Diplomatic Confrontation Research Articles

냉전기 한국의 팔레스타인정책

Utilizing primary sources, this study analyzes the process of and main reasons for the Republic of Korea’s (ROK) de facto recognition of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in 1980. In 1979, the ROK government prepared to recognize the PLO, which represented a significant departure from its previous Israel-centered Middle East policy and could have clashed with the US diplomatic posture. At a time of high uncertainty in US-Arab relations, ROK’s policy shift was understood in terms of strengthening the independence of ROK’s diplomacy. Although the ROK government confirmed the US and Japanese stance of disapproval of the PLO, it considered both explicit recognition, which would have the effect of approval, and unilateral declaration, which would lower the burden on the ROK in PLO relations. After the PLO recognition, the US government used economic support as a lever to pressure the ROK. Facing this expected friction with the US, the ROK’s pursuit of independent diplomacy was based on the following factors. First, on the economic front, the steady supply of oil and the expansion of the construction market were considered, and, indeed, South Korea’s exports to the Middle East reached a peak after the PLO recognition. Second, regarding the political aspect, the comprehensive diplomatic strategy, which sought to improve relations with the Arab states as a whole, was based on Park Chung-hee’s perception of independence, with the aim of gaining the upper hand in the diplomatic confrontation with North Korea. Third, with respect to the international aspect, in the 1970s, Europe no longer followed the US-centered policy in the Middle East, and the ties between the Communist bloc and the PLO were loosening. Overall, the ROK’s recognition of the PLO was an attempt at independent diplomacy and an important example of harnessing international currents. However, it was limited by the confusion of ROK’s diplomatic tones between Israel and the Palestinians and by the overemphasis on external economic gains.

THE CRIMEAN KHANATE BEFORE AND AFTER THE ANNEXATION IN THE RUSSIAN-OTTOMAN DIPLOMATIC CONFRONTATION

The Crimean Khanate on the eve and after the annexation in the Russian-Ottoman diplomatic confrontation is a key factor in the further expansion of the Russian Empire in the Balkans. Understanding the possible loss of influence on the Crimean Khanate, the Russian government is resorting to the complete annexation of Crimea and the liquidation of the Crimean Khanate. All subsequent actions of the Russian government concerned only issues of preparation for the occupation of the Crimean Peninsula. During the period of interwar relations – from 1774 to 1787, Russian-Ottoman relations continued to remain tense. The Ottoman state did not give up the fight for Crimea after concluding the Kyuchyuk-Kainardzhii Treaty, which it was forced to ratify due to internal difficulties. The Russian Empire intervened in the Crimean affairs, destabilizing the internal state of the Crimean Khanate. In 1779, the Ainaly-Kavak Convention was concluded, which obliged the Russian Empire not to interfere in the internal affairs of the Crimea. But even after that, the Russian Empire continued to take actions aimed at the complete annexation of Crimea. This fact, as well as the occupation of Georgia by the Russian Empire and the favorable foreign policy position of the Ottoman state, became the reason for the breakdown of diplomatic relations between the Ottoman government and the Russian Empire and the development of further Russian-Ottoman confrontation.

Чарльз Джеймс Фокс и восточная политика Великобритании в период Русско-турецкой войны 1787–1791 годов

The article analyzes the role of Charles James Fox in British foreign policy during the Russian-Turkish war of 1787-1791. The position of Whig head towards Russian Empire from 1783 is considered. The author notes that Fox has been in close contact with representatives of Russian elite since the end of the American War for Independence. It is pointed out that the Russian-Turkish conflict of 1787-1791 led to diplomatic confrontation between Russia and England in 1791, called Ochakov crisis. The article focuses on the peacemaking role of the Whig party and its leader, Charles James Fox, in resolving the crisis. The lobbying of the Russian point of view in the British parliament is of considerable research interest. The author cites several facts indirectly substantiating the corrupt ties between the English opposition and the Russian aristocracy. As a result, the conclusion is made that Fox took a pro-Russian position during the Ochakov crisis of 1791.

Crisis in Russian-Japanese Relations in 2022

In response to Russia’s special military operation in Ukraine in 2022, Japanese government imposed large-scale sanctions that affected financial, trade, economic, energy, political and humanitarian spheres of Russian-Japanese cooperation. The negotiations on the peace treaty between Moscow and Tokyo were also suspended. Unlike in 2014, Japanese anti-Russian sanctions in 2022 caused heavy crisis in Russian-Japanese relations. The reasons of the Tokyo’s tough response included the scale of the Russian military operation in Ukraine in 2022, the harsh reaction to Russian operation of Japan’s leading international partners, including the United States, European Union, Great Britain, Australia and a number of Asia-Pacific nations, desire of Japanese leadership to warn China that its possible military actions in Taiwan Strait or around the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands in the East China Sea will meet Tokyo’s serious resistance. Another reason of severe worsening of Russian-Japanese relations in 2022 was the essential end of the rapprochement between Moscow and Tokyo in 2013–2020 with unsatisfactory results for the Japanese side. During this period, Russia and Japan could not sign a peace treaty despite the efforts of the former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe who intended to solve the long-standing territorial dispute between Russia and Japan by establishing personal ties with the Russian president Vladimir Putin and promoting economic cooperation between the two nations. This approach proved to be unpromising and was criticized in Russia and Japan. The future of the peace treaty talks between Moscow and Tokyo will depend on whether the negotiating parties are able to lower the level of political and diplomatic confrontation and adopt their claims to the new realities of the changed international environment.

Citizen Diplomacy in Nigeria-South Africa Relation: Confronting the Paradox of Xenophobia

Africa is witnessing a recurring wave of xenophobic attacks despite being built on the foundations of humanity and oneness. Despite being situated at various sub-region in Africa, Nigeria and South Africa are both regarded as regional hegemons, and as regional hegemons, they tussle for international recognition as exemplified in occasional diplomatic confrontations. Relations between Abuja and Pretoria have been marked by several stages with their political, economic and socio-cultural interaction punctuated by rivalry, conflict, cooperation and competition. This article explores the paradox of xenophobia in South Africa and its impact on strategic relations with Nigeria through the lens of citizen diplomacy. Relying on secondary data, we assess the how Nigerians residing in South Africa can be protected through the instrumentality of citizen diplomacy. From the study, the authors argue that prevalence of xenophobic prejudice and violence on African nationals (including Nigerians) residing in South Africa arises due to limited implementation and utilization of the citizen’s diplomacy by the Nigerian government. Therefore, we propose policy prescriptions to enhance the Nigeria-South Africa strategic partnership with an emphasis on the adoption of a cultural mix policy and early warning signals, which are paramount in eliminating xenophobic conflicts in African societies.

Potential to Promote the Initiative “One Belt – One Way” in Russia

Today, there is a fairly good level of cooperation and interaction in various spheres and on various issues between Russia and China. To a greater extent, this applies to trade and economic, military-political, cultural and educational partnerships. There are quite a lot of factors contributing to this trend, but the key ones are: the presence of a high level of military-political, economic and socio-social sovereignty, as well as stability in both countries; a good level of diplomatic missions; the range of problems and dangers of the external environment are mutually mediated and identical for both Russia and China; the foreign policy courses of the countries have many points of contact in terms of vision of global transformations and transformations of the world market, and their common vectors and promising trends coincide; there are many mutually beneficial projects in the field of economics, the implementation of which depends on the level of achievement of strategic the goals of both Russia and China both in the medium and long term. It is important to emphasize that these trends have intensified, strengthened and acquired a special conceptual meaning against the background of heightened military and political tensions in the world, the application of large-scale sectoral sanctions against Russia by many countries of the world, mostly by the United States and European countries, the strengthening of diplomatic confrontation between China and the United States, as well as in trade andin the economic sphere and on issues of determining the status of fr. Taiwan. The relevance of studying tactical and strategic initiative decisions, as well as prospects within the framework of the international model of cooperation – “One belt – one road” certainly has a high level of significance, has an applied meaning and clearly expressed socio-economic and political expediency. It is important that this initiative becomes a platform for productive and mutually beneficial cooperation for countries and various organizations with the achievement of maximum synergetic effect. This project should become the starting point for the implementation of the strategic vector in Russia’s international policy – «turn to the East». The study places clear emphasis on the promising possibility of joint implementation of this project model of international cooperation.

“Athos” Course of Lord Bulwer-Lytton: about the History of British-Russian Diplomatic Relations in the Balkans in the 1860s

The article discusses the goals and objectives of the British diplomats on the “Athos” track in the context of the diplomatic confrontation between Great Britain and Russia which relied extensively on the Church contacts in their Balkan politics. It explores such a little-studied aspect of the Athos problem as the role of Russian and British diplomats in addressing the issue of the Athos monasteries’ properties sequestrated by Alexandru Cuza, prince of the United Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia, through the lens of the activities of Sir George Bulwer-Lytton, ambassador to Constantinople, in the 1860s. It uses Lord Bulwer's participation in the work of European commissions and conferences, to illustrate the methods and practices of British diplomats aimed at forcing Russia out of the Balkan region (and even out of the Middle East): such as erosion of the credibility of the Russian Empire, defamation of its representatives in Greek communities and their displacement from principle foreign-policy objectives, and indoctrination into endless conflicts in the multinational environment of Orthodox monasticism on the Holy Mount. It shows that from the mid-19th century one of the primary instruments of British politics not only on Mount Athos, but also in the Orthodox East, as a whole, was the right of British subjects (Ionian Greeks in the case of Athos) to official support and protection of British diplomats, while Russian Athonites were deprived of that right due to the lack of official Russian patronage over Russian subjects in the Ottoman Empire. The confrontation between Great Britain and Russia in the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean played a prominent role in the development of Russian-Greek relations and the occurrence of such a phenomenon as “Russian Athos”.

The Baku Crisis in the History of the Batum Subsystem: the Culmination of the Failed Imperial Projects, August–September 1918

The rapidly developing Batum sub-system entered the phase of an open clash of imperial con-tenders for hegemony in the macro-region in August–September 1918. The scale and significance of the military operations took on a new dimension, with the issue of control over the largest oil-producing area at stake, and with broad prospects for further expansion by the Central Powers in the Middle East and Central Asia. Not only the supply of fuel to several great powers, but also the balance of power on the Ottoman fronts of the Great War as well as the fate of a number of state projects underpinning the reorganisation of the southern periphery of the former Russian Empire depended on the outcome of the struggle for Baku. The military and political capabilities of Germany, Soviet Russia, the British and Ottoman Empires were greatly hampered by a number of conflicts between forces operating in the region, as well as by a number of infrastructural and technical difficulties. This delayed the realisation of the imperial projects and was a catalyst for an acute crisis on other fronts in the Great War and the Russian Civil War. The gradual process of shaping German hegemony and incorporating the Batum sub-system into the wider structure of the Brest System was halted before the World War I had entered the stage of collapse of the Central Powers. The battle for Baku marked not only the potential for, but also the limits of possible inter-imperial compromises. The complexity of the diplomatic confrontation around the transformation of the Transcaucasus is often underestimated when viewed at a local level, but reference to archival sources and memoirs, including unpublished ones, enables many regional conflicts to be embedded in a global imperial context and reveals patterns in the military and political situation far beyond the macro-region in question.

THE QUESTION OF UKRAINIAN STATEHOOD ON THE INTERNATIONAL STAGE (1919–1923): THE STUDY AND INTERPRETATION OF POLISH HISTORIANS

Summary. The purpose of this study is to show the achievements of Polish historiography in the study of international aspects of the Ukrainian question during 1919–1923. Research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, systemicity, and objectivity. In solving specific problems, methods of historiographical analysis and synthesis were applied. The scientific novelty is that the qualitative completeness of historical information of historiographical sources, the personal contribution of Polish scholars to the study of Ukrainian statehood in the international arena during 1919–1923 is highlighted. Conclusions. The analyzed problem began to be studied in Poland at the scientific level in 1960–1980’s. The historians tried to show the place of the Ukrainian question in the system of international relations after the end of the First World War; the attitude of the Entente countries to Ukrainian statehood; Polish-Ukrainian military and diplomatic confrontation for Eastern Galicia; transformation of the political status of Eastern Galicia; actualization of the Ukrainian question in the League of Nations and its place in Polish-Soviet relations, etc. After 1989, an important event in the Polish-Ukrainian studies became the emergence of special monographic studies. The authors deepened the work of historians period of people’s Poland, especially in such areas as Pilsudski’s federal program, Polish-Ukrainian military-political union of 1920, the Treaty of Riga and the Ukrainian question. In fact, modern researchers were the first to violate the problem of state and legal status Carpathian Ruthenia and Northern Bukovyna. However, despite significant scientific advances, the following aspects need in-depth study: miscalculations and inconsistent actions of Ukrainian governments, that influenced the policies of the victorious states concerning the Ukrainian People’s Republic and the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic; Anglo-French controversy over the problem of Eastern Galicia; activities of special Entente missions in order to reach a truce between Poland and the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic. Polish historians have mostly covered the Ukrainian question through the prism of the foreign policy of the reborn Republic of Poland and Polish national interests. Therefore, it would be good if in the Polish historiography the diplomacy of the UPR and ZUNR in the period of the Ukrainian revolution became a separate topic of research in the future.

The Struggle for Certainty: Ontological Security, the Rise of Nationalism, and Australia-China Tensions after COVID-19.

Australia-China relations have been relatively stable over the last decade. However, soon after the outbreak of COVID-19, Australia took an increasingly assertive stance toward China, one that is arguably even more assertive than those of its Western allies. What prompted Australia to adopt a tougher policy against China? This article argues that COVID-19 has brought significant uncertainty to the international system and, hence, to Australia’s external environment, which has affected the country’s decision-making, accelerating the formation of a hardline policy toward China. A contributing factor behind this policy is Australia’s quest for ontological security, which, in the context of COVID-19, has triggered a rise in anti-China sentiment. Meanwhile, this strategy backfired when it encountered China’s own nationalism, which exacerbated the widening political chasm, dragging the two countries into an unprecedented diplomatic confrontation. The core of ontological security lies in maintaining the stability of the identity needed for the formation of consistent policy. The uncertainties created by the COVID-19 pandemic have changed the familiar external environment and challenged Australia’s ability to interpret this new environment and adjust to it, which has triggered ontological insecurity. By analyzing Australia’s identity as a middle power in the context of changing regional security and its commitment to certain values, the article shows how COVID-19 has accelerated Australia’s quest for ontological security, which has changed the country’s China policy.

Поразка Карпатської України – предтеча Другої світової війни Частина 2

The author emphasizes that the growing national self-identification and selfawareness of the Ukrainians, the political balance of powers at the turn of 1938– 1939 in Czechoslovakia and the international arena were significant factors in the state aspirations of the residents of the Transcarpathian region. At the same time, the processes of autonomization, formation, and liquidation of Carpatho-Ukraine were determined not only by its socio-economic position, but also by the latent diplomatic and geopolitical confrontation. The establishment of Carpatho-Ukraine was associated with the military confrontation and, for the first time, was accompanied not only by a number of military operations, but also by the massive heroism of its defenders, who opposed the invaders. According to the current definitions, all this constituted the hybrid war, which became the harbinger and real percursor of the Second World War.

The verbal component of the modern time diplomatic wars (linguostatistical analysis)

A new interpretation of a “diplomatic war” is considered in the context of changed diplomatic communication – a complex organized system consisting of various components: diplomatic, political, economic, historical, legal, linguistic, and other. The article analyzes the examples of the verbal component of diplomatic communication on the basis of the communicative tactics in the process of information and diplomatic war, currently developing in international relations. The research material includes texts of speeches made by the Permanent Representative of Russia to the UN Security Council V.A. Nebenzya and the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine P. Klimkin (2014-2019) in a situation of diplomatic confrontation. The strategies of verbal confrontation, and the characteristics of emotivity and clichéd character of a diplomatic text are considered; the concept of implicitly evaluative diplomatic cliché is introduced. UN Security Council speeches are singled out into a separate subgenre of public speeches and verbal and structural characteristics of speeches obtained by quantitative computer tools are analyzed. Based on the results of quantitative linguistic analysis and the analysis of the extralinguistic situation, a linguopragmatic model of the speech situation of a diplomatic confrontation is suggested.

Предвоенная дипломатическая история Европы (Иванов А.Г. Дипломатическая борьба в Европе в канун Второй мировой войны. Краснодар : Кубанский государственный университет, 2018. 291 с.)

Предвоенная дипломатическая история Европы (Иванов А.Г. Дипломатическая борьба в Европе в канун Второй мировой войны. Краснодар : Кубанский государственный университет, 2018. 291 с.)

К вопросу о формировании идеи миротворчества (на примере Суэцкого кризиса 1956 года)

The Suez Crisis of 1956 is considered one of the most acute regional conflicts of the Cold War period. Two of the five member states of the Security Council were involved in the conflict, who actively exercised the right of “veto” during any attempts at settlement, which paralyzed the existing mechanism for resolving conflicts within the UN. The disagreements of the “great” powers threatened to grow from a diplomatic confrontation into a military one, and conflict from regional to global. The solution was found at one of the sessions of the General Assembly, where Canadian L.B. Pearson presented his idea of resolving the conflict by creating the UN Emergency Forces. The study is devoted to the idea of creating a UN peacekeeping force, the founder of which is Canadian diplomat L.B. Pearson. The purpose of this study is to analyze the role of L.B. Pearson in the formation of the idea of peacekeeping, on the example of participation in the settlement of the Suez Crisis. We discuss the historical aspects and conditions for the creation of the UN Emergency Forces, a comparative analysis was conducted with the first observation missions of the UN, substantiate principles, which became the basis for the functioning of peacekeeping forces. We draw conclusion that it was L.B. Pearson’s ideas that contributed to the resolution of one of the most acute crises of the second half of the 20th century, and the creation of peacekeeping forces proved the effectiveness of the UN in maintaining international peace and security, conflict resolution, and also laid the foundation for modern peacekeeping.

Peace Treaty of Brest-Litovsk between the UPR and the Central Powers: Political Aspects of the Negotiation Process (December 1917 – November 1918)

The article covers the political aspects of peace negotiations and the conclusion of the Peace Treaty between the UPR and Central Powers in Brest. The stances and actions of the Ukrainian delegation and the proposals of the German and Austro-Hungarian representatives, as well as Kyiv, Berlin, and Vienna officials are indicated. Diplomatic confrontation between the Ukrainian delegates and representatives of German and Bolshevik delegations is outlined. The position of the UPR delegation on the formation of armed units from Ukrainian prisoners of war in Germany and Austria-Hungary is discussed, as well as its opinion on changing the approach towards the course of negotiations. The article indicates the circumstances and reasons for concluding both the treaty itself and the secret protocol to it. The details of the loss of the Ukrainian copy of the secret protocol to the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk are clarified. The role of the Head of the Ukrainian delegation O. Sevriuk in the negotiations is noted. Changes in the parties’ positions regarding the invitations of German and Austro-Hungarian troops to Ukraine are conditioned. The rationale for the actions of the UPR delegation in its reporting to the Ukrainian Central Council is elucidated. It is revealed that de facto new Ukrainian-German diplomatic relations began in December 1917 and were then of a “separative” nature, and de jure were legalized on February 9, 1918 by the Peace Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. This treaty became the first peace agreement of World War I, while Germany and its allies (Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey) recognized the Ukrainian People’s Republic as a sovereign state.

DEFENSE DIPLOMACY IMPLEMENTATION: THE SYNERGY OF INDONESIA AND AUSTRALIA IN DEALING WITH ILLEGAL IMMIGRANTS IN THE SEA BORDER

<strong>Abstract</strong> - Illegal Immigrant is a common problem between Indonesia and Australia. However, in handling the problem in sea border, Indonesia take a humanitarian approach while Australia take security approach through Operation Sovereign Border that had resulted to diplomatic confrontation. Therefore, this study focus on analyzing synergy of the two countries in dealing with illegal immigrant in sea border area. This study uses national security, migration as security issue to analyze national interest. Cooperative security, defense diplomacy, synergy concept and naval diplomacy theory to analyze defense diplomacy implementation as a whole. The approach of this study is qualitative method through data collection processed by software NVivo which are beneficial for coding, triangulation, and finding relations among interviewees while Soft System Methodology used as data analysis technique consist of seven steps that are very comprehensive in explaining the whole study. The results of this study showed the two countries have not synergized yet. Indonesia and Australia have common non-traditional security interests and different traditional security interests because Indonesia has a territorial importance base opposed to Australian immigration interests. Indonesia and Australia have been doing bilateral defense diplomacy through 2 + 2 Dialogue, Defense Ministers Meeting and Navy to Navy Talk but have not produced a concrete solution, therefore sharing responsibility and Confidence Building Measures have not been achieved. Thus, naval diplomacy is required to support defense diplomacy through coordinated patrols that Standard Operating Procedure and Standard Exercise Procedure must be formulated in order to achieve interests of both countries.<br /><strong>Keywords</strong>: Illegal Immigrants, National Security, Defense Diplomacy, Synergy, Soft System Methodology

Споживча кооперація УРСР у міжнародному кооперативному русі у другій половині ХХ ст. як прояв ідеологічної боротьби із Заходом

The participation of consumer cooperation of the Ukrainian SSR in the international cooperative movement in the second half of the twentieth century is considered. In particular, the article analyzes the established procedure for celebrating the International Day of Cooperation in the Ukrainian SSR. In the conditions of the Soviet reality, the celebration of this day was purely formal. Namely: a grand meeting with the pronunciation of ritual speeches, a concert with the participation of folk amateur performances and relevant publications in the central and regional periodicals. In fact, the international day of cooperation under Soviet conditions turned into another of the so-called industry days, such as the day of the police, the day of the miner, the day of the metallurgist, etc. In addition, attention was focused on identifying the forms of participation of Soviet cooperation in the international cooperative movement. Cooperators of the Ukrainian SSR established a predominant number of international contacts with the neighboring countries of the socialist camp, such as Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and Romania. The usual form of such international activity was the socalled "delegation exchanges". In most cases, given the subordinate nature of cooperation in the socialist countries, these exchanges acted as ordinary visits of politeness. The activities of the Soviet delegation in the International Cooperative Alliance were also investigated. It is revealed that the main task of the Soviet cooperators was to support the external efforts of the USSR aimed at ideological and diplomatic confrontation with the countries of the West. In general, the international activities of both the Ukrainian SSR and its consumer cooperatives were not independent, but strictly followed the plans developed in Moscow.

Abuse of Diplomatic Privileges and the Balance between Immunities and the Duty to Respect the Local Laws and Regulations under the Vienna Conventions: The Recent Indian Experience

Abstract The successful adoption of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations is hailed as the ‘landmark of the highest significance in the codification of international law’. It represented the first significant codification of any international instrument since the United Nations was established. However, despite the codification of the above rules, which is largely based on the pre-existing customary international law, the scope of diplomatic protection was not free from issues and controversies. In recent times, unfortunately, there is a growing tendency amongst the diplomats to abuse their diplomatic status to commit acts prohibited by law and still claim immunity from legal process. The States-parties also aggravate this situation by selectively interpreting the rules in their favor, ignoring the fact that reciprocity is the basis for the successful functioning of the diplomatic protection. In this connection, this paper addresses the problem of abuse of immunities and privileges and its adverse implications on the balance between immunities and the duty to respect the local laws and regulations, especially with special reference to the recent Indian experience. It explores the two recent Indian diplomatic confrontations, namely, the arrest of Devyani Khobragade and the travel ban on Daniele Mancini. Based on the study, it highlights the need for a well-balanced and equitable enforcement of the Vienna Conventions in the interest of maintenance of cordial diplomatic relations in the international community.

Economic effects of Russian-Ukrainian conflict 2014

The article describes the results of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and its impact on the depreciation of the national currency, the deepening of the banking crisis, the impossibility of the state budget execution and overcome the energy crisis. The estimation and forecast of economic condition of the state, depending on the effectiveness of the Government in overcoming the consequences of the conflict. Perspective directions of development of economy of Ukraine and the occupied territories in the context of political instability. Proved lasting political and diplomatic confrontation; violated basic agreements and arrangements; actually destroyed the institutional system of international relations; exacerbated economic, energy continues confrontation. In general, current realities make it hard to talk about change for the better in the foreseeable future. During the investigation the devastating impact of military confrontation to the public and economic life. The attention to the existence of isolated problems for decades and their deterioration in conditions of political instability.

Eritrea's Relation with IGAD and the OAU/AU: the Domestic and International Dynamics

The state of Eritrea joined the club of sovereign states on the early years of the 1990s. Though many were optimist of the new state's contribution for enhanced interstate cooperation in the volatile horn of Africa region, the early years' optimism never stayed longer and the Eritrean state soon begun to collide with the states of the region and beyond. Since the mid-1990s, the relationship between the state of Eritrea and her four immediate neighbors i.e. Sudan, Yemen, Ethiopia and Djibouti, have witnessed irregularities ranging from diplomatic confrontation to armed clashes. The armed clashes ranged from the bloody Ethio-Eritrean war of 1998 to 2000, which was estimated to have consumed the life of at least 70,000 individuals from both sides, to the minor and ad hoc clashes with the forces of Djibouti in June 2008. The Eritrean state's rough relation with the neighboring states is replicated as far as the relationship with the Intergovernmental Organizations is concerned. Particularly, the state's relationship with the African Intergovernmental Organizations is irregular for large part to date. On these background, this article tries to explicit the dynamics of the foreign policy and relations of Eritrea focusing on the country's relation with the two African Intergovernmental Organizations (one sub-regional and the other regional) by using historical descriptive methodology and the three major levels of analysis in international relations as the framework of analysis.