Diplomatic Missions Research Articles

Concepts and signs of a public legal dispute regarding the access of citizens of Ukraine to the diplomatic service

The article determines the state of scientific research into the organisation of the institute and the specific features of the diplomatic service. The study establishes that a characteristic feature of a public law dispute regarding access of Ukrainian citizens to the diplomatic service is special participants in public-power relations, since at least one of the parties to the dispute must be a subject of authority, i.e. an institution/official who makes public decisions or takes appropriate actions aimed at exercising competences in the field of diplomatic service. Such entities are the President of Ukraine, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, foreign diplomatic missions, their officials, etc. A party to a public legal dispute whose rights or interests are violated is an individual who is not a public servant in the case of admission to the diplomatic service, as well as a public servant himself. A public law dispute over access to the diplomatic service is based on the public interest in ensuring that the diplomatic service, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, and foreign diplomatic missions (consulates general, consulates, embassies) are properly staffed with qualified and professional personnel to represent Ukraine’s interests abroad and to provide consular protection to Ukrainian citizens and legal entities registered in Ukraine abroad. Also, after processing the data from the Unified State Register of Court Decisions, it was established that there are widespread disputes in areas related to: 1) the issue of assigning diplomatic ranks; 2) the issue of contesting the procedure for conducting rotations of diplomatic employees, recognizing them as illegal, adjusting rotation plans, etc.; 3) the issue of procedural violation of registration of long-term business trips of officials of the diplomatic service; 4) issues of social protection, social guarantees of officials of the diplomatic service; 5) the issue of bringing diplomatic officials to disciplinary responsibility; 6) recognition of dismissal from positions, reinstatement in positions of the diplomatic service, as well as collection of average earnings during forced absenteeism as illegal.

New Embassy in New China: On the 65th Anniversary of the Construction of the USSR Embassy Campus in Beijing

The article examines the problems associated with the relocation of the USSR Embassy in China in the 1950s from its old location on Dongjiaominxiang (Nan’guan) Street in Beijing and the construction of a new embassy campus on the territory of the former Russian Orthodox Mission (ROM) in the Beiguan district. The article substantiates the idea that, although the decision to move the address of the construction of the new Soviet embassy appeared spontaneously during the design work, it was dictated by the objective need to ensure favorable conditions for the activities and development of the embassy in the context of growing cooperation with the PRC. Moreover, the relocation of the Soviet embassy to another location was linked to the general plan of the Chinese government to move foreign diplomatic missions from the Legation Quarter of Beijing in order to “end the half-century shame” of China’s semi-colonial past. The article, based on archival data, provides a comparative analysis of the areas and volumes of office and residential buildings and other objects on the old and new embassy grounds, and describes the volume and nature of construction work and improvements, the implementation of which required significant costs and time (1954–1959). The article pays attention to the fact of destruction during construction of church buildings of the ROM. At the same time, the author points out that in recent years, some historical shrines have been restored on the embassy territory. Particularly important was the revival of the Dormition Church in 2009. Such an approach to some extent compensates for the losses incurred during the construction of the new embassy in the 1950s. The article concludes that the construction of the USSR embassy in a new location turned out to be correct and providential, since the land acquired by the first Russian people in Beijing — the Albazinians and the ROM, remained with our country Russia.

The Independence of Ireland in the Provincial Press: Laurence Ginnell and the Irish Diplomatic Mission in Argentina (1921)

No contexto das negociações para a assinatura do Tratado Anglo-Irlandês, Laurence Ginnell, um membro nacionalista do Parlamento Irlandês (Teachta Dála), chegou a Buenos Aires no final de julho de 1921 com o objetivo de arrecadar dinheiro para a causa irlandesa, intensificar a campanha de propaganda e expandir a rede diplomática na América Latina. Os principais jornais de Buenos Aires, com exceção do jornal comunitário The Southern Cross — consideraram a chegada do diplomata de pouca relevância, mas o que aconteceu com a imprensa da província? Este artigo tenta descrever como os jornais das províncias, especialmente os de Entre Ríos e Santa Fé, refletiram as ações da equipe diplomática irlandesa na Argentina. Três importantes jornais da região serão analisados: La Acción e El Diario de Paraná e o jornal de Santa Fe, da capital de mesmo nome.

The Effect of Economic Ties on Digital Diplomacy

Summary The article examines how economic ties between host and guest countries affect the emotional valence in the social media content published by digital diplomats. Strong economic ties will lead digital diplomats to adopt a positive tone because such ties raise the potential costs of verbal aggressiveness online. A positive emotional valence on social media also serves to cultivate good public perceptions of the guest and its economic activities. To evaluate these claims, the article analyses 53,601 original tweets published by 88 Chinese diplomatic missions on Twitter from 2014 to 2020. It finds that economic ties have a strong positive effect on the tone adopted by digital diplomats. As the host’s trade dependence on China increases, Chinese diplomatic missions are more likely to adopt a positive tone on Twitter, especially when talking about politics and business. This research contributes to the study of how countries use social media to conduct diplomacy.

The French and Spanish monarchies in the embassy writings of Machiavelli and Guicciardini

ABSTRACT Between 1500 and 1513, Machiavelli and Francesco Guicciardini elaborated in their writings a crossed portrait of the French and Spanish monarchies, based on their first diplomatic missions. It appears from these texts that monarchy was hard to conceptualize and hard to name for the two young Florentines. Their goal was to identify the bases of the power of these Kingdoms, while the traditional prisms of political thought appeared obsolete in front of the brutal changes that had upset the European geopolitical field since the beginning of the Italian wars. These reflections, which occurred at a crucial moment in Machiavelli and Guicciardini’s intellectual training, represented a crucial step in the construction of their political thought and in the advent of modern historiography. But it also led to a new way of looking at and carrying out diplomatic functions.

The Involvement of Diplomatic Missions in Facilitating the International Expansion of Companies

One of the main objectives of diplomatic activities is aimed at fulfilling economic interests and adjusting to global developments, placing economic diplomacy as a key priority of foreign policy. As of late, there has been a growing interest regarding the diplomatic representations, as actors of economic diplomacy, and the role they hold in increasing foreign trade, attracting foreign direct investments or expanding the presence of companies on foreign markets. Decision makers and academic representatives call attention to the benefits that economic diplomacy, through the activity employed by diplomatic missions, can bring to the field of economic international relations. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to underline the contribution of diplomatic representations in the growth of national companies in the international markets, based on the qualitative and quantitative research studies on the subject of economic diplomacy.

Sovereign Immunity regarding the Occupation of Premises by Diplomatic Missions and Recourse for such Infringement on Land Property: S. Ct., April 27, 2023, 2019Da247903

Sovereign Immunity regarding the Occupation of Premises by Diplomatic Missions and Recourse for such Infringement on Land Property: S. Ct., April 27, 2023, 2019Da247903

Formation of Social Ties in P. I. Potemkin's Embassy to France (1680–1682)

Based on the extant complex of Russian and French sources, this article analyses the mechanisms of the formation of social ties of the Russian embassy in France in 1681. The embassy had both foreign policy and diplomatic significance for the representation of tsarist power and Russian culture in France: the envoys had not only to inform Louis XIV about the events in Eastern Europe, but also to get an overview of the French position on the preparation of the Perpetual Peace of Russia with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the conclusion of the Russian-French trade treaty, and to ensure the recruitment of foreign specialists. The author examines the formation of relations in the context of the new diplomatic history, paying special attention to the problems of power representation, the personalities of diplomats and the cultural side of their mission. For the first time in historiography, the article characterises the whole complex of archival documents about the embassy, the peculiarities of the formation of social ties of the embassy participants necessary for the successful implementation of the tasks of the diplomatic mission. The study is based on French court reports on ceremonies, notes of courtiers, internal correspondence of Russian and French diplomatic departments, materials of the Parisian periodical press, and reports of Russian envoys. Conclusions are drawn on the peculiarities of the strategies of the envoy P. I. Potemkin in establishing social relations, their significance for the development of Russian diplomacy, foreign policy, and cultural contacts with Western Europe, as well as on the peculiarities of the reflection of these relations in the surviving sources.

Aspekty prawno-ustrojowe unii troistej. Z dziejów federalizmu w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej w epoce nowożytnej

The history of European federalism, including associations of union in which the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth participated, has recently become particularly topical. Quite a lot was written about it, in particular the Polish-Lithuanian Union linking the two states over several centuries. Whereas relatively little is known about the history of attempts made in the early modern era to create a power in Central and Eastern Europe based on a union of states that were particularly important in the region at the time. This idea of a union was to unite three states: Poland, Lithuania and Russia, hence the name Triple Union (Pol. unia troista), was first outlined in 1572. It was then renewed at three successive elections until 1587. It was also current during the reign of Sigismund III Vasa, until 1613, when Mikhail Romanov ascended the Moscow throne, starting a new dynasty. With the election of Romanov as Tsar, the project of the Triple Union was abandoned, although Vladislav IV still laid claim to the Moscow throne for a dozen or so years (until 1634), but these claims no longer had any great practical significance and were finally abandoned. Plans for a union advanced by the Polish side often referred to the solutions applied in the earlier acts of union between the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. This testifies to a strongly developed federalist practice which was characteristic of the Commonwealth, and was at the same time implemented in its own peculiar way. Undoubtedly, the greatest impact on the negotiations was exerted by the Union of Lublin, which at that time was still quite recent. Its provisions, and at the same time the positive effects that is provided for both nations, likely shaped the consciousness of the nobility during the preparation of subsequent diplomatic missions to Moscow. The idea of a Triple Union was undoubtedly one of the boldest political projects of the era. Although it is true, that the concept of the Triple Union remained only in the sphere of projects, it was nevertheless of great importance in the 16th and 17th centuries. However, no dedicated study has yet appeared that would comprehensively present its development, content and significance. This article is an attempt to even partially fill this gap in Polish historiography.

Mira Kadrić, Mira; Rennert, Sylvi; y Schäffner, Christina (Eds.), Diplomatic & Political Interpreting Explained. Oxford /New York: Routledge 2022. 204 pp.

In diplomacy and statecraft studies, it has been established that the invisible yet omnipresent language interpreters often assume a critical role at international meetings of politicians and diplomats. In contrast to interpreting in everyday settings, interpreting in political and diplomatic settings is high-profile and exclusive for two main reasons. On the one hand, political events and diplomatic missions often involve high-ranking and high-power officials from the field of politics and diplomacy, usually heads of the state, ministers, and military commanders. On the other hand, the impact of these communicative events is far-reaching, extending to peace negotiations, conflict resolutions, and post-conflict peace-building efforts. The outcome of these operations is highly visible and substantive to vulnerable groups and mobile populations, including but not limited to child victims, war-afflicted adults, and displaced and stateless populations.

Financial Oversight of The Implementation of The Annual Sub -Budget Appropriations for Iraqi Diplomatic Missions and Representations

The importance of the study lied in two aspects, one scientific and the other practical. In the scientific aspect, the researched worked to enrich scientific research in the field of financial control over the activity of Iraqi diplomatic missions and representations, and raising the subject of studying diplomatic missions and representations in its various aspects. As for the practical aspect, the study addressed the various aspects of financial control over the implementation of financial control over the annual subsidiary budget of Iraqi diplomatic missions and representations, the responsibilities of the supervisory bodies to uncover financial violations, and the role of the administrative bodies concerned with holding accountable those who exceed financial allocations and deterring them. The study aimed to clarify the mechanisms by which financial control is carried out on the implementation of the annual sub-budget appropriations of the Iraqi diplomatic missions and representations, to avoid serious financial deviations and violations that lead to obstructing the work of the diplomatic missions and representations from performing their role in a manner consistent with the tasks and duties entrusted to them, and to attempt to alert the competent authorities responsible for diplomatic activity to the importance of financial control, and to grant broader powers and authorities to the oversight bodies to improve the effectiveness and performance of the Iraqi diplomatic missions and representations. The problem of the study was represented in the multiplicity of oversight bodies on the implementation of the annual sub-budget appropriations of the Iraqi diplomatic missions and representations, represented by parliamentary oversight and the oversight of the independent bodies, in addition to the oversight of the Audit and Internal Oversight Department in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The multiplicity of oversight bodies leads to an overlap in the oversight powers of these bodies, which negatively affects the implementation of the annual sub-budget appropriations of the Iraqi diplomatic missions and representations. The scientific methodology that the researcher relied on to complete this study is the analytical method, which aimed to analyze the legal texts issued to organize the mechanisms of disposing of public funds and methods of monitoring them, supported by analyzing the correspondence of the Iraqi Ministry of Foreign Affairs to diplomatic missions and representations to complete the benefit. The researcher decided to divide it into two sections, and allocated the first section to the concept of financial control, which included defining financial control and explaining its importance and the objectives sought from practicing it, while in the second section , this study addressed the types of financial control, which included the types of control in terms of their connection to work and purpose, the types of control in terms of the subject, the types of control in terms of the party that practices it, and the types of control in terms of the time of its practice.

DERUSSIFICATION AND DECOMMUNISATION OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES WITHIN THE KHMELNYTSKYI REGION

Statement of the scientific and practical problem. Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine has caused significant changes among Ukrainian citizens and raised issues that play an important role in the formation of national identity. Since the 2000s, the Russian criminal authorities and Russian propaganda have been developing the concept of the "Russian world" to keep Ukraine subordinate to the imperial non-state. Therefore, the preservation of the geographical and cultural heritage of the aggressor country is unacceptable in times of war. Relevance and novelty of the study. The processes of decommunisation and derussification in Ukraine today are closely interconnected, as Russians are the bearers of neo-imperialist and colonial tendencies. In the history of our country, resistance to colonialism has had its own peculiarities and stages in each century, so it is quite logical that during the period of full-scale aggression against Ukraine, this process has become nationwide. Ukraine has adopted a number of laws condemning the communist and national socialist regimes and prohibiting the propaganda of their symbols, which covers a wide range of objects: names of settlements, streets, squares, monuments, taverns, facade boards, etc. Their presence in our country undermines the upbringing of modern Ukrainians, who should be educated on national and European values. The dominance of hostile geographical names and culture in any form is completely unjustified, having been forcibly imposed in the past. Imperial policy has deep roots and permeates Ukrainian education and upbringing. Therefore, today we are witnessing a completely natural reaction of Ukrainian society, which seeks to purge itself of the carriers of Russian and communist influence on a larger scale. Relation of the article’s topic to important scientific and practical tasks. The article deals with issues within the framework of the scientific topic: "Decommunisation and Derussification of Geographical Names in Ukraine" of the Department of Geography and Methods of Teaching it at the Ivan Ohienko National University of Kamianets-Podilskyi. For more than 70 years, the Soviet government tried to destroy any historical, cultural, and linguistic diversity in Ukraine. For a long time, the names of geographical objects in Ukraine honored people who had nothing to do with our country. The process of renaming intensified after 2014, when the annexation of Crimea and the occupation of Donetsk and Luhansk regions took place. The war launched by the Russian Federation in February 2022 necessitated the need to renounce any ties with the aggressor. Changes in geographical names have covered the expanse of Ukrainian settlements. Derussification is a fairly new process and does not yet have a clear definition. The draft amendments to the Law of Ukraine "On Geographical Names" stipulate that derussification is intended to prohibit the assignment of names to geographical objects in Ukraine that glorify, perpetuate, propagandize, or symbolize the Russian Federation. It is interesting to note that after Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, several foreign countries, such as Poland, the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Latvia, Sweden, and Canada, renamed streets and squares where the aggressor country’s diplomatic missions are located. These streets are now named "Ukrainian Heroes", "Free Ukraine", or "Heroic Mariupol". This shows that even accidental renaming can have significant symbolism and support for Ukraine. The formation of place names is a complex and ongoing process. It often depends on the socio-political situation and bears the imprints of different historical epochs. Key words: decommunisation, derussification, decolonisation, renaming, geographical name, settlement.

Diplomatic Representatives, Missions, and Consulates

Abstract This paper discusses the intricacies of diplomatic privileges and immunities as outlined in the Vienna Convention. It highlights the distinction between privileges granted to representatives of states versus those of international organizations. The classification of diplomatic staff into four categories is explained, emphasizing the inviolability and immunity of diplomatic agents. Changes in definitions and practices since 1958 are explored, along with the importance of proper notification and certification of diplomatic status. The roles of heads of missions, particularly the doyen of the diplomatic corps, are outlined, as well as the significance of acceptance or rejection of diplomatic representatives by receiving states. The article concludes with insights into the termination of diplomatic missions and the authority of states to impose conditions on diplomatic privileges and immunities.

Petar Parchevich's Letter to the Papal Nuncio Mario Albertsi of 29-September 1673 First Bulgarian Autobiography

The current article presents the letter from 1673 written by Peter Parchevich, Arch-bishop of Marcianopolis and at that time Apostolic Vicar and Administrator of Moldova, a very important figure in the history of Bulgarian Catholics, as well as in the history of Bulgaria as a whole, to the Papal Nuncio in Vienna Mario Alberizzi. Written in connection with Parchevich's diplomatic mission to Western Europe on behalf of the rulers of the Danubian Principalities, this text can be considered the first Bulgarian autobiography. The article examines the reasons and circumstances behind the writing of the autobiographical letter, highlighting its apologetic character. A translation into Bulgarian is provided for the letter, originally written in Latin.

THE RUSSIAN-SAFAVID RELATIONS AND RUSSIAN DIPLOMACY IN 1715-1735

The issue of studying the history of diplomatic missions, consulates and embassies is particularly important for the study of international relations in the 18th century. In the absence at that time of a tradition of permanent diplomatic embassies in the Safavid empire, the exchange of missions and the establishment of consulates, together with and diplomatic correspondence were the main forms of establishing and maintaining intergovernmental contacts. This article describes the Russian diplomatic missions attempts’ to ratify the Treaty of St Petersburg in 1723, during a turbulent period for the Safavid dynasty offers a significant perspective on the region's history. The paper relies on official and semi-official historiography, contemporary mainly Russian accounts, and archival dates, as well some secondary sources.

The new basic trend of diplomacy with Japan at the end of the Goryeo Dynasty and Jeong Mong-ju’s diplomatic mission to Japan

The new basic trend of diplomacy with Japan at the end of the Goryeo Dynasty and Jeong Mong-ju’s diplomatic mission to Japan

The framework of “role conceptions” and Nigeria's external engagements

AbstractThis article relies on the intellectual framework of “national role conceptions” to explain Nigeria's wide‐ranging international obligations. Although Nigeria has a rich foreign policy literature, this framework is rarely directly employed in analyzing the country's many external engagements and the motives behind them. Nigeria has always assumed international roles that are in tandem with its fundamental foreign policy objectives. These roles are inspired by the identities that the country has constructed and projected for itself overtime and the expectations of peers (or other actors). Nigeria's constructive external engagements and role performance notwithstanding, there have been some misalignments. These include the sorry state of Nigeria's foreign missions, domestic contradictions, and the fact that Nigeria has sometimes behaved sluggishly in its role performance. This work recommends that Nigeria's diplomatic missions must be adequately financed, the domestic contradictions leading to disputation over foreign policy roles must be addressed, and Nigeria must overcome its occasional complacencies in Africa.

"All Women of Nagoya are Beautiful": Travel Records of a Korean Diplomat in 1764.

The aim of this study is to ascertain how women of that era looked to a Korean diplomat who visited Japan in the 18th century. During 1763-1764, the "Documents on Joseon Tongsinsa (diplomatic mission)" contain 10 records of Korea and 2 records of Japan. Among them, "The Song of a Grand Trip to Japan" (), a Joseon gasa, was reviewed. In the diary entries dated February 2 and 3, 1764, when he was in Nagoya, the author (Kim Ingyeom) described the physical appearance of Japanese women in the city. The peoples of here are bright and beautiful/ All the women are peerless beauties. With eyes like stars and cinnabar-red lips / A clear complexion like white jade, eyebrows like butterflies,/ Hands like budding sprouts, forehead like a cicada. They look like carved ice and as if lumped together with snow. How are they so beautiful despite having the flesh and blood of a human being? Though Zhao Feiyan and Yang Guifei (queens of China) are called the eternal beauties,/ They would look less beautiful compared to women here. If they dressed in Korean costumes and were decorated with jewels,/ We would forget ourselves and mistaken them as goddesses. He highlighted features such as prominent foreheads, eyebrows shaped like butterflies, star-like eyes, red lips, slender hands, and pale skin. He portrayed Japanese women as having a superior appearance compared to Chinese or Korean women. This record suggests that a diplomat admired the appearance of Japanese women during the Meiwa Era (1764-1772).

Українсько- польські взаємини у завершальний період Української національної революції 1917-1921 рр. у візії Андрія Лівицького

The purpose of the research is to shed light on the Ukrainian-Polish relations during the Ukrainian National Revolution of 1919-1920 in the vision of Andrii Livytskyi. The research methodology is based on general scientific methods of analysis, synthesis, and systematicity, which, when applying a concrete-historical approach, allows to significantly deepen the knowledge about the foreign policy and diplomacy of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, in particular, regarding the regulation of relations with the restored Polish state. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that, based on the work of domestic historians, the published documents, and the involvement of new archival sources, an attempt was made to comprehensively investigate the process of implementing the state course of the Ukrainian authorities on the settlement of relations with the Second Polish Republic. Conclusions. The Ukrainian People’s Republic authorities were clearly aware of the need to establish relations with Poland, without which it would not be possible to win Ukrainian statehood. Therefore, one of the directions of the foreign policy of the power structures was the building of relations with the restored Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. At the origins of this process stood Chief Ataman S. Petliura, Deputy Chairman of the Council of People’s Ministers and head of the diplomatic mission of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in Poland A. Livytskyi, Chief Plenipotentiary of the Government of the Ukrainian People’s Republic I. Ohienko, as well as authoritative public figures and representatives of various Ukrainian political parties. Despite all the difficulties of a military, political, and socio-economic nature, the state leadership tried to comply with the established terms of the agreement to the extent of their limited capabilities. A. Livytskyi’s visions give us the opportunity to reveal the content of the negotiations with the Polish state in 1919-1920 and to trace Ukrainian-Polish relations during the period of the Ukrainian National Revolution of 1917-1921. In many of his letters, A. Livytskyi emphasized that on the political horizon of Europe, large and important events in which Ukrainians should take an active part and as a result of which major changes should take place in Ukraine. These visions of Livytskyi help us to better understand his views on Ukrainian-Polish relations and the role of Ukraine in the international arena during the revolution of 1917-1921.

The History of the Formation and Development of the Institution of Diplomatic Asylum in Latin America

The institution of diplomatic asylum occupies a special place in the system of international law due to the ambiguity of its legal regulation. As it is known, this institution was not recognized by the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of 1961 and subsequent universal legal documents. However, most Latin American countries widely apply the right to grant asylum in the premises of diplomatic missions and not only on the basis of the provisions of numerous regional agreements, which directly provide rules of granting diplomatic asylum. The dual approach to the issue of diplomatic asylum that has developed in international practice creates a lot of disputes between states, due to the divergence of their positions on this issue. The article examines the history of the formation and development of the institution of diplomatic asylum, its legal regulation in Latin America and briefly reveals the contribution of judicial practice to the development of the institution. The main purpose of this study is to identify existing contradictions in the international legal regulation of the institution of diplomatic asylum and to analyze acceptable ways to eliminate such discrepancies.