Diplomatic Means Research Articles

Strategic Enhancement and Differential Governance: China’s Partnership Diplomacy in Latin America

This paper studies China’s partnership diplomacy and its practice in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). China has constructed an all-round, multi-level, and three-dimensional partnership network in LAC through three stages: strategic exploration, development, and improvement. China has implemented differential governance towards its partners, which enables active shaping and dynamic management of the partnership network. This paper categorizes the 15 partner countries into three types: pivot countries, link countries, and node countries based on their political friendliness with China, geopolitical influence, and potential for economic and trade cooperation. China’s partnerships in LAC are vital support for implementing its diplomatic strategy in the region. However, challenges to this strategy’s development include insufficient mutual support from other diplomatic means, doubts and misinterpretations of the China-Latin America partnership by some Latin American countries, and the political and identity shifts within these countries. To enhance the role of partnerships in maintaining state relations and promoting the implementation of diplomatic strategies, China has introduced new content to its partnership diplomacy in LAC.

The role of diplomatic means in the settlement of international disputes

إن العلاقات بين الدول ليست دائما مستقرة وهادئة، وتعارض مصالح هذه الدول يؤدي في كثير من الأحيان إلى قيام النزاع بينها، والحكمة تقضي في مثل هذه الحال بأن تسعى هذه الدول إلى تسوية النزاع وديا، وبأن لا تعمد إلى وسائل العنف إلا إذا دعتها الضرورة إلى ذلك. وقد اتجهت جهود الساسة محبي السلام منذ أواخر القرن الماضي إلى إحلال الوسائل السلمية محل القوة في فض النزاعات الدولية، وعقدت لهذا الغرض المؤتمرات الكبرى مثل مؤتمر لاهاي سنتي 1899 و1907، وفيهما تقررت مجموعة من الأحكام لتسوية النزاعات الدولية بالطرق السلمية ويتناول هذا البحث دور الوسائل الدبلوماسية في تسوية النزاعات الدولية، والتعرف على الوسائل الدبلوماسية لتسوية النزاعات الدولية، والتعرف على طبيعة القرارات الناجمة عن الوسائل السلمية المستخدمة في تسوية النزاعات الدولية. ويستخلص منها: 1-أن تسوية النزاعات الدولية تتم على أساس احترام مبدأ المساواة في السيادة بين الدول، ووفق مبدأ الاختيار الحر لوسائل التسوية، مع مراعاة عدم تعسف الدولة في استخدام حقها في اختيار وسيلة التسوية. 2-إن تحديد وسيلة التسوية أمر يرجع إلى إرادة أطراف النزاع الذين يملكون حرية تحديده إما بالاتفاق بينهم قبل أن يثور أي نزاع أو بالاتفاق بعد أن يثور النزاع. وقد خرجت هذه الدراسة بأهم التوصيات منها دراسة أسباب النزاعات، ووضع المعالجات المناسبة لها قبل أن تستفحل وتصل إلى حد المواجهة المسلحة، والحث على حلها بالطرق السلمية، إعادة النظر في الاتفاقيات والمعاهدات الدولية بما فيها ميثاق الأمم المتحدة، تفعيل الية التفاوض لحل النزاعات الدولية.

The “Two Koreas” Problem in U.S. Policy, 1974–1980

In this article, the author charts the evolution of US Korea policy after the failed attempts to establish a unification dialogue between the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the reduction of the US military presence on the peninsula in 1974–1980. In 1973, The United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea (UNCURK), which the Americans had supported for decades, ceased operations. The question of the fate of the United Nations Command loomed large. On the whole, in 1974–1980, the Americans did not reduce their military presence in Korea. At the same time, diplomatic support for negotiations on this topic and participation in maintaining the inter-Korean dialogue on the status of the ROK and DPRK in the UN and scenarios for possible unification of the country were quite effective. The Americans managed to prevent destabilisation in South Korea even in the face of a sudden change of power following the assassination of Park Chung-Hee. Simultaneously, the necessary international structures, such as the ROK/US Joint Forces Command, were put in place. Moreover, US diplomats managed to preserve even such a relic of the Korean War as the UN Command. At the same time, the issue of Korean unification had by this time become an instrument of political manipulation by all countries concerned. Under these circumstances, unification could not be achieved by diplomatic means alone.

Oil embargo as a diplomacy tool: possibilities and limitations on the example of the Israeli crisis

In the following article the possibility of application of the oil embargo tool as a mean of impacting the crisis settlement is considered. The chosen case is the Palestine-Israel confl ict in its active phase since October 2023. The Yom Kippur war of 1973 and the invasion of Israel by Hamas of 7 October 2023 are compared, distinguishing similarities and diff erences. The common features are the start of the operation exactly 50 years after the historical precedent, collective character of the attack, its suddenness, and also a huge potential of Arab countries in the world oil market. There are some distinctive features revealed by the author, though. The Arab states are to a bigger extent aimed at conducting negotiations and resolving the confl ict by diplomatic means than in 1973, the structure of the world oil market is different compared to how it was 50 years ago, giving the OPEC members less possibilities for action, as well as fragmentation among the cartel members themselves, decreasing the opportunity agree on the embargo. The author remarks the intention of several Arab countries, in particular, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, to mediate the confl ict, as well as their aspiration to preserve the trend of restoring relations with Israel. The article highlights the position of researchers about the importance of network diplomacy during confl ict settlement. The shares of countries non entering the OPEC, namely, the United States of America, Russia, Canada are investigated. The conclusion about their important role as oil producers, what limits the possibility of oil embargo,is done. The question of lack of political unity among the OPEC members, as, for example, Saudi Arabia and Iran, Iran and Iraq, is unveiled. The factor of political instability in Libya is emphasised. The author comes to the conclusion about necessity to possess a significant share in the oil market, as well as the political consensus for an effective usage of the oil embargo tool. The relevance of the article is based on an increasing role of the Palestine-Israeli confl ict in contemporary international relations, but also the necessity to study the possibility of using the oil embargo in the current conditions, being based on the successful experience of 1970s. The chosen methods are historical and comparative analysis.

The Foreign Policy of the President of Lithuania towards Poland in the context of security in 2019–2023

ObjectivesThe aim of this article is to analyse the Lithuanian foreign policy pursued by the President of the Republic of Lithuania, Gitanas Nausda, towards Poland in the years 2019–2023 and to attempt to assess the main directions of its activities in this aspect.MethodsThe use of scientific publications, expert reports, official statements, public speeches and previously published interviews in the Lithuanian or foreign press.Resultsl. Firstly, the actions of President Nausėda and Duda resulted in the mobilization of other countries to act on behalf of Ukraine and the development of a common position on further actions against the Kremlin in the form of sanctions; 2. Secondly, thanks to the diplomatic means of Nausėda, Lithuania. Poland gradually freed itself from the Russian energy dictatorship, contributing to the political independence of the region; 3. Thirdly, thanks to the same diplomatic measures of Nausėda and Duda, during the NATO summit in Vilnius in 2023, an agreement was reached on the new regional defence plans of the Alliance, fully meeting the expectations of the Baltic states and Poland.ConclusionsThe four years of Nausėda's presidency were full of challenges, including: extraordinary circumstances related to the migration crisis as a hybrid attack by the Belarusian regime in 2021, Russian military aggression against Ukraine in 2022 or the energy price crisis in 2021–2022 and the stationing of the Wagner group in Belarus, which prompted Nausėda to look for new directions in Lithuanian foreign policy - which explains the search for a new path with the countries of the region, especially Poland.

Cyber-diplomacy: The Emergence of a Transient Field

Summary It is only in the last two decades that states have started to focus on the need to use traditional diplomatic means in discussions surrounding cyber-policy. This article explores how these discussions have been progressively ‘diplomatised’. Diplomatisation is proposed in this article as a process which involves external and internal dynamics of institutionalisation and positioning, both of which are essential for the successful creation of a new diplomatic field. Understanding the emergence of cyber-diplomacy is crucial to recognise the successes, frustrations and opportunities associated with the (lack of) regulation when it comes responsible state behaviour in this domain. This article does so based on 40 interviews conducted with diplomats and experts involved in the emergence of cyber-diplomacy. It looks at the idiosyncratic evolution of this field within specific nation states as well as overall developments at the international level, particularly within the context of the United Nations.

МОНГОЛ УЛСЫН ҮНДЭСНИЙ АЮУЛГҮЙ БАЙДЛЫН ЗӨВЛӨЛИЙН ЧАДАВХИЙГ САЙЖРУУЛАХ АСУУДАЛД

The Foreign Policy Concept of Mongolia (2011) states that the priority of Foreign Policy is to ensure the security and national interests of Mongolia through political and diplomatic means within the framework of international law. All government institutions of Mongolia, including the National Security Council (NSC) play an important role in the realization of this goal. However, the matter of protecting national security, maintaining the integrity and continuity of the state's foreign and domestic policies, ensuring inter-sector coordination, and effectively implementing the operation, results, efficiency, and control system of state institutions are still ongoing issues in our country. It is concluded that significant changes shall be made in the legal framework of the foreign policy and national security of Mongolia. Those changes shall be made to the Constitution of Mongolia (1992), the Laws on National Security (2001), and the Laws on the National Security Council. "Social unit system methodology" was used to analyze the concept of National Security and the Law on National security of Mongolia. In addition, the role and importance of the National Security Council in the National Security System, its potential in terms of political governance, and the issue of improving the legal status were discussed.

تأثير القوى العالمية والإقليمية على القضية الكردية

The Kurdish issue has been a long-standing conflict in the Middle East, with the Kurdish people seeking autonomy and self-determination in their ancestral lands. This research explores the impact of global and regional powers on the development of the Kurdish issue. The research employs a qualitative approach to examine these powers' historical, political, and diplomatic involvement in the Kurdish issue. The study's findings reveal that the United States, as a global superpower, has played a significant role in supporting the Kurdish cause through military and diplomatic means. On the other hand, Israel has had a more covert involvement, providing the Kurdish people with military training and intelligence support. Moreover, the Scandinavian countries have played a crucial role in facilitating peace negotiations and providing humanitarian aid to the Kurdish people; on the other hand, both Turkey and Iran have opposed the establishment of an independent Kurdish state, fearing that it could lead to the disintegration of their own countries and encourage their Kurdish populations to seek autonomy. The study concludes that global and regional powers have considerably impacted the Kurdish issue's development, both positively and negatively. While their involvement has helped the Kurdish cause, it has also fueled regional tensions and conflicts. Overall, this research provides a comprehensive analysis of the role of Global and regional powers in the Kurdish issue and highlights the need for continued diplomatic efforts to resolve the conflict and promote stability in the Middle East.

Muhammad Hamidullah’s Role in Interfaith Dialogue

This article explores the contributions of Muhammad Hamidullah, a renowned scholar and diplomat, in advancing interfaith dialogue. His life and multifaceted career are examined to assess his role in promoting tolerance, respect, and meaningful conversation among adherents of different faiths. The study investigates the impact of his efforts on interfaith dialogue in the contemporary era. It evaluates his contributions to interfaith dialogue by analysing his activities, writings, and diplomatic engagements. It sheds light on the broader implications of his work for fostering peace and understanding among different religious communities. He played a pivotal role in countering the negative narratives, thus challenging stereotypes and misconceptions. He made significant contributions to the preparation and dissemination of Islamic literature in Western languages, making Islamic knowledge more accessible to a global audience. He represented Islam in interfaith dialogues, academic sessions, and conferences, contributing to constructive discussions and fostering mutual respect among different faith traditions. His efforts in propagating Islam among new Muslims and overseeing the religious education of Muslims were instrumental in promoting a deeper understanding of the faith. His role as a legal advisor in the United Nations Security Council demonstrated his commitment to preserving international peace and sovereignty through diplomatic means. This study employs a qualitative methodology, relying on an extensive review of his writings, speeches, and biographical accounts. Primary and secondary sources, including academic literature, historical records, and interviews, are used to construct a comprehensive evaluation of his role in interfaith dialogue. This research approach allows for a nuanced understanding of his contributions and their significance in the contemporary context of interfaith dialogue.

Secret diplomacy of the US President T. Roosevelt during the Peace Conference in Portsmouth (August 1905)

The author discusses the mediation mission of the US President T. Roosevelt, who made a significant contribution to the end of the bloody Russian-Japanese war of 1904-1905. Having offered assistance to the conflicting parties in search of a mutual compromise, he sought to use the contradictions between the great powers through skillful maneuvering in the interests of the increased influence of his own country on world politics. In the theory of the "balance of power" formulated by him, the main attention is paid to the distribution of control zones between major geopolitical players, while a significant place in international relations was given to the United States, which at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries actively joined the struggle for sales markets. When considering the "good deeds" of the President, the main emphasis is placed on the analysis of the various diplomatic means used by him to achieve his goals. He was one of the first to resort to the so-called "multilateral" diplomacy, which involved the complex application of both conventional and non-traditional measures of mediation. By assuming the role of an intermediary, he was able not only to achieve the delimitation of spheres of influence with Japan in East Asia, but also to "open the doors" for American capital to Northern China on the basis of the principle of the most favored nation. The Portsmouth Peace led to a change in the balance of power in the Asia-Pacific region, in which the United States, thanks to the successful mediation of Roosevelt, became the main player in international diplomacy. .

Why do «neighbouring» powers help? India, China, Russia, and their approaches to development in 2001–2021 Afghanistan

The paper identifies the development approaches of China, India, and Russia towards 2001–2021 Afghanistan, and investigates the complex mechanism of their impact on international relations in the region of wider Central Asia. The main finding is that only India has tried to incorporate Afghanistan into its regional economic initiatives. For China and Russia, Afghanistan has been a ‘troubled neighbour’, and they acted as free riders benefiting from the US security and economic presence there, regardless of their claims. Despite its minor activity in Afghanistan, China is becoming the most dominant actor in the region by cooperating with Pakistan. Therefore, India tended to oppose Chinese efforts by providing huge funding to Afghanistan to balance Chinese influence. Meanwhile, Russia was increasingly limiting its activity, both in Afghanistan and the region, and tried to balance the influence of other powers by diplomatic means. The article also proves that, despite their membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and their association in the Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) Group, emerging donors in fact did not cooperate for Afghanistan’s development, and also did not try to compete with Western donors in this regard.

중일전쟁의 개전과 1930년대 동아시아 국제정치

When examining the outbreak and protracted course of the Sino-Japanese War, it is important to note the attitudes of neighboring countries such as the United States and the Soviet Union toward the Sino-Japanese issue, which arose as a result of Japan's aggressive continental policy, and how these attitudes influenced the outbreak of the war. Given that the Sino-Japanese War was a protracted eight-year war fought by the Chinese government with the support of the Soviet Union, the United States, and the United Kingdom, and that it was an international event that directly influenced the outbreak of the Asia-Pacific War, it is necessary to understand the diplomatic process surrounding the war, not just the decision to escalate the war within the Japanese leadership and the decision to wage a protracted global war. After the Manchurian Incident, Japan's East Asian policy included an aggressive expansion of its influence on the Chinese mainland, which was embodied in aggressive public policies such as the army-led campaign to separate Hwaseong from North Korea. In response to these Japanese public policies, the Chinese government actively sought internal and diplomatic means to resist, while the Soviet Union and the United States, both of which were paying attention to East Asian affairs, gradually shifted their policies toward supporting China in the Sino-Japanese conflict and deterring Japanese aggression. The fact that 1935 was the year when Japan's public policy became overtly aggressive, as symbolized by the separation of Hwaseong, and that Sino-Japanese relations began to trend in a friendly direction from this year shows that the attitude of neighboring countries toward the Sino-Japanese dispute had already shifted in a direction favorable to China before the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War.

The Effectiveness of the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations in Building the Capacity of Local Police Forces: Case of Kosovo

Kosovo has historically been the scene of ethnic-driven regional conflicts among the communities. After the disengagement of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) in 1992, the conflicts that had begun with the independence declarations of the Republics of SFRY eventually evolved into ethnic disputes between Serbs and Albanians. As the United Nations (UN) failed to resolve the conflict by diplomatic means, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) initiated an air campaign to stop armed attacks by Serbian Military Forces on the Albanian civil communities. The UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) was established in 1999 to restore peace and stability in Kosovo. One of the mandated tasks of the UNMIK was to establish the local police known as Kosovo Police Service (KPS) and to build its capacity. The objectives of this research are to determine whether the UNMIK was effective and successful in building the KPS’s capacity. A set of new success criteria is developed and applied to evaluate the success of UNMIK in this mandated task. Data for this study were collected using official reports of the UN and the crime statistics of the KPS. As a result of the analysis, it was determined that UNMIK was successful in establishing a local police force.

Integrating Air Assets for Augmenting Surveillance Capabilities of the Sri Lanka Coast Guard

Law enforcement at sea is of prime importance for an Island nation. At present Sri Lanka Coast Guard (SLCG) satisfies its aerial demands through Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) under various limitations causing a gap between the demand and supply of aerial surveillance requirements. Hence this exploratory qualitative study has followed a deductive approach, interpretivism philosophy, and grounded theory strategy to realize the objectives of determining the present status of the SLCG surveillance mechanism, determining how the air assets could be effectively integrated into the SLCG surveillance mechanism, and to study the impact of integrating air assets into the SLCG surveillance mechanism. A Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, and Threats (SWOT) analysis resulted in strengths as already enacted act, experienced crew, and intention of authorities to integrate air assets into SLCG. Weaknesses were found to be a lack of naval assets, manpower, and the absence of air assets. Opportunities are the possible training opportunities, collaboration with the Sri Lanka Navy and SLAF, obtaining air assets through mutual cooperation, and leeway of integrating into a common maritime policy. Changing dynamics of non-traditional security threats, and geo-political implications due to inadequate presence and inadequate budget were identified as threats in SWOT analysis. Based on the outcome of the SWOT analysis, researchers came up with five recommendations such as formulating a framework for integrating air assets into SLCG, formulating a doctrine and Standard Operating Procedure for maritime-air operations of SLCG, developing a dialogue with SLAF for mutual cooperation and secondment of air and ground crew required for SLCG air operations, pursue diplomatic means for obtaining air assets and related training and finally conducting joint and multinational training and operations with local and international stakeholders. Therefore, strengthening SLCG capabilities and capacities by integrating air assets through a feasible framework in meeting its future operational demand is essential.

On the settlement of space- and international telecommunications -related disputes

This paper aims to describe and assess the dispute settlement mechanisms available to States in the context of space and telecommunications activities. Disputes either between private actors or between private actors and States are beyond the scope of this research. The choice to examine mechanisms and procedures for the settlement of international disputes in these specific areas stems from an elective affinity between these sectors, given the existing interaction between them. At a first level, the paper highlights the importance of mechanisms to prevent the creation of international disputes, both in the field of space law (mainly through Art. IX of the Outer Space Treaty) and in the field of international telecommunications (Arts. 45 para. 3, 48 of the ITU Constitution). Further, the general scheme of peaceful settlement of international disputes, as enshrined in the UN Charter not only applies to the disputes in question but is further specified in the context of space and telecommunications law (Liability Convention, Art. 56 of the ITU Constitution), with a clear orientation towards the use of diplomatic rather than judicial means of resolution. Last but not least, if the settlement of disputes through diplomatic means fails, the preferred judicial mechanism is that of arbitration, as it is clearly demonstrated by the Claims Commission of Art. XIV LIAB, the PCA “Optional Rules for Arbitration” of space disputes, the mechanism of Art. 41 of the ITU Convention as well as the relevant “Optional Protocol”. The specific options for dispute settlement show that, in view of the common interest of States in “international goods” of a technical nature, the actors involved are mainly interested in the non-occurrence of disputes rather than in their resolution through judicial means. And when they do so, they choose to resort to flexible resolution mechanisms (arbitration) rather than to ordinary international courts.

The influence of the Russian-Ukrainian war on the development of the European diplomatic service

The article is devoted to the analysis of the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian war on the functioning and development of the European External Action Service. The authors investigated the main stages of the evolution of the European diplomatic service from the time of the establishment of the first information offices of the European Coal and Steel Association in the fifties of the twentieth century to the formation of the European External Action Service in 2009 as part of the reform defined by the Treaty of Lisbon.
 From the moment of the establishment of the European Communities until the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, the European diplomatic service was carried out by information missions of the Communities and missions of the European Commission, and later by the Directorate General headed by the European Commissioner for Foreign Affairs and Neighborhood Policy. The competence of these bodies was derived from the powers of the European Commission, therefore the sphere of activity of the European diplomatic service was limited mainly or exclusively to economic issues, and defense and military-political issues remained outside the attention of common European diplomacy.
 After the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, the European External Action Service was headed by the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Their formal powers extend to all aspects of foreign policy, but in fact, until 2022, European diplomacy focused on economic issues and was not ready to effectively counter Russian aggression by diplomatic means. Therefore, the needs of guaranteeing the military-political security of the European Union itself, its member states and partners require a review of the institutional mechanism of the European External Action Service in terms of strengthening its role in solving military-political, defense and security issues, in particular, regarding the introduction of centralized models of adoption joint decisions.

1991년 북한의 대미, 대일 관계개선 시도와 한국의 대응

During the post-Cold War period, North Korea(NK) found an exit from severe diplomatic isolation by improving its relationship with the U.S. and Japan. NK and the U.S. started dialogues as the level of councilor in Beijing in 1988, and they had five meetings in 1991. Both countries maintained continuity of talks at that time. Meanwhile, South Korea(SK) endeavored to ensure that NK-U.S. relationship should not overshadow the SK-NK relationship. In that same year, NK also initiated formal discussions with Japan for the normalization of relations. SK outwardly supported the normalization of NK-Japan. However, SK actually wanted to manage the improvement of the NKJapan relationship through prior consultations with Japan. Normalization of talks between NK-Japan started in January 1991. However, it was recognized that it would be difficult to succeed without the solution to the North Korean nuclear issue. Furthermore, issue, such as NK's abduction of the Japanese, emerged as important dialogue topics. Hence, both states had to be satisfied with the initiation of talks for normalizing the relationship. Eventually, despite its efforts to improve its relationship with U.S. and Japan, NK did not achieve its goals in 1991. In contrast, SK obtained results on the SK-NK relationship and diplomatic competitions of UN during the same period. This study shows two facts of the diplomatic history: first, SK and U.S. fiercely argued about the direction of the North Korea policy under the table in 1991. Second, with regard to the Normalization Talks of NK-Japan in 1991, SK used to SK-USSR economic cooperation as diplomatic means so that Japanese Reparation Policy did not disturb the SK-NK economic cooperation.

China’s foreign aid as a proxy of ODA: preliminary estimate 2001-2022

ABSTRACT By establishing the China International Development Cooperation Agency (CIDCA) in 2018, China has attempted to enhance foreign aid as a diplomatic means and has been more assertive in providing foreign aid through both bilateral and multilateral channels. However, China only publishes aggregated foreign aid statistics in white papers, and data beyond 2019 are not available. This paper aims to estimate China’s foreign aid from 2001 to 2022 as a proxy for Official Development Assistance (ODA) defined by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. The results revealed that China’s foreign aid, on a grant-equivalent basis, decreased from US$6.4 billion in 2019 to US$5.0 billion in 2020. China has mobilized a large amount of funding for international cooperation on COVID-19. It is unclear how much of this was financed by regular foreign aid budgets. Thus, two cases were set in the current study. In the upper case, all donated vaccines, estimated at US$3.9 billion, came from other sources while in the lower case, it was assumed that the regular foreign aid budget covered all costs. China’s foreign aid in 2022 was estimated at US$7.9 billion in the upper case and US$5.0 billion in the lower case. Compared with major ODA donors, China ranked 6th in the upper case and 13th in the lower case. Currently, the CIDCA is attempting to mobilize new financial resources to expand its activities under the Global Development Initiative. It is important to continue to comprehensively examine how China proceeds in improving its development cooperation.

INDONESIA’S STRATEGY AND DIPLOMACY IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA CONFLICT

<p>This study describes the government's strategy in Indonesia under the leadership of Joko Widodo to strengthen the Natuna border area. The Natuna area is a point of discussion as there are often territorial conflicts. This study aims to answer the question about the government's strategy to strengthen the border zone in Natuna. This study uses library research methodology and the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA) concept to analyze the process. After conducting research, it can be concluded that to reinforce the border area at Natuna, the government is making efforts to improve the military posture by constructing several new military units. Then the government is also looking at diplomatic means in the ASEAN region to resolve the territorial dispute with China in the South China Sea. This is because there is no mutual agreement, considering that Indonesia is based on the 1982 UNCLOS, while China has a view of the Nine-Dash Line. </p>

CHINA’S PARTICIPATION IN UN PEACEKEEPING MISSIONS

2020 marks the 30th anniversary of China’s participation in UN peacekeeping operations. China’s participation in it is gaining weight in China’s diplomatic and military strategy. China is currently the second largest contributor to UN peacekeeping after the United States. The reasons for the rapid development that China’s participation in UN peacekeeping operations has gained in a short period of time are of particular interest to study. The purpose of the research is to examine China’s participation in UN peacekeeping. The study highlights the main stages of China’s attitude to UN peacekeeping and its participation in peacekeeping operations, identifies the motives and reasons for China’s participation in peacekeeping operations, as well as the unique features of Chinese peacekeeping. Results. China’s motivations for becoming a peacekeeper consist of “soft” reputational and “hard” national interests. Support for international peacekeeping under the auspices of the UN provides an opportunity to maintain China’s image as a responsible power interested in creating a stable environment for peaceful development. China encourages the use of political and diplomatic means to resolve conflicts and adheres to the principle of national sovereignty. China’s participation in UN peacekeeping operations is a manifestation of China’s active multilateral diplomacy and a kind of “creative intervention”.