Diplomatic Means Research Articles

Analisis Putusan Mahkamah Internasional dalam Kasus Sengketa Indonesia-Malaysia Mengenai Pulau Sipadan dan Ligitan

Disputes between Indonesia and Malaysia in the International Court of Justice on the issues of the islands of Sipadan and Ligitan continued to roll throughout the year until 1997 both countries raised this issue in international law. The two islands which are located in the center of Indonesia, precisely in the Makassar Strait, were finally won by the Malaysian side on December 17, 2002 The Court finally decided that Malaysia is the party that has full sovereignty over Sipadan Island and Ligitan Island. In its decision. The court made the doctrine of "ejfectivites" the main consideration for declaring Malaysian ownership of the two islands. According to the Court, the conventional Indonesian title claim and the OlY Malaysia chain of title claim are as weak as they cannot provide legal evidence that can support their respective ownership claims in the two disputed islands. The Court also believes that there is no authentic documentary evidence that can be sure that the two disputed islands belong to the Dutch or British territories. after various international legal channels taken by these two countries because it is based on several factors, namely: continuous presence, effective occupation, management and preservation of nature. This was confirmed in the Report of the International Court of Justice 1 August-31 July 2012, the decision of the International Court of Justice was carried out through bargaining led by presiding judge Gilbert Guillaume from France who established Malaysia as having sovereignty over the islands of Sipadan and Ligitan. Thus Malaysia has the right to draw a base line as its boundary to the outer points of Sipadan Island and Ligitan Island. As a friendly country, diplomatic relations between Indonesia and Malaysia were disrupted at that time due to the overlapping claims between Indonesia and Malaysia over the islands of Sipadan and Ligitan, which emerged since 1967, but as we know, based on The Hague's two conventions on resolving international disputes this, the countries (members) make maximum efforts to resolve international disputes peacefully. For this purpose, as long as the situation still permits or permits, the parties agree to submit their dispute to good services, mediation or the commission of inquiry to settle their dispute (diplomatic means) therefore a peaceful path is pursued by the two countries cannot do big things as a form of change in accordance with their wishes.

Modernity through Letter Writing: Cherokee and Seneca Political Representations in Response to Removal, 1830–1857 by Claudia B. Haake

Reviewed by: Modernity through Letter Writing: Cherokee and Seneca Political Representations in Response to Removal, 1830–1857 by Claudia B. Haake Rowena McClinton (bio) Modernity through Letter Writing: Cherokee and Seneca Political Representations in Response to Removal, 1830–1857. By Claudia B. Haake. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2020. Pp. xi, 282. $65.00 cloth; $65.00 paper; $65.00 ebook) Claudia Haake has uncovered numerous letters, petitions, and memoranda written by members of the Cherokee and Seneca nations. Leaders familiarized themselves with the English language for diplomatic means to undergird their political and cultural nationhood. Extensively mining primary sources from the National Archives and the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Haake contends that her work differs from previous interpretations that viewed Indigenous peoples as victims when confronted with forced displacement. Haake reveals that both Cherokee and Seneca nations confronted the vagaries of U.S. policymakers critically and creatively when negotiating their uncertain future. Adopting the English writing system allowed Indians to strategize and plan their own agendas when facing cataclysmic change. Throughout the nineteenth century, Cherokees and Senecas continued their literary expressions while preserving their Indigenous voices. Haake contextualizes writing samples in the time period she addresses. For example, in chapter 1, "Civilization and the Removal Policy," the U.S. Congress passed the 1830 Indian Removal Act to make room for the ever-expanding settler appetite in the South, freeing lands for the escalating slave-based cotton growing plantations. To stem their loss of land, some Cherokees and Senecas had by 1830 accepted Christianity and the English language taught in mission schools. In addressing the public, chiefs from the Cherokees and Senecas, writing fluent English, refrained from employing the "Great Spirit" to debunk any notions of traditionalism. Yet, in these missives, they sustained and incorporated their tribal identity. Literacy was key to reiterate their survival as Cherokees or Senecas. To enhance their status with U.S. officials, Cherokee writers wrote what government [End Page 77] agents wanted to hear. Haake argues that Cherokee missives did not necessarily circulate among all tribal members. In contrast, because of their long-standing tradition of "forest diplomacy" whereby all villagers had a voice in decision making, Seneca letter writers circulated their writings among literate and illiterate peoples. No doubt, western literacy enhanced their political capital. As the nineteenth century progressed, their multiple letters unveiled why land as a tribal unity played havoc with tribal politics. Pressure mounted to vacate their original lands. Every crisis led to more crises. Tribal governments suffered. Through analyzing these missives, Haake details how the Cherokees became factionalized between the Treaty Party advocating abandonment of ancestral lands and the Ross Party promoting preservation of lands in the East. Likewise, the Senecas diverged between those who wanted to retain ancient domains and those who accepted removal. Each faction had members fluent in oral letter writing. Cherokees and Senecas attracted sympathetic audiences to discern their contrasting points of view. Their literacy gave them access to the wider American community that now could understand Indigenous peoples from a non-monolithic lens. Besides her enriching primary sources, Haake's monograph is replete with historiography. In-depth and fastidious research, her text is complementary to literary scholar Maureen Konkle's Writing Indian Nations: Native Intellectuals and the Politics of Historiography, 1827–1863 (2005). Very poignantly, Modernity through Letter Writing unfolds how both tribes envisioned their modernity in the context of literacy leading to political sovereignty. This text is a must read for undergraduate and graduate classes. [End Page 78] Rowena McClinton ROWENA McCLINTON is professor emerita of history, Southern Illinois University, Edwardsville. Copyright © 2021 Kentucky Historical Society

Features of the process of European integration of the Czech Republic

This paper is devoted to highlighting the stages through which the Czech Republic went on its way to full membership in the European Union. At the beginning of the work, attention is paid to the works of Ukrainian, Russian and Czech scientists analyzed in this context, on which the work is based. Further, an introduction to the historical discourse of events in the political and social spheres in the Czechoslovak Republic after the Second World War is carried out. Attention is drawn to the process of division of the Czech and Slovak Republics in the first half of the 90s. The article tells about the choice by the Czech Republic of the political and social vector for «returning to Europe». Other problems of the Czech Republic on the path of European integration are analyzed, among which one can note the conflict with the Federal Republic of Germany over the forced eviction of the German population from the country in the post-war period, based on the decrees of the President of the Czech Republic Edward Benesh, as well as the solution of this problem through diplomatic means. Attention is also drawn to another problem, which was expressed in the conflict with the government of the Austrian Republic regarding the construction of the Temelin nuclear power plant in the South Bohemian region, in the immediate vicinity of the Austrian borders. The Melk Protocol was analyzed, on the basis of which this conflict was resolved. The general conclusions on this work are summarized, in which the success of the Czech strategy for European and Euro-Atlantic integration is stated. Problems that may arise for Ukraine on the same path are predicted, taking into account the consolidation of the European and Euro-Atlantic vectors of development in the preamble of the Constitution of Ukraine.

Negotiation and mediation as a means of peaceful settlement of international economic disputes

Introduction. Interstate interaction and integration, on the one hand, are the key to the successful functioning of humanity, and on the other hand, they provoke the emergence of international differences and conflicts, including those of an economic nature. Successful settlement of economic differences in accordance with the principle of peaceful settlement of international disputes is a necessary condition for strengthening and developing international cooperation. The issue of peaceful settlement of economic disputes, including through the use of diplomatic means, has been studied by such authors as I.V. Grynchak, О.M. Malysheva, Z.V. Tropin, etc. The purpose of the paper is to determine the specifics of negotiation and mediation as political ways to resolve economic disputes peacefully. Results. In international legal doctrine, the most common is the division of peaceful means of resolving international disputes into diplomatic (political) and legal (judicial). The most common are negotiations, good services and mediation, international arbitration. International negotiations, as part of the system of international relations, on the one hand, feel their influence, acting as a tool in solving a range of foreign policy and, in some cases, domestic policy problems, on the other – themselves affect international relations, largely defining and shaping them. The difference between mediation and negotiation is that a third party intervenes in the dispute resolution process with the aim of reconciling the parties. At the same time, the role of the mediator is quite passive, the purpose of his activity is to establish a constructive dialogue between the conflicting states. Therefore, the result of applying this method in some cases can only be reduced to the resumption of negotiations. Conclusion. Negotiation and mediation are diplomatic (political) means of peaceful settlement of international economic disputes. Such means of resolving international economic disputes are used in the presence of a common will of the parties to resolve the conflict, and a common focus on finding a mutually beneficial and compromise solution to the dispute. A key difference between negotiation and mediation is the involvement of a third party in the mediation process, which helps the parties to reach an agreed and compromise solution.

Major Constraints for Regional Hegemony: Nigeria and South Africa in Perspective

The quest for a complementary regional hegemonic dispensation has been an enduring component in Africa. While studies have recognised the increase in power assets of some states within the continent, literature is replete with the idea that no state can equal or defeat Nigeria and South Africa in contesting for regional powers. Though, this impression appears plausible. However, there are limited scholarly contributions to the devastating conditions that undermined the regional powers’ influential position to enhance legitimacy and positive image-making for African rebirth in global politics. It is against this backdrop that the current effort examines the constraints that hinder the credibility and attractive assets of the two regional powers in African policy. Relying on key-informant interview and secondary sources for the collection of data and the interpretive qualitative method for data analysis, the findings reveal that domestic limitations are major impediments to regional hegemonic powers’ dispensation. This article argues that possession of remarkable material capabilities without corresponding legitimacy and diplomatic means of ‘appealing’ to other states is not enough in the pursuit of hegemonic status. It, therefore, concludes that Nigeria and South Africa must tackle the domestic crises that consistently decline the credibility and continental leadership to curb the global inequality against Africa.

The World of Uncertainty: Is America Losing Its Leverage Towards a Looming New China–Russia Alliance?

The recent deterioration of US–China and US–Russia relations has stumbled the formation of a better world order in the 21st century. Washington’s concerns of the “great power realignment”, as well as its Manichean battle against China’s and Russia’s “illiberal regimes” have resulted in the activated alliance-building efforts between Beijing and Moscow, prompting the Biden administration to consider some wedging strategies. Despite their coordinated preparation to deter the US power, the Chinese and Russian leaderships seek to avert a conflict with Washington by diplomatic means, and the characteristic of their partnership is still leaving a “window of opportunity” for the United States to lever against the establishment of a formal Sino–Russian alliance.

Brief Synopses of New Arabic-Language Publications

Brief Synopses of New Arabic-Language Publications

Adjudication at the Service of Diplomacy: The Enrica Lexie Case

Abstract The article addresses the Enrica Lexie case as an example of integration between adjudicative and diplomatic means of dispute settlement. It illustrates the case focusing on the Tribunal’s assessment of the scope of its jurisdiction and of the applicable law. The article is organised in four parts, next to the introduction. First, it places the case in the context of the relationship between adjudication and diplomacy in the settlement of international disputes. Second, it illustrates the case as a dispute over the interpretation and application of UNCLOS. Third, it addresses the relevance of the immunity of the marines for the purposes of the jurisdiction of the Tribunal and the applicable law. Finally, it concludes with few general policy remarks on the beneficial impact of the Award for the disputing and third Parties, as to the balancing of the interests of flag-States and costal-States in interpreting and applying freedom of navigation.

China’s Strategy of ‘String of Pearls’ and South Asia


 
 Indian Ocean has always remained a center of economic development and security of Asian states. Therefore, China’s shift from Pacific Ocean to Indian Ocean for the sake of energy security and economic development can be seen. China has developed a network of ports and naval bases in Indian Ocean through diplomatic means for expanding its influence. This study aims to examine the nature of string of pearls strategy of China that how China is utilizing its economic tools to fulfill its commercial interest in the larger Indian Ocean region. International community often relates “string of pearls” strategy with China’s hostile naval build up in IOR by creating network of naval bases along the littorals of Indian Ocean. This article has emphasized on the commercial nature of string of pearls strategy with reference to the South Asian States under soft power theory. Though it’s a challenging task for China to increase its influence in the Indian proximity but China is operating on the principle of creating common grounds for both the host states as well as donor state in the South Asian region.
 
 
 
 

Possible strategies in using diplomatic means of conflict resolution in South Sudan

The study was conducted in order to examine the possible strategies in using diplomatic means of conflict resolution in South Sudan. The research was carried out through a cross-sectional and survey research design, and obtained relevant data from 78 respondents. The research study established that the use of diplomatic approach through peace mediation, being accommodative to the diverse interests of all parties and treating the opposition as stake holders not as enemies is slowly and consistently helping the leadership in South Sudan and her neighbors to work together with lessened suspensions hence for example Uganda opening up her boundaries. Mediation is a broad and rapidly growing field in resolving conflicts in South Sudan. The mediated settlement of conflicts has been of vital chip in helping their people live in peaceful parts of the country, engage in regional trade, education and any other form of co-operation which may leap the country from rags to development. Using tact and diplomacy appropriately can lead to improved relationships with other people and are a way to build and develop mutual respect, which in turn can lead to more successful outcomes and less difficult or stressful communications. The application of shrewd diplomat uses skills centered around an understanding of the people on the opposite side and being sensitive to their opinions, beliefs, ideas and feelings. Developing effective tact and diplomacy skills requires practice and good judgement. The study recommended that all South Sudanese conflicts should be handled through mediation.

DIGITAL DIPLOMACY AND CYBER SOVEREIGNTY IN 10 CARIBBEAN ARCHIPELAGIC COUNTRIES (Comparison of Indonesia and 10 Countries in the Caribbean)

The country in the Caribbean Islands is said to be the Small Island Developing States (SIDS). Where a small country in it is actively involved in international diplomacy and technology development. According to a report from the Commonwealth Consultative Group, if a small country in a region does not have military or economic power to use, they will be forced to rely on diplomatic means in conveying their national interests in the context of international relations (Cross & Mike, 2020: 3). In the international world, every country is faced with a relationship called diplomacy. The international community and the world community have institutionalized identities and shared interests between countries to place the creation and maintenance of shared norms, rules and institutions (Buzan, 2014). Along with technological developments, the role of diplomacy is initiated digitally, known as cyber-diplomacy. Cyber-diplomacy can be defined as diplomacy in the cyber realm or in other words the use of diplomatic resources and the performance of the diplomatic function to secure national interests related to cyberspace. Such interests are commonly identified in cybersecurity or national cybersecurity strategies which often include references to diplomatic agendas. Therefore, cyber-diplomacy is carried out in all or in part by diplomats who are brought together in bilateral forums (such as the Indonesia-Columbia dialogue) or in multilateral forums (such as at the United Nations) (Owen, 2015). The starting point of cyber-diplomacy for the first time can be found in the publication of the US International strategy for cyberspace in 2011, which was the first government document worldwide to focus entirely on the international aspects of cyberspace problems. Strategic identity uses a number of priorities (economy, network protection, law enforcement, military, internet governance, international development and internet freedom), while relying on three pillars to achieve diplomacy, defense and development goals (Barrinha & Renard, 2017) As the analysis in this paper is the analysis of diplomacy between Indonesia in the Caribbean Islands. Not all countries in the Caribbean Islands have diplomatic relations with Indonesia, so the existence of Social Networking Analysis (SNA) through Twitter data grabbing and processed with the Gephi 0.9.2 application will show how much influence and diplomacy interests of countries in the Caribbean Islands have on Indonesia. and vice versa. Ancient Diplomacy in International Relations according to Hamilton & Langhorne (in Dwikarna, et al. 2017: 22) is defined as follows, “The beginning of diplomacy occurred when the first human societies decided it was better to hear a massage then to eat a messenger. If that has been agreed than there have to be rules which assure the safety of the messenger, and if there are rules, there has to be some sanction for them”. From old diplomacy to new diplomacy, which no longer involves formal relations between countries but shifted to diplomacy activities with non-state actors such as the mass media, non-governmental organizations, the public, and multinational companies. In addition, with the development of technology along with the times, new diplomacy leads to digital diplomacy. It is said to be digital diplomacy because the diplomacy approach carried out by a country involves digital media such as social media (Facebook, twitter, website), social networking sites (SNS) based state sites, the internet, and mobile devices. So, we can analyzing digital diplomacy through twitter media processed in the Gephi 0.9.2 application, this paper also describes Cyber Sovereignty. Cyber sovereignty is defined as the ability of a country to regulate cyber space in an internal context based on digital platforms. Through the maltego application and also processed in the Gephi 0.9.2 cluster application, which is discussed both in the Caribbean and comparisons with Indonesia, such as cyber infrastructure, cyber application, and cyber core. The categories analyzed in each country are in cyber diplomacy such as the ministry of foreign affairs, the ministry of interior, cyber authority, the ministry of communication and technology, the ministry of defense, and the ministry of police and military.

Evolution of British policy in Egypt after the signing of the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1936 (August 1936–April 1938)

The object of the study is the policy of Great Britain in Egypt from August 1936 to April 1938. The subject of the study is the trends in the policy of the Foreign Office and local British authorities in relation to Egypt in the context of external and internal challenges. The main attention is paid to the situation that developed after the signing of the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1936. The study examines the British responses in connection with Italy's aggressive policy in the region, as well as during the "palace crisis" in Egypt, which developed as a result of the death of King Fuad and the transition of the throne to Farouk. These events threatened the British presence in the region, for which the empire had been fighting with various forces since the mid-1930s. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the involvement of new sources – namely the diaries of the British High Commissioner Miles Lampson. It is noted that the trend in UK politics continues to soften the style of government and avoid harsh and radical decisions. In particular, antagonism with Italy is being resolved by diplomatic means, which resulted in the signing of the Anglo-Italian treaty in April 1938. As for the domestic political situation, the "palace crisis" can also be overcome by soft means by creating a balance of power positive for the British presence in the Egyptian political system, as well as through negotiations with anti-British forces.

نماذج الهدايا المتبادلة بين الروم والفرس من القرن الثالث حتى القرن السابع الميلاديين

تبادل الهدايا من الوسائل الدبلوماسية الفاعلة بين الروم والفرس ومناسبات هذه الهدايا عديدة أهمها: أولا- التتويج فعند ارتقاء ملک، إمبراطور، قيصر شاهنشاه- أيا کان لقب الحاکم- فعلى الدولة العظمى أن تهديه تحت مسمى هدايا التتويج، وثانيا- عقد المصاهرات بين العرشين، وثالثا- تحمل مع السفراء والسفارات بغرض عرض السلام. يتناول البحث عرضا لأنواع تلک الهدايا ومناسباتها وتصنيفها والهدف من أرسالها مع تتبع لنتائجها أو نتائج منعها . The exchange of gifts from the effective diplomatic means between the Romans and Persian sides, the occasions of these gifts are main First: Gifts of the When the king, emperor, Caesar Shahanshah, which was the title of the ruler, the great state to give him under the name of coronation gifts And secondly: gifts to hold alliances between the two Throne, and thirdly: gifts with ambassadors and embassies for the purpose of offer peace The research deals with the types of gifts, their suitability, classification, and the purpose of sending them with a trace of their results or the results of their forbidding.

ВЗГЛЯДЫ ИРАНСКИХ ПОЛИТИКОВ И ЭКСПЕРТОВ НА ВООРУЖЕННЫЙ КОНФЛИКТ В НАГОРНОМ КАРАБАХЕ В 2020 Г.

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict escalated sharply in the autumn of 2020, which led to numerous casualties. As a result of the war, most of the territory of Karabakh came under the control of Azerbaijan. The development of the situation was monitored in all neighboring states, including Iran, which was in the immediate vicinity of the war zone. The article examines the position of Iranian politicians, clerics and experts on the reasons, course and result of the Karabakh conflict. It is shown that almost all of them fully accept the position of Azerbaijan and consider Armenia an aggressor, which must return to Azerbaijan all the territories belonging to it under international law. The Supreme Leader also adheres to this position, what seems to be very important, given his special role in the Iranian political system. The Iranians are especially concerned about the deaths of civilians who have nothing to do with the conflict. In that regard, it was very often said about the need for an early ending of hostilities and the resolution to the conflict by diplomatic means. At the same time, Iranian experts mainly emphasize the need for Iran not to support any of the parties in order to be able to act as an intermediary between them.

Iran`s Policy in the Syrian Civil War: From Liberal Pacifism to Liberal Interventionism

The Syrian civil war which broke out in March 2011 further destabilized the Middle East in general and the Levant in particular. From among many implications of this conflict such as the deaths of more than 400,000 civilians and the refugee crisis, it caused the heavy involvement of regional (such as Islamic Republic of Iran, the GCC states, Jordan, and Turkey) and trans-regional (the United States, Russia, and many European countries) actors. Iran has been one of the main players in the Syrian conflict theater. This article seeks to explain Iran`s policy towards the violent events in Syria and analyze its evolution during 2011-2018. By underestimating the role of geopolitics in contrast to the dominant literature, our main argument is that Iran`s policy in the Syrian civil war has evolved from support for the self-determination right of the Syrian people through diplomatic means (liberal pacifism) to support for the Russian military intervention (liberal interventionism). We further try to analyze why this shift in Iran`s policy towards the Syrian crisis occurred

Władysław Łokietek wiosną 1296 roku w Wielkopolsce po zabójstwie króla Przemysła II

The article discusses the issue of the attitudes of the magnates and knights of Greater Poland at the time of the accession of Władysław Łokietek to power in February 1296, immediately after the murder of King Przemysł II. On the basis of an analysis of the positions of witnesses to the peace treaty concluded in Krzywiń by Duke Władysław with Henryk of Głogów, who at that time was attacking Greater Poland, an attempt is made to show that there was a reluctance to continue warfare on the part of the leading magnates of Greater Poland. They were accustomed under the reign of Przemysł II to solving disputes above all by diplomatic means, and had exploited the extended period of peace on their territories to build up their economic might. The halting of the forces of Henryk of Głogów marching on Poznań took place on the approaches to the land of one of the most important officials of Greater Poland, the voivode of Kalisz, Mikołaj of the Łodzia family, who was acting in collaboration with the Bishop of Poznań, Jan Gerwardowic of the Leszczyc family, whose nearby estates had already suffered initial destruction. The article argues that it was the attitude of the leading magnates that forced Władysław Łokietek to conclude a peace with Henryk of Głogów and to cede him territory beyond the River Obra. It rejects the hitherto dominant view in Polish history writing that Władysław Łokietek gave way before his opponent’s military might, and that the concessions made towards Henryk lost Łokietek the trust of the local magnates right at the beginning of his reign in Greater Poland. The author of the essay also does not share the opinion that those leading magnates, who earlier had supported Przemysł II’s plans to unite the Polish lands around this area, were faced with a vital and urgent question about the future of this very policy once the treaty of Krzywiń was concluded. He believes that the leading magnates of Greater Poland acted at that moment out of typically personal motives and were not concerned with broader issues.

Il Mediterraneo allargato e la Cina come “offshore balancer” - The Wider Mediterranean and China as an "Offshore Balancer"

As the wider Mediterranean region makes its return to the centre of international politics, China’s role in it is also becoming more prominent. This study argues that China, so far, has adopted a strategy of offshore balancing in order to weaken American influence in that region without, however, making evident attempts to establish its own sphere of influence. China’s balancing act is performed through various diplomatic means and multilateral platforms, especially the UN, to maximize the effectiveness of its strategy while minimizing the risks to China’s political and economic interests in the region. Within a defensive neorealist framework, this argument is based on the analysis of China’s approach to Libya, Syria, and Iran. This study has important implications on how we understand China’s approach to regional crises, and regional and extra-regional actors.

Benefits of using diplomatic means of conflict resolution in South Sudan

The study was conducted in order to establish the benefits of using diplomatic means of conflict resolution in South Sudan. The research was carried out through a cross-sectional and survey research design, and obtained relevant data from 78 respondents. The researcher found out that the use of diplomatic approach in handling political differences has been systematically handled through negotiations and mediated talks. This has enabled the conclusion of peace treaties between the warring factions within the SPLA/M that is SPLA/M and SPLA/M-IO. This has helped to keep the fighting forces. Diplomacy is vital in the promotion and sustenance of good governance, peace and tranquility in the country. The researcher recommended that South Sudan should maintain cordial working relations with regional peace brokers, mainly IGAD, East African Community (EAC), South African Development Community, Nile Basin Initiative and others in order to proliferate regional corporation and peace. This will guarantee peace and stability in the country for future political, social and economic prosperity.

Factors affecting diplomatic means of conflict resolution in South Sudan

The study was conducted in order to establish the factors that affect diplomatic means of conflict resolution in South Sudan. The research was carried out through a cross-sectional and survey research design, and obtained relevant data from 78 respondents. The researcher found out that successful peace building activities create an environment supportive of self-sustaining. Since South Sudan is prone to internal and conflicts from without, there is need for routine practice of negotiations and mediations so that there is limited impact of ultravires activities such as fighting. Good governance is accountable, participatory, transparent, responsive, effective and efficient, equitable and inclusive and follows the rule of law. The study recommends that South Sudan must maintain good diplomatic relations with Sudan government because of cultural-historical links shared from the era of Nubia both in short term and long term.

Preventing confrontation and conflict in the South China Sea

Beginning in the late 1960s, territorial disputes in the South China Sea have transitioned through several different phases. Since the United States, in conjunction with its allies and partners under the traditional security framework, intervened through military and diplomatic means, disputes in the region have become more acute and complex than ever before. What does the future hold for countries inside and outside of the South China Sea region and their relationships with each other? Will these disputes escalate or de-escalate? Will diplomatic friction and confrontation develop into direct conflict at sea? If 2019 was any indication, new instabilities and intractable discord at the local level are likely in the 2020s and beyond. Unilateral actions by Vietnam, Malaysia, Indonesia, and even the Philippines in the post-Duterte era will trigger turbulence in the South China Sea. China will find the maritime cooperation it champions more difficult to advance. Negotiations over the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea (COC) may encounter unexpected hurdles. Related legal disputes may heat up again and rise to the international level. Close ties between the United States and Vietnam could lead to a “black swan” event.