Diplomatic Missions Research Articles

Speech by K.E. Voroshilov at the parade on November 7, 1941 in Kuibyshev

For the first time in the national historiography of the Great Patriotic War, the article examines the process of preparing a speech by Marshal K.E. Voroshilov at the parade held on November 7, 1941 in the temporary military capital of the Soviet state, Kuibyshev. The article is based on declassified draft versions of the speech, which are in the fund of K.E. Voroshilov of the Council of People's Commissars of the State Archive of the Russian Federation. These documents are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. The analysis of the draft versions of the speech led the authors to the conclusion that Voroshilov prepared the speech on his own and worked carefully on the content, constantly improving it. Writing a speech has gone from a plan to several options, first handwritten and then typed. Voroshilov constantly worked on improving the text of the speech, as evidenced by inserts into the same version, made both in ink and in pencil. When working on a speech, Voroshilov had to take into account two points that imposed special responsibility on his speech. If it was impossible to broadcast the parade from Moscow, it was supposed to broadcast the parade from Kuibyshev. Secondly, the military attaches of the diplomatic missions located in Kuibyshev were present at the parade. In this regard, special attention is paid in the article to the analysis of the search for definitions of the allied countries of the USSR in the war. At the same time, a comparison of the speech delivered at the parade and printed in the newspapers of the country, and the last version of the speech, located in Voroshilov's papers, showed a rather significant difference. Based on this, the authors made a hypothetical conclusion that the speech was corrected and expanded for publication. This indicates that Voroshilov's speech did not fully satisfy the leaders of the state and was corrected.

THE CZECHOSLOVAK REPUBLIC AND ITS FIRST PRESIDENT IN THE ASSESSMENTS OF M. SLAVINSKY

The article is devoted to the perception of the Czechoslovak Republic and the personality of its first president, T.G. Masaryk, by the famous Ukrainian socio-political, cultural and educational figure Maksym Slavinsky (1868-1945). The research methodology is based on the study and critical analysis of M. Slavinsky's official addresses to the top leadership of Czechoslovakia, his interviews and publications about T. G. Masaryk, essays on international relations and other political journalism. The use of the research principles of historicism, scientific objectivity and systematicity contributed to the study of the peculiarities of M. Slavinsky's perception of the Czechoslovak Republic and the figure of its first president, T. G. Masaryk. The author of the article notes that one of the priority objects of study for Ukrainian emigrants in the interwar period was the Czechoslovak Republic and the figure of its first president T. G. Masaryk. To a large extent, this is explained by the unique support of the authorities of this country for the cultural needs of Ukrainian refugees. In their writings, teaching staff and students of educational and cultural-scientific institutions established in the Czechoslovak Republic repeatedly paid attention to various aspects of T. G. Masaryk's activities, thus expressing gratitude to the Czechoslovak Republic and its leader for their support. It was noted that the peculiarity of the coverage of this topic by M. Slavinsky was that he touched it not as a scientist, but as a statesman, being in 1919-1923 the head of the Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission of the Ukrainian People's Republic in the Czechoslovak Republic, in 1923-1939 - as an emigrant. It was established that as the head of the diplomatic mission of the Ukrainian People's Republic and later as an emigrant, M. Slavinsky evaluated the figure of T.G. Masaryk from the point of view of his political successes. A certain glorification is noticeable in the assessments of the president of Czechoslovakia. The Czechoslovak Republic was mentioned in the context of a successful state-building experience, in particular, its democracy, political consolidation of the country, peaceful foreign policy were noted. He assessed the attitude towards Ukraine as neutrality, noted Prague's support for Ukrainian military emigration. The high evaluations of the Czechoslovak Republic were not determined only by the diplomatic tact of the representative of Ukraine. They reflected the serious domestic and foreign political achievements of the young state. As an emigrant, M. Slavinsky did not change his high assessment of the Czechoslovak Republic and its first president, he emphasized their support for the cultural life of Ukrainian emigrants. However, after the destruction of the Czechoslovak Republic in 1938-1939, M. Slavinsky mentioned the unresolved national issue and stated the problems of the country's foreign policy orientation.

UKRAINIAN DIPLOMACY DURING THE WAR. Presentation of the book-essay by Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Professor Borys Humeniuk “The Word is a Diplomat's Weapon”. Vinnytsia: TVORY, 2023. 192 p.

The article covers the presentation of the book-essay by Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Professor Borys Humeniuk “The Word is a Diplomat's Weapon”. Vinnytsia: TVORY, 2023. 192 p., which took place on 21 September 2023 in the Media Center of the State Enterprise "Directorate-General for Rendering Services to Diplomatic Missions" in Kyiv.

Home market power and host market protection of foreign investment

How do multinational firms trapped in host markets suffering from political violence find security? Terrorism and conflict repel foreign investment and recent research has sought to understand heterogeneity across firms in their response to violence. When multinational firms are unable to move their investments in the face of violence, we argue that their home governments use diplomatic capacity and security and economic resources to secure protection from host governments. Multinational corporations from home markets with significant leverage over host markets are therefore less likely to curtail their operations or investments in the wake of violence. Examining dyadic data on foreign direct investment (FDI), we show that home market diplomatic missions, aid, and alliances substantially abate the negative effects of violence on FDI. Consistent with our argument, this effect is observed after violence begins and is not an artifact of host markets garnering security aid from great powers other than the home market. A strong diplomatic presence matched to both hard and soft power resources positively contributes to the defense of core foreign policy interests.

Diplomatic Missions Policies and Economic Integration in East Africa: A Case of Rwanda and Kenya

The purpose of this research was to examine the Diplomatic Missions Policies and Economic Integration in East Africa, a case study of Rwanda-Kenya. The study was guided with three specific objectives which are to examine the influence of embassies on economic integration, to assess the effect of professionalizing economic diplomacy on economic integration, and to analyze the relationship between diplomatic mission’s policies and economic integration in East Africa, Rwanda-Kenya. The descriptive research design with a mixed qualitative and quantitative approaches was applied. Findings were collected using the questionnaire. The target population was 62 employees of Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation (MINAFFET) in department of diplomatic missions and Kenya Embassy in Kigali, Rwanda. The census method was used where all population was considered as sample size. The collected findings were analyzed using descriptive statistical analysis with using of Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) version 26.0. The inferential statistics were presented for presenting the relationship between variables. The results were presented in tables using the frequencies, means, and standard deviation. The findings were analyzed, presented, and interpreted. On the influence of embassies on economic integration, The overall means of results was 4.482 that was between agree (4) and strongly agree (5), it presented that the embassies was significantly influenced economic integration. On the effect of professionalizing economic diplomacy on economic integration, the overall means of results was 4.472 that was between agree (4) and strongly agree (5), it presented that there was significantly effect of professionalizing economic diplomacy on economic integration. The findings analysis resulted that the relationship between (influence of embassies and effect of professionalizing economic diplomacy) and economic integration was .905** and .790** respectively. It was indicated that there was a statistically significant relationship between the diplomatic mission’s policies and economic integration. The results presented that the variables were statistically significant with regression mean square of 8.669 and residual mean square was 0.064 while F=136.045 and P-value =.000, it confirmed that there was a significant relationship between the diplomatic missions policies and economic integration in East Africa, Rwanda-Kenya. Researcher recommended that government administrations (MINAFFET) should continue to develop and promote the economic diplomacy, social interests and core values in collaboration of international business, and the citizens should look for the investments developing their business based on the diplomatic missions’ policies. Keywords: Diplomatic Missions Policies, Economic Integration, East Africa, Rwanda

Evolution of the Syrian Peace Process and the Position of the “Key” States Regarding the Syria’s Return to the Arab Fold

Introduction: The Syrian conflict remains one of the most acute unresolved conflicts of our time. Its internationalization, the active intervention of foreign states, especially the United States and Turkey in the dynamics of the conflict and their military presence on Syrian territory, remain obstacles to the settlement. However, the spring of 2023 was marked by a number of political events in the Middle East, which allow us to take a fresh look at the prospects for the Syrian peace process. Against the backdrop of increasing Israeli strikes against Syria, a serious strengthening of Iran's position and cross-border se­curity threats spreading from Syria in the face of de­teriorating socio-economic indicators in Syria due to Western sanctions, the leading Arab countries began to reconsider their relations with earlier rejected by them President B. Assad and started negotiations on the "return" of Syria to the Arab family. Materials and methods: Russian and foreign studies on the Syrian peace process, news sources of the world media were used as materials for writing the article. The methodological base was made up of discourse analysis and a comparative analysis of the approaches of the largest regional powers to the issue of resolving the Syrian conflict. Research results: The admission of Syria to the League of Arab States, the opening of diplomatic missions of Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates and Oman in Syria allow us to conclude that the peace process is now in the hands of the countries of the Middle East region. The peace process also no longer consists of negotiations between the regional countries involved in the conflict and the Syrian government solely over the political structure of Syria, but rather consists of negotiations on the conditions for the legitimization of the Syrian au­thorities. Discussion and conclusion: At the same time, the role of Russia in the peace process is to organize negotiations between Syria and a number of the most authoritative Middle Eastern states: Turkey and Iran, in order to find acceptable conditions for the normalization and withdrawal of their troops from the territory of Syria in exchange for guarantees of their security and maintaining a certain balance of their interests in Syria and the Middle East region as a whole. The existing joint foreign policy interests in other regions of Russia with Turkey and Iran built interdependence relations and gave Moscow certain levers of influence on them in the Syrian negotiation process, which makes it an influential participant in the settlement of the conflict.

TINTUV TUSHUNCHASI VA TINTUV O‘TKAZISHDA SHAXS HUQUQLARI VA QONUNIY MANFAATLARINING PROTSESSUAL KAFOLATLARI

In this article, the concept of search, which is considered an investigative action in the criminal process, and the issues of procedural guarantees of individual rights and legal interests during the search are analyzed in detail. In this regard, the norms defined in the criminal-procedural legislation on the concept of search and the views of experts and scientists in this regard were studied, and the definition of this concept was developed by the author. In turn, the different aspects from the concept of seizure investigative action are revealed. In criminal procedural legislation, the investigator is given broad powers to independently resolve issues related to the rights, freedoms, and interests of the individual during the search. This article analyzes the conditions that the investigator and participants must follow during the search. Since the search process is directly related to the right of individuals to privacy of residence, the article researches the national and international legislation on guaranteeing the right to privacy of residence in the implementation of this investigative action. Also, based on this scientific research, reasonable conclusions were made regarding the specific aspects of conducting a search in different places, including issues related to the rights and guarantees of diplomatic missions and their employees who have diplomatic immunity when a search is conducted in the territory of a diplomatic mission.

Татары в Великом Княжестве Литовском в XIV–XVI вв.

This article is dedicated to the history of the Tatars in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Tatars in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania played an important role in border guarding. They carried out border, ambassadorial and castle service. Interpreters of Tatars and Tatar beks were sent on important missions to estab- lish diplomatic relations with strong Turkic states. Apostates (apostates from Is- lam) Glinskie played an important role in protecting the Ukrainian border from Crimean raids. Representatives of this family went on diplomatic missions to the Big Horde. The rulers of the Great Horde and the Crimean Khanate did not con- sider it shameful to write to the apostate and the provincial prince. The Tatar origin of the clan, on the contrary, was a plus in the eyes of the Jochids and the Glinskie were generally perceived as their own people. The adoption of Christian- ity opened up broad career prospects. Tatars managed to preserve their identity in places of compact settlement of Tatars in Belarus and Lithuania, as well as in Volyn. However, many Tatars who received land in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania quickly lost their ethnic and religious identity.

The place and role of cultural diplomacy in the process of consolidating the country's image on the international arena

The article examines the peculiarities of cultural diplomacy, and also determines the place and role of cultural diplomacy in the process of consolidating the country's image on the international arena. It was determined that cultural diplomacy plays an important role in modern international relations. The spread of traditions and cultural values contributes to the destruction of barriers and stereotypes, promotes mutual understanding of representatives of different cultures. The spread of cultural heritage, familiarization with the intellectual contribution of the people of a separate state forms a general perception, attracts attention, increases the level of respect and forms a positive image of the country. Considering the fact that cultural interaction is an autonomous element of interstate interaction, contributing to the achievement of established foreign policy goals, its implementation becomes possible thanks to the deep relationship between traditional diplomatic missions and special cultural institutions. It is noted that in order to create a positive image of the country, it is worth using various forms of cultural international cooperation, such as festivals, forums, exhibitions, tours of outstanding creative groups, fairs and holidays of national culture. During the organization of such events, representatives of diplomatic institutions should contribute to the resolution of organizational issues (signing of documentation, organization of negotiations with public authorities of the host country), while employees of cultural organizations are responsible for the substantive side of these initiatives. It was established that in order to form the image of the state, it is impossible to do without the use of communication strategies specific to the sphere of cultural foreign policy. The state's cultural policy and cultural diplomacy should mainly operate with communicative strategies in the information sphere to popularize national culture outside the state. It has been proven that the key factors in the process of implementing state policy in the field of cultural diplomacy should be Ukrainian cultural achievements abroad, taking into account heritage and modernity, as well as emphasizing the need to form strategic planning to support the image of Ukraine on the international arena.

Дипломатична місія чеського короля Вацлава ІІ до французького монарха Філіппа IV Красивого на початку XIV ст.

The purpose of the scientifi c study is to reveal the preconditions and to trace the progress of diplomatic mission organization of the Czech King Václav II to France in order to conclude an alliance agreement with the local monarch Philip IV the Handsome from the Capeting dynasty, directed against the pope Boniface VIII and the German ruler Albrecht I Habsburg. Th e methodological basis of the work is the principles of historicism, objectivity and scientifi c credibility. Historical-systemic and analytical methods have been used. Th e research was prepared on the basis of analysis of sources. It is about documents of the Czech diplomatic mission, as well as about the annals and chronicles that were kept in Prague and in certain re- gions of the Holy Roman Empire. It’s focused on works of leading Czech and German scientists on the outlined issues. Th e scientifi c novelty consists in the detailed clearing up of preconditions of the diplomatic mission organization of the Czech King Václav II to the French king Philip IV the Handsome, clarifying its purpose and probable reasons of fi asco of the action. Conclusions. Vaclav II hoped to fi nd a reliable ally in person of the French monarch who would be able to provide him with assistance in his confrontation with Pope Boniface VIII and German King Albrecht I Habsburg. However, all eff orts of Vaclav II to get closer to Philip IV the Handsome failed. Th e reason of the failure should be sought in the fact that Philip IV the Handsome man- aged to deal with the pope on his own, and the fi ght against Albrecht I Habsburg he did not consider his priority. Although the relationship between German and French kings became cool, however the fi nal line was not passed. Th e position of Philip IV the Handsome could be infl u- enced by family relations of the Capetings with the Neapolitan line of the Anjou family, whose representative claimed the Hungarian throne. One way or another, but the mission to Philip IV the Handsome remained unfi nished, the alliance between the Czech kingdom and France, which Vaclav II so longed for, was not concluded.

SA JUGA SRBIJE U JUŽNU AMERIKU – SLAVOLjUB ĐERA PETROVIĆ KAO POSLANIK (AMBASADOR) U ARGENTINI 1953–1958.

Born and raised in Niš, Slavoljub Djera Petrović was partisan commander in South Serbia during the Second World War. After the war he became a diplomat. With only 33 he was appointed as Yugoslav envoy in Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay. In Buenos Aires, Petrović faced several challenges like repairing errors of his predecessors considering relations between Yugoslavia and Argentina, stabilizing the trade problems and difficult relations within the diplomatic mission itself. After succeeding in elevating the interstate relations, Petrović was given the rank of ambassador in 1956 as the one of the first diplomats born and raised in South Serbia to be named ambassador.One of the main challenges Petrović faced in South America was problem of ustaša emigration. When he resumed his post, Yugoslav diplomacy was already certain that Ante Pavelić, the head of the Independent state of Croatia was also in Argentina. Over the years, Petrović tried to inform his colleagues, journalists who Pavelić is and what was his role during the Second World War and influence public opinion in Argentina in a favorable direction. After an assignation attempt on Pavelić in spring 1957, those efforts were doubled and resulted in Pavelić’s escape to Spain. At the end of his diplomatic mission in Argentina, Petrović received medal of San Martin as recognition for its good service and his role in improvement of Yugoslav-Argentine relations.

Evaluasi Pengakuan dan Pengukuran Berbasis Akrual Atas Penerimaan Negara Bukan Pajak (PNBP) Berjenis Pelayanan

This study aims to evaluate the phenomenon of accrual-based recognition and measurement using the date point of the Consular Function official memorandum document on non-tax state revenue (PNBP) of service type at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia based on public accountability framework and cost benefit analysis and. Accrual-based recognition and measurement using these documents causes the value of revenue-LO presented in the Financial Statements to be over or understated as it consists of 5 (five) frequencies or periods of recognition and measurement, namely every day, every week, every two weeks, every month, and every three months. The unit of analysis is in the form of multiple units of analysis in five work units of the Indonesia Representative Diplomatic Mission which represent each period of recognition and measurement. This research is descriptive qualitative research. Data were obtained through interviews and documentation. The data analysis method uses qualitative descriptive techniques and content analysis. The results show that accrual-based recognition and measurement of PNBP type services not only pay attention to the occurrence but also the completion of the service process. In addition, the recognition and measurement treatment carried out so far has considered the aspects of costs and benefits so that there are five recognition and measurement periods. In the future, it is hoped that there will be an integrated system so that the frequency of recognition and measurement can be uniform.

고대 동아시아 대외교섭 상에 보이는 연회

The materials that provide a glimpse into ancient Japan’s drinking culture are the Manyoshu and Kaifumo. Alcohol in both collections of poetry is overwhelmingly related to banquets. Among these, the banquets held at diplomatic occasions were not simply drinking parties. Music, drinks, issues between the two countries, and the international situation were discussed in the informal meeting set up by the Prime ministe.In this article, I will explore the international situation in East Asia in the 8th century through banquets held at the private residence of King Nagaya in 724 and at the private residence of Fujiwara no Nakamaro in the Tenpyohoji era. In particular, I tried to explore aspects of the diplomacy that took place between Silla and Japan, and between Balhae and Japan.
 A banquet held at the residence of King Nagaya in 724, many writers of immigrant origin who felt close to the Silla envoys attended. The Nagaya-o’s banquet became a place of peaceful friendship between the two countries. However, the banquet held at Fujiwara no Nakamaro’s residence during the Tenpyohoji era became the center stage of international politics in line with the situation in East Asia. When Fuhito Fujiwara was prime minister, it was very rare for a minister to meet a foreign envoy directly. However, during the time of Nagayao, the prime minister actively intervened in diplomatic powers, which were the inherent powers of the monarch, and ministerial diplomacy was in full swing. Furthermore, it was at its peak during the time of Fujiwara Fuhito. The essence of ministerial diplomacy is for the prime minister to personally contact diplomatic missions and control all or part of the diplomatic powers inherent in the monarch.n other words, it can be said that the banquet for a minister held at a private residence is the measure of ministerial diplomacy, rather than an event for honoring guests.

북한 치안체제의 역할과 기능에 관한 연구

The purpose of this study is to understand the social control system of the Kim Jong-un government by examining the roles and functions of the North Korean Kim Jong-un government's security system.
 From the inauguration of the Kim Jong-un government in 2012 to 2022, the role and function of national policy, public security policy, and the Ministry of Social Security, which constitute the security apparatus, were analyzed in detail. The outline of the detailed research is as follows: First, in order to analyze the role and function of the security policy in North Korea, theoretical discussions for the analysis of the security system were developed, and the theory of political system analysis and political system approach were introduced. The research analysis framework was constructed through the Narrow-Gauge theory, which emphasizes the distinctiveness of the political system, and the Super Mixed Mode Dictatorship approach.
 Through this, the study was conducted by dividing the Kim Jong-un government into the 1st power hereditary period, 2nd period of power building, 3rd period of power stabilization, and 4th period of power instability.
 Second, the ruling ideology and national policy of the Kim Jong-un government were examined. Third, the role and function of the public security system of the Kim Jong-un government were examined.
 North Korea's Ministry of Social Security is based on protecting Chairman Kim Jong-un and the Workers' Party of North Korea, and monitoring and controlling counterrevolutionary activities that threaten the dictatorship, rather than what is stipulated in the People's Security Control Act.
 In particular, Chairman Kim Jong-un operates the Defense Security Bureau, the Ministry of State Security, Ministry of Social Security, and Ministry of National Defense as direct agencies, strengthening the one-man rule system.
 The main role of Ministry of Social Security is, first, the enforced propagation of the ruling ideology, and second, the implementation of intricate social control policies.
 The primary functions of social safety encompass maintaining public order, engaging in crime prevention activities, identifying and apprehending criminals, conducting sanitary inspections, managing resident registrations, overseeing overseas diplomatic missions, and supervising prison facilities. Notably, it is responsible for conducting extrajudicial house searches, inspecting lodgings, carrying out involuntary examinations, making arrests, and managing detention functions.
 As for future research tasks, it is necessary to more organically analyze the roles and functions of the Kim Jong-un administration's three major social control agencies, such as the Ministy of Social Security, the Ministry of National Security, and the Defense Security Bureau. This is because these institutions are key pillars supporting the Kim Jong-un Government.

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A VIRTUAL EMBASSY ACCORDING TO THE 1961 VIENNA CONVENTION ON DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS: THE CASE OF BARBADOS’ METAVERSE EMBASSY

Through years of practice, embassies are considered the pillar of the diplomatic system, which faced developments of methods recently heavily influenced by internet optimization. It is reflected in the growing practices of non-physical embassies that raised the issue of whether or not those practices are consistent with the embassy's function under diplomatic law. By using method of normative legal research, qualitative methodology, and descriptive and comparative methods, This paper argues the difficulties of the performance of diplomatic mission function by non-physical embassies through the dimensions of efficiency laid down under the object and purpose of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations 1961. It stands to prove the cumulativeness of the functions prescribed under Article 3 (1) of VCDR, arguing that the functions' performance is inefficient by only operating one or several functions. By this way of interpretation, the sole establishment of non-physical embassies, such as virtual embassies and especially metaverse embassies, is impractical due to their inability to perform several key functions of the diplomatic mission. It then clearly established that States cannot rely solely on establishing non-physical embassies and must seek alternative methods.

The Earl of Manchester and opera in London

Abstract Charles Montagu (c.1662–1722), Earl (later Duke) of Manchester, played an important role in furthering the establishment of Italian-style opera in London. He gained knowledge of opera and continental singers and musicians on his Grand Tour and three diplomatic missions abroad. This article prints relevant portions (some for the first time) from his correspondence and other printed and manuscript sources to expand our knowledge of his involvement with opera in London, Vienna, France and Italy. The correspondence suggests why his advice and assistance were sought by John Vanbrugh and later by the Royal Academy of Music and adds to our knowledge of the history of opera in London in its so-called ‘critical decade’. Most important was his mission to Venice in 1707–8. Although no evidence has emerged that Manchester met Handel in Venice or extended to him an invitation, he was responsible for the recruitment of Nicola Grimaldi (called ‘Nicolini’), painters and other singers to London. Even at this early stage, opera in London was part of an operatic system that extended across Europe, involving not only musicians and impresarios but also ministers of state and foreign diplomats.

Un análisis histórico e iconográfico de la pintura brasileña de Charles Landseer

This article presents a detailed examination of the two surviving Brazilian-themed paintings of Charles Landseer, the British artist who travelled to Brazil in 1825–26 as part of a diplomatic mission. His drawings in the Highcliffe Album are well-known, but the paintings are less familiar, and there has been a lack of art historical analyses of them within the broader context of the artist’s career. Furthermore, they have not been considered together before. Primary sources are used to present a new account of the paintings’ production and exhibition histories, uncovering previously overlooked information about how Landseer created the works and where he showed them in England in 1827. The article also incorporates lesser-known or previously unrecorded artworks by Landseer which relate to his Brazilian travels, including a third painting (depicting Madeira, not Brazil) which he exhibited in London in 1828, but which was only recently rediscovered. The only two known letters relating to Landseer’s involvement with the mission are transcribed in full in an appendix.

Cultural exchanges and Zen Buddhism in Sino poetries of Vietnamese envoys to China from the late 18th to early 19th century

In this report, we present the cultural relationship between Vietnam and China through poems of Vietnamese envoy written on the topic of Buddhist and zenon their journeys of diplomatic missions at the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century in three main aspects: The description of Buddhist sites and spaces; The envoys’ expression of their personal emotions; and the expression of close relationships with the Zen masters, and the courtiers of the Host country. From there, we hope to contribute a more perspective on the Vietnamese people's mentality - the same mentality, in the cultural exchange between Vietnam and China.

Italian cultural diplomacy in Estonia during the interwar period: from the de jure recognition to the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact (1921-1939)

ABSTRACTThis article aims to trace the influence of Italian cultural diplomacy and its, impact in Estonia starting from the de jure recognition in 1921 to the signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact in 1939, the prelude to the Soviet invasion of the Baltic States of June 1940. The cultural relations between Italy and Estonia could be divided into two time periods: the first one, from 1921 to 1931, when Italy tried to establish the foundations of its cultural influence in Estonia; the second one, from 1932 to 1939. In the latter period, the growth of Italian diplomatic influence abroad corresponded to a more precise propaganda project, outlined not only by the Italian diplomatic mission in Tallinn, but also by three key episodes: the Volta Conference in Rome, the establishment of C.A.U.R (Comitati d’Azione per l’Universalità di Roma/Action Committees for the Universality of Rome) in 1932 and 1933 respectively, and the foundation of the Ministry of Popular Culture in 1937.

Виртуальное посольство: новые технологии представительства и влияния (осмысляя американский опыт)

This article analyzes the American experience of creating and operating a virtual embassy in Iran. We consider theissue through the prism of the development of new information technologies and their applicability in the fields offoreign policy and diplomacy. In the Russian expert environment, this topic has not received due attention and reflection,although it could become an independent direction in academic study. Most importantly, the virtual embassycould offer a quick and relatively inexpensive solution to very specific challenges—both on a temporary and permanentbasis—in the practical part of current foreign policy.For Russia, the experience of implementing and managing such a technological unit could be applied in severaldifferent areas, united by the impossibility or difficulty of carrying out activities through traditional diplomaticchannels in a particular political and geographical area. One of the most suitable locations for the application of suchefforts is the polity of Kosovo, where the work of the Russian diplomatic mission is not being carried out for formalreasons that are understandable but lag behind the rapidly changing conditions of international life. As a result,there is a risk that future work in the region will need to start from scratch or even make up lost ground. But this isjust one, and the most obvious, example of the need to virtualize a diplomatic mission. The current crisis has revealedthe contours of much larger areas that are now inaccessible to Moscowʼs traditional diplomatic activity but requireconstant attention and systematic work. An alternative could be a virtual space—as a launching pad for dialogue andthen transformed into complementary and reinforcing tools of presence and influence. The successful experience ofRussian media abroad speaks for the high potential and good chances of these new directions.