peace, etc. One common theme that we find in different genres of negotiation literature is that negotiation behavior can be broadly categorized in two principal forms: competitive or win-lose and cooperative or win-win negotiation, which is also known as problem-solving behavior (e.g., Lewicki et al., 2008). While we find a plethora of deductive and inductive work on these two types of negotiation behavior, there is hardly any empirical work that investigates what leads to, or influences, such behavior. This paper is an attempt to partially address this gap in the literature by identifying the antecedents to problem solving behavior in cross-cultural negotiations. In so doing, we focus on cultural intelligence and various individual characteristics.Based on the premise that our negotiation behavior is influenced to a significant extent by our level of cultural intelligence and individual characteristics, this paper specifically attempts to:1) present a conceptual model depicting the relationship among cultural intelligence, certain personality factors, and cooperative negotiation behavior;2) empirically test the relationship depicted in the model by analyzing data from Turkey and the United States (US)- two countries that represent very different cultures; and.3) examine the differences, if any, between US and Turkish negotiation behavior and what factors may cause such differences.We draw from the literature on psychology, cross-cultural communication, conflict resolution, and management to develop the conceptual model that is explicated in the following section. Following the example of Hofstede (2001), we use the term in this paper in the sense of national It is well established that negotiation is, by nature, a very complex process as different negotiating parties have different priorities and they pursue different interests, objectives, and communication style. In a cross-national context, negotiation is even more difficult since the negotiators, in addition to all the complexities of domestic negotiations, encounter the added component of cultural diversity (Adler, 1997) that often make people to perceive and interpret the reality differently.The impact of culture on negotiations is well documented (e.g., Hofstede & Usinier, 1989; Elahee, Kirby & Nasif, 2002; Adler & Graham, 1989). Culture has been found to have influenced our negotiation behavior in myriad ways such as the exercise of power (Brett, 2000), the pattern of concession making (Hendon, Roy & Ahmed, 2003), the propensity to engage in unethical behavior (Volkema, 1999), etc. While commenting on the influence of culture on negotiations, Janosik, (1987) identified four distinct possibilities. First, culture as a learned behavior affects negotiation in that it shapes one's notion of reciprocity and justice, attitude about acceptable outcomes, or concepts about the appropriate timing for certain bargaining behaviors. Second, culture as shared produces a common bargaining style among the people of a particular culture. Third, culture, in addition to representing shared values, also represents dialectic (i.e., the tensions that exist among values embedded in a given culture). …

The domestic politics of disputed Arctic boundaries: the Canadian case

ABSTRACTThis article presents a model for the analysis of the domestic-international nexus of Arctic politics. It offers a preliminary attempt at mapping the domestic politics of Arctic boundary disputes in Canada. It explores the potential impact of domestic politics on such disputes by identifying the interests of domestic stakeholders in the Canadian Arctic. The paper views maritime boundary negotiations as a ‘two-level game’ in which negotiations occur internationally and domestically. The paper argues that the domestic level negotiation is contingent on how the issues are ‘framed’ between policymakers and their constituents. The paper identifies ways that domestic actors can reduce the number of acceptable outcomes in a two-level game, thereby impeding cooperation.

Roadmap for Implementing a Greenhouse Gas Emissions Trading System in Chile: Core Design Options and Policy Decision-Making Considerations

Roadmap for Implementing a Greenhouse Gas Emissions Trading System in Chile: Core Design Options and Policy Decision-Making Considerations

BRITISH PARTY ELECTION BROADCASTS IN THE 1950s

The debate about the American influence on political communication practices worldwide has raised a range of issues about how such a process might work. Much of the research in the field, however, has examined possible influences on practices in the last quarter of the twentieth century. By then, it could be argued, common global practices had become established in many Western Democracies. The aim of this paper is to explore a period before these changes had taken place, namely the 1950s and the 1960s, when television was still in its infancy in both Britain and the US, when new and different practices were being tried out and a period in which it might still be possible to look at influences at the dawn of political broadcasting. By focusing on the emergence and development of a specific form of political communication, namely, dedicated, unmediated, paid-for or free party election communication, in the US and in Britain in this early period, it might be possible to examine if, and how, American practices might have influenced British ones. Using unpublished work drawing on a range of archives and personal interviews that focus on interactions across the Atlantic, this paper argues that in this period, the two countries developed a range of different practices that cannot easily lend support to the idea of Americanisation. The paper concludes with a discussion of the need for more research into the domestic negotiations of transatlantic interactions.

Getting Off on the Right Foot: The Effects of Initial Email Messages on Negotiation Process and Outcome

This paper examines the role that initial exchanges play in determining subsequent process and outcome in email-based negotiations, an increasingly popular means of conducting domestic and international negotiations. The results of the study suggest considerable symmetry between parties in terms of the quantity (words) and quality of initial messages. However, informal greetings, introductions, and proposal surfacing in these early exchanges played little role in determining the likelihood of an agreement or an integrative (win-win) outcome. In contrast, the parties' stated intentions of pursuing a mutually beneficial outcome and their exaggeration of initial offers significantly related to the likelihood of reaching an agreement. The implications of these findings for practitioners and future research are discussed.

Textile Disputes and Two-Level Games: The Case of China and South Africa

After the establishment of Sino–South African trade relations in 1998, China gained access to the South African clothing, footwear, and textile markets. By 2002, however, the domestic constituency in South Africa had started to accuse China of flooding the markets with inexpensive textile goods and engaging in unfair trade practices. As a result, a call was made for the implementation of quotas on Chinese textile products. A two-level game commenced, with the domestic constituencies on the one side and the governments of both countries on the other side. The factors that contributed to double-edged diplomacy, the process of both domestic and international negotiations, and the outcomes are discussed in this article. It is further important to comment on the strategic and policy implications for both countries, as well as the influence of the textile issue on the immediate region.

Buyer–Seller Negotiations: A Comparison of Domestic and International Conditions in a Pilot Study with International Business Students

This study examined the differences and similarities between domestic and international negotiations, using Kelley's Negotiation Game to measure the profit achieved. There were 58 participants in the international negotiation sample, 29 Turkish and 29 European students. There were 62 Turkish students in the domestic negotiations. All participants studied business or related topics at a university in Izmir. Student t tests indicated statistically significant differences in scores on misrepresentation of information, interpersonal attraction, peer evaluation of misrepresentation information, and satisfaction between domestic and international negotiations.

RAJAH BROOKE AND THE VICTORIANS

ABSTRACTThis article examines British attitudes towards the career of Sir James Brooke, the English rajah of Sarawak, between 1846 and 1851. It argues that Brooke's early reception as a hero, and the succeeding debates over the principles of his enterprise, were important for three reasons. First, they suggest that the domestic negotiation of imperial issues was influenced much more profoundly by contextual anxieties about the nature of British politics and character, than by considered engagement with conditions overseas and the character of dependent peoples. Secondly, they demonstrate the continued significance of Britain's ‘civilizing mission’, variously defined, as part of a politics of national identity in this period. Finally, the rejection of the radical challenge to Brooke's suppression of ‘piracy’ in the Eastern seas underscores the increasing dominance at this time of a more pragmatic, self-interested conception of how native peoples should be handled.