Diplomatic Negotiations Research Articles

AN ANALYSIS OF CROSS-BORDER TERRORISM BETWEEN INDIA AND PAKISTAN: STRATEGIES AND CHALLENGES

The history of conflict between India and Pakistan indeed stems from the partition in 1947, which led to the creation of two separate nations based on religious lines. The region of Jammu and Kashmir has been a focal point of contention between the two countries, leading to several conflicts, including three major wars. The Kashmir issue has not only fueled tensions between India and Pakistan but has also had broader implications, including the proliferation of terrorism. Various militant groups have operated in the region, with some receiving support or sanctuary from elements within Pakistan. This has led to cross-border terrorism, with attacks in India being orchestrated or supported from across the border. The escalation of conflicts between India and Pakistan has contributed to a nuclear arms race in the region, raising concerns about nuclear proliferation and the potential for a catastrophic conflict with global ramifications. Efforts to address the root causes of the conflict and promote peace between India and Pakistan are crucial for regional stability and global security. Policy alternatives could include diplomatic dialogue, confidence-building measures, and efforts to address the underlying grievances of both sides. Confidence-building measures could include measures to reduce military tensions, such as agreements on border security and communication channels to prevent misunderstandings or miscalculations. Furthermore, addressing the Kashmir issue in a manner that respects the aspirations of the Kashmiri people while addressing the concerns of both India and Pakistan is essential. This could involve dialogue between the stakeholders, including India, Pakistan, and representatives of the Kashmiri people, to find a mutually acceptable solution. Ultimately, sustained efforts from both India and Pakistan, supported by the international community, will be necessary to achieve lasting peace and security in the region. KEYWORDS: Conflict, Government Policies and strategies, International Peace, Kashmir Issues.

Do Geopolitical Risks and Political Stability Drive Foreign Direct Investments? New Evidence from Dynamic Panel CS-ARDL Model

In this research, we aim to highlight the impact of geopolitical risks and political stability on investment flows directed towards 10 high-risky countries in the relevant database of Caldara and Icaivello (2018) for the period from 2000 to 2022 with yearly data. On that note, we employed Durbin-Hausman panel cointegration test to check long run relationship. Than, we estimate co-integration parameters (coefficients) employing CS-ARDL method to avoid estimation problem that arise from cross-section dependency and slope homogeneity. The results reveal that geopolitical risks have negative effect on Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) for both short and long term. The findings also prompt us to conclude that political stability in the host country has significant impact on inward FDI in the long run. Cross-section dependency and delta tests indicate that geopolitical risk generates heterogeneous effect on host countries. In the last section, robustness check with alternative estimators and Granger non-causality validates the main results at conventional confidence level. To this end, policy makers may consider strengthening international institutions and organizations, giving importance to peaceful initiatives, multilateral agreements (commercial or economic), and diplomatic negotiations, as significant policy tools to increase investment inflows by enhancing stability, transparency, and predictability in governance.

Curating the Republic: The Origins of the US Embassy

Summary What can the historical study of early American legations in Europe tell us about how the United States approaches its embassies in the world today? Embassy buildings today represent over two hundred years of American trial and error in constantly shifting foreign political environments. They are, by their nature, intended to straddle multiple modalities: public and private; political and personal; global and local. It was because of their deliberately fluid representational states that the first American diplomatic missions to Europe could attempt to bridge the paradigm of aristocratic and democratic approaches to embassy curation abroad. As the first modern post-colonial democracy, the diplomatic agents of the US experimented with the placement, decoration and occupation of their ministerial spaces. In doing so, they innovated strategies of fluidity still seen in American embassies today.

Ermənistanın Azərbaycana qarşı ərazi iddiaları və Qarabağ məsələsi regional siyasi proseslərdə (1918-ci il iyun-oktyabr)

This article deals with the territorial claims of Armenia against Azerbaijan and the diplomatic struggle among related parties after the establishment of independent states in the South Caucasus. Azerbaijani and Armenian delegations at the Istanbul conference on Armenia's territorial claims, and at the same time, details of the negotiations between the diplomatic representatives of the two countries in Tbilisi have been illustrated according to the documents of the archives of Azerbaijan and Turkey and materials from the Istanbul press in 1918. The scale of the territorial claims of Armenia and the arguments referenced by Armenians have been identified. Also, contrary arguments made by the Azerbaijani side against these allegations have been interpreted. Archival documents, notes, and statements of the parties presented on the problem were brought into scientific circulation for the first time. It was concluded that the total territory of Armenia, whose independence was declared on May 30, 1918, was only 9000 km2. This territory was also given to Armenia under a number of conditions. After the declaration of independence, Armenia made territorial claims against all states with which it has a territorial border. The total volume of Armenia's territorial claims is 43500 km2, of which 17600 km2 is directed against Turkey, 16500 km2 against Azerbaijan, and 9400 km2 against Georgia. Armenia referred to racial-national principles, Azerbaijan to ethnic-religious and geographical principles, and Georgia to historical principles to resolve disputed territorial-border issues between South Caucasus republics. The position and behavior of Armenia did not allow to resolve the disputed territorial and border issues between the South Caucasus republics.

Diplomatic Representation and Online/Offline Interactions: EU Coordination and Digital Sociability

Abstract European Union (EU) diplomatic representation in third countries is performed by both the Member States and by the EU Delegation. This hybrid system of representation functions through EU coordination. As social media have become important channels of state representation, coordination also takes place in the domain of digital diplomacy. This article analyzes how the EU Member State embassies and the EU Delegation coordinate EU representation through online and offline interactions. It investigates the practices of coordination and maps routines of digital sociability. The United States’ capital Washington, DC provides a context of both strong bilateral relations and a history of shared EU interests. The study draws on observations on Twitter (later renamed X) between 2019 and 2021 and reflections from diplomats who engage in the coordination of EU representation, collected through an online survey and interviews. By examining the reciprocity between online and offline interactions, the study illuminates how relationships are cultivated, a sense of collective belonging is fostered, and social order is negotiated. The findings enhance our understanding of how digital diplomacy is deeply embedded within diplomatic contexts and their distinctive practices. They contribute to advancing knowledge about the interplay of digital diplomacy, multilateral representation, and the dynamics that shape diplomatic engagements.

PRESIDENTIAL AGENDA SETTING AND FOREIGN ECONOMIC POLICY: EXPLAINING SOUTH KOREA’S DELAYED APPLICATION TO THE CPTPP

Foreign policies, including trade policies, typically entail significant executive discretion, marked by a top-down decision-making process. This has been evident in South Korea, where the president, as chief diplomat, wields substantial authority in selecting the country’s Free Trade Agreement partners. Given South Korea's efforts to solidify its status as a trade hub and the strategic advantages of joining the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for the Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), why has the country not been able to formally apply for membership? What influenced presidents to consistently list the CPTPP as a foreign economic policy objective, yet refrain from participation while actively pursuing other trade initiatives? This article seeks to adopt insights from the agenda-setting literature to comprehend the mechanisms governing presidential agenda priorities in foreign economic policy. Utilising a framework of foreign policy attention, it uncovers factors and processes that influence South Korean presidents’ focus in shaping trade policies. It demonstrates that external policy events drive the president’s attention, but the limited progress of the CPTPP underscores the crucial impact of the president’s priorities and responsiveness to the domestic audience.

Troubled Waters: Military Tensions in South China Sea and the Regional Players

When considering the tensions in the South China Sea (SCS), many spectators assume the history of this issue to be recent, often post-Cold War. This mistake undermines the long-standing relevance and importance of this geographical space, which has been contested for as long as the war of trade and resources has ever been waged. This study delves into the multifaceted dynamics surrounding this very dispute, aiming to dissect the underlying causes and motivations behind China's pushy behavior in the region. Beyond the bilateral tensions between China and the United States, this geopolitical quagmire involves a web of historical, economic, and strategic factors contributing to regional instability. Heavy militarisation and the global laws of the waters have come to clash as this region becomes a pool of regional tensions. It also underscores the rise of military presence in this region over the years, the wide-ranging interests, and the strategies players use to defend their claims. The study outlines a much-needed requirement for an international response, arguing that addressing the issue extends beyond the direct stakeholders and demands a collaborative effort from the global community. It calls for an understanding that these waters go beyond military tensions, with their trade and economic implications. Ultimately, it advocates for diplomatic dialogue, adherence to international law, and a more internationalist approach to mitigate the naval tensions and ensure the peaceful coexistence of nations in this critical maritime region which today faces the threat of an all-out war.

Sport, diplomacy, and regionalism in Southeast Asia: the Southeast Asian (SEA) Games and ASEAN

The biennial Southeast Asian or SEA Games, a regional sport mega-event modeled on the Olympic and Asian Games, were established by Thailand in 1959, and since then have been conducted 32 times across 10 of the region’s 11 countries. This article examines how this understudied event has operated as a forum for diplomatic representation, negotiation and communication in Southeast Asia. We make three key arguments: (1) the SEA Games have provided member countries with a means to signal national progress and membership of the regional community, as well as to define and delineate this region; (2) the SEA Games have evolved parallel to the region’s political grouping, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), but with important differences as well as similarities; and (3) the regional perspective of the SEA Games offers insights that blur the distinction in recent scholarship between traditional ‘sports diplomacy’ (foregrounding the state) and ‘international-sport-as-diplomacy’ (foregrounding non-state actors).

‘서희의 외교 전략’을 통한 동북아시아 외교 문제의 해법

This study examines and applies the diplomatic strategy of Seo Hee, a renowned Goryea diplomat, in resolving Northeast Asian diplomatic challenges that remain unresolved in the 21st century. The examination focuses on Seo Hee’s diplomatic negotiations in the wake of Goryeo’s territorial dispute with the Khitans.
 Seo Hee’s diplomatic resolution with Khitan general Xiao Sunning, leading to the acquisition of six provinces east of the Aprok River(Yalu River), may offer clues to resolving presentday diplomatic issues in Northeast Asia involving Korea. Based on the framework of Seo Hee’s diplomatic resolution with Xiao Sunning, this study proposes solutions to conflicts over the Northern Limit Line (NLL) interpretation between South Korea and North Korea, territorial claims to Dokdo between South Korea and Japan, and the exclusive economic zone between South Korea and China.
 Furthermore, the study advocates benchmarking South Korea’s foreign policy and strategy Seo Hee’s diplomatic resolution in the current international politics in the contradiction and persuasion, terming this diplomatic strategy Seo Hee’s diplomatic strategy for the contradiction and persuasion. Two key proposals emerge from Seo Hee’s diplomatic strategy: first, the importance of training and contradiction and persuasion style diplomatic experts; and second, the adoption of a pragmatic foreign policy with a win-win strategy in which the country and its diplomatic counterpart create mutually favorable outcomes together, rather than a one-sided win or loss. The study posits that South Korea’s diplomacy will make further progress with proper application of these proposals.

An Analysis of Pragmatic Stance in Drug Negotiation Discourse Concerning National Medical Insurance Catalogue in China

As a kind of public discourse, negotiation discourse is different from daily discourse, usually involving politics, economics, diplomacy, medical treatment, etc., and it is closely related to the national stance. At present, the studies on negotiation discourse mainly focus on diplomatic and commercial negotiations, with few studies in the context of medical insurance negotiations. Thus, this paper takes the negotiation of the national medical insurance catalogue as the research data, applies the theoretical framework of the Pragmatic Stance Cone, and analyzes the stance construction from three dimensions —the conveyance of information, affection and attitude. The paper aims to deepen the relevant researches of pragmatic stance in negotiation discourse in China and is of important practical significance for its multi-perspective and multi-context research. Keywords: National Medical Insurance catalogue, negotiation discourse, pragmatic stance

International Liability When Violating the Headquarters of Diplomatic Missions

The development of international relations has made most countries of the world rely on diplomatic representation in all its forms as a means of communication and protection of mutual interests. The diplomatic mission is the link between the governments of the countries that are working to achieve cooperation starting from the transfer of different opinions between countries and trying to overcome the difficulties that escape the entanglement Interests. The Diplomatic Mission has given its diplomatic and diplomatic functions to the diplomatic missions a special status, with full protection, so that it can play its role quietly away from all pressures, In the State which has adopted it. This reality is found in peacetime when States have ratified the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, 1961. In times of war, if we accept the severance of diplomatic relations because of a war between two countries exchanging diplomatic representation, States must apply the rules of international humanitarian law and consider diplomatic envoys among the civilians recognized by the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 as special protection against the enemy state, And the role and headquarters of diplomatic missions should be classified as civilian objects that should not be the target of military operations. To establish and maintain international protection for diplomatic missions and to establish mechanisms for this, namely, the establishment of international responsibility for the violation of the inviolability of the diplomatic envoy and the role of diplomatic missions, there is a tortious responsibility by the receiving State as it did not provide security for the diplomatic mission, Executive or judicial authority. The personal criminal responsibility of the President for his acts or those of his subordinates is also carried out If a serious violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 is committed.

De la „Cortina de fier” la „Cortina de nailon”.România și Marea Britanie în anii destinderii, 1960-1970

The article analyses the evolution of Romanian-British relations in the context of the détente. The mirror image of general and special interests, the way in which the diplomatic agenda of the two countries was structured in the light of the dynamics of the Cold War, and the transformations the world went through in the 1960s show that British interests toward Romania must be seen in the broader context of the redefinition of the UK’s foreign policy towards the countries of Central and South-Eastern Europe. If at the beginning of the Cold War, relations between Romania and the UK were completely frozen, limited to minimal diplomatic representation, in the second half of the 1960s, a completely different dynamic can be detected. The opening to the East was dictated by both specific interests and the traditional lines of British diplomacy in the region. On the other hand, access to technology was a priority for the Romanian Government and, as can be seen from the evolution of economic data, Romania bought industrial plant and equipment from the British market on a massive scale. On the other hand, while becoming an important partner in technology transfer, Bucharest pushed for trade liberalisation and allowing Romanian products access to the British market.

Indonesia and ASEAN Chairmanship in 2023: Leading the Region in Strengthening Relations with China

Indonesia, the largest economy in Southeast Asia, plays a crucial role in the region and contributes significantly to the regional bloc's stability, economic growth, and diplomatic initiatives. The archipelago serves as a pivotal anchor within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), stipulating political leadership and strategic direction over the years. Indonesia fosters trade and investment within the region, as seen from Indonesia's role in completing the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) negotiation, the largest free trade agreement in the world involving ASEAN and several trading partners such as China, Japan and South Korea (The ASEAN Secretariat, 2023). Indonesia promotes dialogue and cooperation to address regional challenges such as trans-boundary issues, security concerns, and environmental sustainability. Indonesia is also currently one of China’s most important partners in Southeast Asia. China is now Indonesia's largest trading partner and export market, with China's official data showing that in 2022 the bilateral trade reached $149.1 billion, up 19.8 percent year-on-year. In the same year, China was the second-largest source of investment in Indonesia in 2022, with $8.2 billion (Duqiang, 2023). In addition, China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has played a major role in supporting infrastructure development in Indonesia. Both nations continue to engage in high-level diplomatic dialogue and seek common ground on various regional and global issues. This article attempts to show the role that Indonesia plays as it continues to show the way for other ASEAN countries to navigate economic challenges and, at the same time, forge stronger ties with China. This article also examines the bilateral relationship between Indonesia and China and how it affects Indonesia’s capability to lead other ASEAN countries, especially after Indonesia’s ASEAN Chairmanship in 2023.

In the Black Ships’ Wake

This paper focuses on the micro-actors—merchants, whalers, and would-be diplomatic representatives—who followed in the black ships’ wake in anticipation of opportunities at the newly opened treaty port of Hakodate. Examining the backgrounds, connections, and activities of these actors, we show that American commercial activity in Japan contrasted with the almighty image projected by Commodore Matthew Perry’s gunboat diplomacy. Viewed from the perspective of treaty port Hakodate, the American presence in Japan in the decade following its opening was characterized by fragility and commercial failure. This fragility has implications for our understanding of commercial and power dynamics in the mid-nineteenth-century Pacific.

新羅國執事省牒으로 본 9세기 新羅와 日本의 外交

This paper is aimed at approaching the diplomatic relations between Silla and Japan in the 9th century and the realities based on the general understanding of the diplomatic document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong.’ The diplomatic document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong’ was sent to Dajokan. As this document not only reflects the circumstances of the time, but also reflects the diplomatic issues which were developing around Japan’s diplomatic mission to Tang Dynasty and diplomatic status intended by Silla, it is a valuable data for explaining diplomatic relations between Silla and Japan.
 In short, according to the document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong,’ Japan tried to enforce a diplomatic tool called ‘Gaoyu’ based on Sinocentrism in the process of diplomatic negotiations developing around the dispatch of the diplomatic mission, while Silla was aimed at the restoration of relationship as equal neighbors following the precedent of ‘resumption of diplomatic relations’ during the King Aejang era. Most of all, the gap in diplomatic perceptions between the two countries at the time worked as a significant obstacle to friendly relations between the two countries.

新羅國執事省牒으로 본 9세기 新羅와 日本의 外交

This paper is aimed at approaching the diplomatic relations between Silla and Japan in the 9th century and the realities based on the general understanding of the diplomatic document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong.’ The diplomatic document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong’ was sent to Dajokan. As this document not only reflects the circumstances of the time, but also reflects the diplomatic issues which were developing around Japan’s diplomatic mission to Tang Dynasty and diplomatic status intended by Silla, it is a valuable data for explaining diplomatic relations between Silla and Japan.
 In short, according to the document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong,’ Japan tried to enforce a diplomatic tool called ‘Gaoyu’ based on Sinocentrism in the process of diplomatic negotiations developing around the dispatch of the diplomatic mission, while Silla was aimed at the restoration of relationship as equal neighbors following the precedent of ‘resumption of diplomatic relations’ during the King Aejang era. Most of all, the gap in diplomatic perceptions between the two countries at the time worked as a significant obstacle to friendly relations between the two countries.

The Teaching and Learning of German as a Foreign Language in Greece – A Critical Investigation and Assessment

It is commonplace that the knowledge and use of foreign languages contribute positively to various and diverse fields in all countries of the world as well as to many social, cultural, labour, commercial, economic, political discussions and interactions of any civil society. Their role has been decisive in the past, still is today and it is more than evident that foreign languages will continue to play a decisive role in the future, especially on the personal, collective, state and cross-border levels, due to the ever-increasing mobility of people, whether voluntarily or involuntarily, from one continent to another, from one country on the same continent to another, from one poor, war-torn, oppressive and fascist country to a peaceful, democratic one, from one democratic country to another democratic one, etc. In particular, it plays a key role in: a. the acceptance of others with different origins, culture, religion, language, etc.; b. the mutual understanding, communication and the establishment of social relations between citizens of different cultures; c. the intellectual cultivation, cultural exchange, personal, professional rehabilitation and development of people; d. the conception and understanding of citizens that education and culture are the main pillars of the economic development of a country and of each individual; e. the cultivation and promotion of interdisciplinarity and the general progress of science and research; f. the friendship between States; g. the diplomatic (inter)negotiations, commercial transactions, various agreements between States. The present paper has been written for all these reasons and a few more discussed further on. It studies in a critical-interpretative way various aspects of the teaching and learning of German as a foreign language in Greece, a language spoken by several million people all over the world.

The Select Council of Philip I: A Spanish Institution in Tudor England, 1555–1558

Abstract Traditional interpretations of the reign of Philip and Mary in England and Ireland (1554–58) have tended to investigate this short-lived episode from a strongly Anglocentric perspective. Such an approach has often hindered interpretations of crucial aspects of the reign that have wider implications for the study of Britain, Spain and Europe in an increasingly globalised world. Philip’s creation of a new consultative body in 1555, the select council (consejo escogido), is a case in point. Conventionally viewed as a superfluous body that only worsened the alleged ungovernability of Mary’s privy council—from which, it was claimed, it was never truly separate—it has been assumed that the select council was allowed to function nominally for a while to sustain Philip’s ego. In fact, the creation of the select council responded to the deeply rooted conciliar traditions of Spain and England (based on Aristotelian notions of ‘political friendship’) and its actual level of activity disproves previous assumptions about its role and viability. The diplomatic negotiations undertaken by the English select councillors and their Spanish and Flemish counterparts place England firmly within the conciliar framework of the Spanish Monarchy and provide an invaluable window from which to explore the role of England as a fully integrated member of a composite monarchy extending from Naples and Oran to Lima and Mexico City.

Cultural management: analysis of strategies, policies, and practices in Ukraine and the EU countries

The focus of this article is on the evolution of cultural policy and strategy within Ukraine in the context of its integration with the European Union. A historical investigation into the shared origins of the Ukrainian population and European peoples is conducted, emphasizing Slavic heritage and communal settlements. The regulatory framework governing the progress of Ukrainian culture in its independent state is delineated. The primary hypotheses and trajectories for the advancement of Ukrainian cultural policy, as articulated in the "Long-term Strategy for the Development of Culture until 2025," are expounded upon. In aggregate, it is ascertained that the outlined objectives within the Strategy currently fall short of addressing the imperatives incumbent upon the nation to affirm its national identity and align with the attainments of European civilization. It is discerned that the absence of a cultural diplomacy framework in Ukraine stands in stark contrast to the substantial outcomes achieved through this paradigm across the majority of European Union member states. Additionally, an exploration of both shared features and distinctions in cultural policy and strategy between the European Union as an entity and select member countries is undertaken. The European Union's strategy, characterized by its dynamic and targeted approach, is notable for its commitment to preserving the integrity of nations and ethnicities. This strategy places considerable emphasis on respecting the distinct national identities and traditions of each country and its constituent nations. Of particular significance is the instance of the Republic of Poland, the Republic of Italy, and Finland, wherein the cultivation of cultural diplomacy has been a focal point. These examples underscore the diverse routes undertaken to achieve cultural recognition and formulate distinct cultural strategies for each nation. This serves as an indication that cultural policy ought to evolve into a responsibility shared among the state, diplomatic representatives, and cultural stakeholders within Ukraine. The ongoing conflict instigated by Russia underscores once again the multi-dimensional trajectory characterizing Ukraine's cultural evolution. It underscores Ukraine's heightened dedication to unity and the rejuvenation of the European principles that were proclaimed during the twentieth century.

Responsibility for Offences against Internationally Protected Persons: Contemporary Legal Aspects

The article examines complex legal aspects of the problem of responsibility, when it comes to offences against internationally protected persons (OIPP). The article reveals that, depending on the international legal qualification of the offence, OIPP can be qualified as either an ordinary crime (the one prosecuted under domestic law following the participation of the State in the relevant international conventions the key of which is the 1973 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Crimes Against Internationally Protected Persons, Including Diplomatic Agents) or an international crime when it is a violent act against the protected person committed in the situation of an armed conflict. The authors argue that notwithstanding the fact that both cases entail individual criminal responsibility of the delinquent, individual criminal responsibility for OIPP as an ordinary crime occurs to the extent in which a State party to a relevant international convention has provided for punishment in its national legislation for the conduct criminalized thereby. At the same time, with regard to OIPP as a war crime, the article highlights that the commission of OIPP engenders the right to exercise universal jurisdiction under customary international law and the obligation to exercise quasiuniversal jurisdiction under the “Geneva law” for the purpose of bringing delinquents to justice. In the meantime, the most controversial issue is the question of international legal responsibility of a State in cases of OIPP. It is argued that such responsibility can arise, when OIPP is a war crime committed by a State agent or a non-State actor effectively controlled by the State, as well as when it fails to undertake necessary measures to ensure personal inviolability of protected persons in violation of diplomatic law, or in situations of the denial of justice.