Distinct Ideologies Research Articles

Nation-State Building in Mexico: The Challenge of the Indian Minority

The article deals with the policy of the Mexican ruling elites towards the Indian minority in the context of their acquisition of political subjectivity. The question has been asked about the genesis of this internal political challenge, its manifestations and the possibility of changing the model of national-­state building. In order to answer this question, the development of a latent conflict between the Indian minority and the State and its transition to armed form in the 1990s were considered, the peculiarities of the Mexican system of political representation have been analyzed, and the main directions of state policy on the «Indian question» at the present stage have been highlighted. The main analytical tool used is the typology of nation-­state construction strategies of H.Linz and A.Stepan. It has been hypothesized that the Mexican political tradition is holding back the transition to a strategy of inclusion of the Indian minority based on the recognition of their collective rights, and that the ruling Creole elites lack the political will to reform ethnic and national policies. The study concluded that the strategy of nation-­state building in Mexico has historically been shaped between the poles of inclusion (assimilation) and exclusion (segregation) in the absence of a purposeful ideological distinction between the nation and the demos; however, in the recent period, the segregation component has increased.

From ECSC to European Union: An Analysis of the Evolution of the Institutions of European Integration

The policymaking process of the European Union (EU) is particularly convoluted and reflects an institutional structure that is unique among governance entities. The institutional structure of the Union is complex, with a multitude of co-decision making and advisory bodies. The ways in which these institutions interact in the Union’s policymaking process (i.e., the EU’s organizational structure) is governed by a complex set of treaties. We argue that institutional and organizational structures have normative content because they embody specific ideologies of integration. A historical analysis of the evolution of European integration reveals that the peculiarities of the European Union's institutional and organizational structure are a result of the influence of three distinct ideologies about the desired nature of international organization: functionalism, intergovernmentalism, and federalism. The Union's roots as the European Coal and Steel Community and the ideas of Jean Monnet concerning the shape and path of European integration, moderated by federalist and intergovernmentalist ideas, were fundamental in determining the European Union’s institutional structure and shaping its policymaking process.

EXAMINING THE “ELSAGATE” PHENOMENON: DISTURBING CHILDREN’S YOUTUBE CONTENT AND NEW FRONTIERS IN CHILDREN’S CULTURE

This paper investigates new genres of children's content on YouTube that have provoked potent cultural anxieties about the role of YouTube in children's culture, and have raised concerns about the apparent wealth of content targeted at children on the platform that is not child-appropriate. The paper examines the journalistic commentary that constitutes the "Elsagate" phenomenon - the neologism used to describe public revelations about the controversy - and conducts a genre studies textual analysis of the YouTube content consistently referenced in this commentary. This analysis aims to illuminate the relationship between the textual features of disturbing children's YouTube content and the cultural anxieties these features have incited.
 The paper contends that the child-oriented YouTube genres at the centre of the Elsagate controversy re-position extant cultural boundaries of child-appropriate content – boundaries which in some cases have long been enshrined in policy and standards guidelines – in ways that trouble ingrained ideological distinctions between child and adult culture. The paper illustrates how disturbing children’s YouTube content interrupts traditional power balances and interplays between media industries, parental mediation strategies, and “child-effects”: young children’s agency over their own consumption choices and influence on parental media practices (Bulck et al, 2016).

Ideology and Party System Change in Consociational Systems: The Case of Non-Nationalist Parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Following a period of nationalist party dominance in Bosnia and Herzegovina, alternative parties have emerged to challenge the established parties with ideologies that seek to bridge ethnic divides. This article examines the ideological positioning of non-nationalist parties relative to nationalist parties and the challenges for such parties in supplanting the dominance of ethnicity in politics. Based on elite interviews and detailed analysis of party documents, we argue that these parties have identified sufficient electoral support for alternative conceptions of politics and inter-ethnic relations in postwar Bosnia to promote their non-nationalist agendas. The parties couple distinct non-nationalist ideas with ideological formulations that have the potential to bridge across ethnic groups. However, the stability in support for non-nationalist parties, even as individual parties with distinct ideologies rise or fall, suggests that the appeal of this approach is limited by the necessity of governing with nationalist parties and the appeal of state contestation.

Language and identity construction on the French Guiana-Suriname border

ABSTRACT On the French Guiana-Suriname border, a hybrid space, members of the same population groups engage in circular mobility but little is known about the practices of these transnational communities. We explore how traditional emic social distinctions, modern states’ language ideologies and emerging discourses in the urban context shape Maroon’s practices and identities in the border zone. A survey of language repertoires and long-term ethnographic fieldwork, including recordings of situated multilingual interactions, allow us to explore people’s alignment with national language ideologies and the nature of distinctive ideologies, identifications and practices that can be observed in the border zone. We show that the border zone constitutes a separate sociolinguistic area, in terms of both language use and ideologies. However, similarities do not preclude sharp differences at other levels because multiple identifications co-exist. The findings support a layered and dynamic perspective of identity and illustrate how contradictory perspectives simultaneously overlap on one or several scales.

WOMEN CONTESTATION IN CHOPIN’S THE AWAKENING

<p>This study aims at describing the depiction of four women in Creole community which is applied as the contestation in “<em>The Awakening</em>” and describing the reasons of Creole women’s character contestation which related to particular purpose in that time. The writer uses the descriptive qualitative method as research design. The data is collected by using documentation. The data sources in this research are divided into two parts, primary and secondary. The primary data is novel of <em>The Awakening</em>. The secondary data is taken from the history of Creole society in Louisiana, journals, and the other sources from the website as the information. The base of this research is focused on Pierre Bourdieu’s concept. This concept is used to discover the problem formulation through the sociologycal view which influences the way of thinking from four Creole women. The result of this research are a) the depiction of three women reveal that women can support economic as businesswomen and even artist. Meanwhile, the other one is submissive and worship to husband due to keep the balance in the household. b) the reasons of three women reveal that the men’s authority is not important due to their basic background that support their economic through their proficiency as their manifestation to exist in the society. Meanwhile, the other one relies on the man to support her economic and a man as symbolic power. Based on the finding, the distinctive ideology as genetic structuralism which is connected to economic , politic and social background influence their way of thinking to get the opportunity.</p>

The 2014 Scottish Referendum in the Chinese imagination

This paper lays out the perceptions of three different regions to describe Chinese perspectives on the 2014 Scottish Independence Referendum. Mainstream newspapers, cyber-opinions, and scholarly writings are three vectors to assess Mainland Chinese perception. Considering the limited number of academic reports about the referendum in Taiwan and Hong Kong, compared to that on the mainland, our conclusion about their perceptions is primarily based on mainstream newspapers. The article identifies two ideologically opposed perspectives. On the one hand, the dominant view in Mainland China (and in mainstream newspapers in Hong Kong and Taiwan) framed the referendum in negative terms, presenting it as a ‘threat’ and a ‘problem’. On the other hand, the dominant view in Hong Kong and Taiwan praised the Scottish referendum as a model of participatory democracy. These contrasting perspectives are deeply rooted in distinctive ideologies and historical experiences.

From rhetoric to action, a constitutional analysis of populism

AbstractThe article considers populism not as common ideology but as a common strategy for implementing various distinct ideologies. Constitutional democracy and populist strategy are inherently connected. Populist strategies develop a specific rhetoric which takes root in the features of constitutional democracy. The populist rhetoric manipulates the rule-of-law and the majoritarian pillars of constitutional democracy by convincing a fictional majority that constitutional democracy gives rise to a tyranny of minorities. Populism in action represents the second facet of the populist strategy. It corresponds to a specific constitutional strategy of legal and constitutional reforms aiming at disrupting constitutional democracy. After exposing my theoretical assumption, I move to a comparative study of two countries, France and Hungary, selected according to the most different cases approach. I analyze first how Viktor Orban based his constitutional strategy on a progressive deconstruction of the post-communist legacy. I study then how Marine le Pen’s strategy consisted of a comprehensive reform of the French semi-presidential system via referendum. I finally conclude by recalling the essential role academics have to play in the fight against populism. My last point is a provocation, what if calling populism by its real diversity (fascism, racism and antisemitism) was the most efficient way to fight them?

Party survival in parliament: Explaining party durability in lower‐house parliaments

AbstractApproximately 70 per cent of the parties emerging in the post‐Second World War era failed to keep their seats in parliament. Party survival is an important issue, especially in parliamentary democracies, where parties are the means through which voters’ preferences are linked to government policy outputs. Using an event history modeling framework, and data from 37 democracies, covering 830 parties, this article analyses two questions regarding party durability. First, when do parties fail? Second, which parties survive longer? The article shows that most parties fail at the beginning of their lifespan, and disappear before the end of their fourth term in parliament. Moreover, it is found that moderate policy position, distinct ideology and participation in governing coalitions increase the duration of party survival, even when controlling for party size. This article contributes to the extensive literature about the electoral benefits of ideological moderation and distinct policy positions by showing the long‐term benefits of these factors. Moreover, the long‐term benefit of party participation in government in terms of survival overcomes the short‐term cost of ruling.

The Long Path to European Union: A Historical-Institutional Analysis of Proposals for European Integration from 800 to 1938

From the fall of the Western Roman Empire in the fifth century CE, until the establishment of the first truly supranational European institutions after the Second World War, many attempts were made to unify and bring peace to Europe. While the first attempts were for hegemonic unification, from the fourteenth century on, several plans were put forth for a civil unification. Each of these plans proposed specific institutions which were to bring together the sovereigns and (later) the nations of Europe for a peaceful coexistence. This study describes these numerous proposals, identifying the values and goals underlying the institutional structures each proposal set up. We argue that institutional structures have normative content, in that they embody specific ideologies of the European integration. Our analysis shows that the various proposals embody three distinct ideologies: integration through, and for the purpose of enhancing national sovereignty, integration through federation which limits national sovereignty, and integration through arrangements for free commerce that bypasses national sovereignty.

Right-Wing Ideologies and Ideological Diversity in the Tea Party

ABSTRACTThis article extends prior research on right-wing ideology broadly and the ideology of the Tea Party specifically. Using data from 45 interviews with Tea Party activists and participant observation at Tea Party meetings, I map five distinct ideologies, used by subsets of the Tea Party Patriots membership: Christian Conservatism, Constitutionalism, Reformed Liberalism, Libertarianism, and Conspiracism.

Explaining Welfare Benefits in the South: A Regional Analysis

This study examines whether the contemporary South can still be considered a meaningful political region by analyzing the political distinctiveness and political cohesion of the region. Political refers to the extent to which the states in the region are different from the rest of the country in relevant political characteristics. Political cohesion refers to the extent to which the states in the region are similar to each other in relevant political characteristics. We find that for presidential and congressional voting, the South is at least as political distinctive now as it was in the 1980s, but the cohesion of the region has declined, at least for presidential voting. The ideological distinctiveness of the South, for both political elites and the mass electorate, also has not diminished since the 1980s, but again the ideological cohesion of the states has declined. Finally, the South remains considerably more conservative that the North when it comes to public policy outcomes, although on this dimension both the distinctiveness and the cohesion of the South are lower now than in the 1980s.

Federal Complexity and Perception of State Party Ideology in the United States

Scholarship has established that ideological positions offered by state parties differ substantially from the national parties, and from one another. However, less attention has been devoted to investigating whether ordinary people are aware of the ideological distinctiveness of state parties. In particular, do people notice that their state party is ideologically different than the national party? In this article, I draw upon theories of low information rationality to develop an account of public reasoning about state parties. I analyze public opinion about state parties using an original survey fielded as part of the 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Study. I find limited evidence that ordinary people are responsive to the actual legislative behavior of state parties. Instead, individuals’ judgments about state party ideology may be rooted in inferences drawn from national-level politics. The findings support arguments that a complicated federal structure obscures the role of state-level actors in the policymaking process.

Positive Freedom and the Citizen in Athens

Abstract Freedom in democratic Athens is often understood as consisting of positive freedom in the public sphere in the form of political participation and negative freedom in the private sphere in the form of citizens doing ‘whatever they wish’. The original meaning of positive freedom, though, is more akin to self-mastery than political participation. By looking at phrases describing Athenians’ ability to do ‘whatever they wish’ from Herodotus to Aristotle, this article argues that the phrases instead express individual positive freedom in both private and public spheres. The democratic citizen is free because he is the author of his own actions. Individual autonomy stands in contrast to Spartan and Persian definitions of freedom, which focus on the external, negative freedom of the state. In addition to an ideological distinction, positive freedom also gives rise to the principle of voluntarism.

MUDDLING THROUGH THE LANGUAGE CLUTTER: SCOURING FOR A MIDDLE PATH

Polarization for the sake of conceptual and ideological distinctiveness often spawns chasms so cantankerous, that the ramifications of further deliberation become counterproductive. Conflicting ideas pervade every domain of rational thought. But conflict is not a hindrance. It exists as an integral and indisputable undercurrent of thinking as well as human nature. Conflict degenerates into a frantic scramble for power when the premise is squeezed dry of its fertile potential. There would be an appalling dearth of ideas, interpretations and perceptions had conflict been crucified as the instigator of discord. It is justified to concur that where there is no conflict, there is no independent thought. However, this conflict is not to wrestle over an impasse, but to acknowledge all perspectives how-much-ever divergent they might be. The productivity of conflict can be realised, when in its aftermath, the rifts between the poles, have been neutralized and the quest for the middle path can ensue. In the Chinese martial tradition, when two swordsmen joust, it is not blatantly for striking or defending. When their swords meet, depending on where they collide and with how much force they strike, they produce distinct soundwaves, which over a period appears as melody to the martial artists and comprises the spiritual as well as aesthetic underpinning. The pinnacle of the art lies in producing this very melody by simply displacing air with the sword. This analogy delineates the mental picture behind the conflict of ideas, how it transcends into a virile force and ultimately leads one on the search for the Aristotelian ‘golden mean’.

Regime Change and Property Rights Consciousness in Postcommunist Romania

This article analyzes rights consciousness as distinct from legal consciousness, and uses the post-1989 housing restitution in Romania to study property rights consciousness as a type of rights consciousness. I argue that property rights consciousness is only partially an outcome of state power and the political regime, and that rights consciousness more generally must be explicitly analyzed beyond formal rights, legal mobilization, and litigation. I explore sources of rights consciousness for former owners and their heirs, state tenants, and lawyers. Sources of rights consciousness include state policies under distinct property regimes, value systems and ideologies, history, identity, practices, supranational actors, and expectations of what rights can deliver. I find clear distinctions between legal and rights consciousness, as well as variations between and within the groups. The article is based on extensive archival research, interviews conducted in the city of Timişoara, Romania, textbooks, academic articles, and court decisions pre- and post-1989.

The People as a Natural Disaster: Redemptive Violence in Jacobin Political Thought

The trial and execution of Louis XVI served as a founding act of French republican democracy. It was also a scene of irregular justice: no legal warrants or procedural precedents existed for bringing a king to justice before the law. This essay describes how Jacobins crafted a new language of popular agency to overcome that obstacle—the language of redemptive violence. Although redemptive violence had roots in prerevolutionary notions of penal justice and social cohesion, its philosophical ambitions were revolutionary and modern. Analyzing that language illuminates how republican democracy weaponized a distinctive ideology of extralegal violence at its origins. It also helps explain redemptive violence's enduring appeal during and after the French Revolution.

Beyond the Indus: How Hinduism Offers an Alternate Management Paradigm

Management is presently under intense scrutiny and criticism for its simplistic objective of enhancing shareholders’ wealth, and for lacking the ability of integrating plurality, inclusivity, and ethical conduct. Most western management principles are based on theoretically deducted cause-effect relationships, and on structured planning towards a single purpose, using relatively standardized frameworks, processes and ways of thinking. However, the complexities of management require cognition of interdependencies and the ability to deal with ambiguity, and thus needs a new paradigm that moves away from the present reductionist doctrine towards an holistic framework that is adaptable and integrative. However, such a transformation requires a completely distinct ideology based on a heterodoxy that syncretises purpose-oriented approach with the present profit-oriented approach. This paper proposes that Hinduism is ideally positioned to offer such a heterodoxy. In Hinduism, the connotation for management is more a process of selection from amongst the myriad choices along multiple levels, based on inductive and supplemented by deductive logic, and mostly devoid of any absolutes or singularity in process. Under Hinduism's influence, the ‘Indian way’ is a hybrid of individualistic, collective and context sensitive ways of thinking, that sets it apart from other cultures, and thus is uniquely positioned to offer an alternative management paradigm for today’s world. This paper will present how the values and norms embedded in the philosophy and religious principles of Hinduism, evolved and continue to influence Indian management thinking and behaviour, and how the lessons from the ‘Indian way’ might contribute towards the development of an alternative management paradigm.

Theatre as Cultural Exchange: Stages and Studios of Learning

Theatre as Cultural ExchangeStages and Studios of Learning Anita Gonzalez (bio) It was a pleasure presenting for "Theatre Symposium: Cross-Cultural Dialogue on the Global Stage" in April 2016. The symposium offered a unique opportunity to dialogue with colleagues about how global perspectives influence our practice. Whether we work in performance, technical production, or theatre studies, our artistry and scholarship expand when we take time to learn about other cultures and consider how our production seasons, classrooms, and professional work might change by introducing world perspectives. Global travel begins in our minds. We must first imagine a broad context for what we consider to be theatre; then we can engage with new paradigms that will define the future of our artistic forms. Even though we work in diverse contexts, each of our areas of expertise can benefit from engaging with literature and practices that take us away from our comfort zones. Intercultural experiences, coupled with meaningful interactions with people who differ from us, expand our minds. As the head of the Global Theatre and Ethnic Studies minor at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor, I advocate for theatre practices that foreground diverse cultures and promote engagement with intercultural communities. "Going global" enhances our ability to absorb multiple perspectives that can broaden our understandings about theatrical practice. Often I hear that we are all humans under the skin, but through my travels and classroom experiences I have learned that while we share common emotions and physiques, ideologies and belief systems can be really different. And that is the beautiful thing about the theatre. It provides an opportunity to physically, viscerally experience another perspective of human existence. As a scholar and practitioner I find performance to be an ideal way of crossing borders. When I think about stages and studios of learning I wonder, how do we teach for a global future? Most theatre programs offer a combination of literature and studio courses coupled [End Page 12] with a production season. In general, we remain committed to teaching a canon of plays that reflect the history of Euro-American, English-language theatre. Global and multicultural theatre appears as the spice to enrich our experience of a progressive historical evolution of Western drama. Escaping this approach to theatrical training is a challenge because, as faculty members, often this has been our training, our experience, or our area of expertise. It is intimidating to approach learning about the cultures of the entire world. In addition to a plethora of plays, there are language barriers. And if each cultural drama represents a distinct ideology and cultural context, then how can we immerse ourselves in all of these deep histories and experiences? We can begin to connect to other cultural positions just by considering our own background and heritage. Each of us brings experiences gleaned from a lifetime of immersion in a unique cultural context. Too often, we underestimate the impact of our learned cultural behaviors on our daily arts practice. Faculty members and students in American classrooms tend to think of themselves as part of an assimilated, hegemonic middle class. If we consider our ancestral heritage, each of us actually carries distinct cultural knowledges or understandings. For example, we tend to forget that our grandparents may have come from Ireland or that we might have been raised on a farm or an island rather than within a suburban community. Our heritage connections travel across generations and impact our worldview.1 One of the exercises I introduce in class to help students begin to think about global identities is to have them "perform their identity" as an opening activity. When I start this exercise, at first there is confusion. White students tell me they do not know what to perform. African American students ask me if they can perform any identity. I encourage all students to select a song, dance, or poem that is about who they are and to perform it. Within this exercise I have seen poignant theatrical acts. One performance that stands out for me is the work of a student of Swedish descent who performed a ritual of stuffing Christmas sausages. He stood in front of the class and began...

Measuring Resonance and Dissonance in Social Movement Frames With Affect Control Theory

We present a methodological innovation for analyzing archival data that involves the framing strategies from the failed 1980 Iowa Equal Rights Amendment (ERA). First, we conducted an archival analysis that suggested that pro-ERA groups used “frame resonance,” a strategy prominent in the social movement literature where activists align issues with ideologies. Meanwhile, anti-ERA groups used what we coin here as “frame dissonance” by depicting how passing the ERA clashed with ideologies. Next, we used affect control theory (ACT)’s Interact computer program to simulate how constituents likely responded to frames, given the distinct ideologies that existed during the time period. The simulations triangulated the archival analysis by (a) confirming our categorization of framing strategies as either resonance or dissonance and (b) identifying frame dissonance as potentially better for mobilizing than frame resonance. Our study demonstrates the value of Interact for triangulating archival analyses and adds a new framing strategy to the social movement literature.