Diplomatic Activity Research Articles

“Between Finland and Bohdan Khmelnytsky’s land”: Ukrainian national project through the eyes of Herman Gummerus

This article considers the cooperation between the Ukrainian and Finnish national movement in the first quarter of the twentieth century. The political aspects of the cooperation are viewed through the lens of Herman Gregorius Gummerus’ biography (1877-1948). In contemporary historiography, Herman Gummerus is mostly known for his historical studies that focus on the economic history of ancient Rome. Whereas the majority of studies on Ukrainian-Finnish cooperation in the early twentieth century contain only fragmentary evidence of his political and diplomatic activities, the author of the article considers it necessary to present the biographical essay with a special focus on Herman Gummerus’ participation in the Finnish activists’ movement during two periods of “Russification of Finland” (1899-1905, 1908-1917) and after World War One. Herman Gummerus’ attitude towards the Ukrainian national state project (including the Ukrainian State or the Second Hetmanate, dated 1918) is reconstructed on the basis of his memoirs “Ukraine on the cusp. Six months at the head of the Finnish Embassy in Kyiv” (Ukrainan murrosajoilta - Kuusi kuukautta lähetystön päällikkönä Kievissä) (1931).

Diplomacy of Ukrainian statehood from the establishment to the present (the late 1910s - 2020s): Major international partners, dynamics, and specific features

Throughout its history, Ukrainian diplomacy has gone through different periods; the legacy of the events of the 20th century is of practical importance for modern Ukraine, the establishment of its statehood, and recognition as an equal subject in the global international arena. Using the achievements of predecessors in this area, considering past mistakes and miscalculations, it is now possible to strengthen the state's diplomatic activity on a democratic basis with specific national characteristics. The purpose of the study is to provide practical recommendations for the development and strengthening of Ukrainian diplomacy at the present stage by identifying theoretical and conceptual approaches to the ways, methods, and means of developing the diplomatic service of the state in different historical periods of the 20th and 21st centuries. The comparative historical method was used to prepare this work, which, through comparison and analysis, identified the key points, features, nature of the interaction, and specifics of the process of diplomatic activity of the Ukrainian state in the 20th – early 21st centuries. The originality and identity of the diplomatic service of the Ukrainian state and the strengths and weaknesses of foreign policy at different stages of the country's historical development were identified. The author outlines the most significant international achievements of the first independent Ukrainian Republic and identifies the key features and basic features that determined the future development of the country's domestic diplomatic corps. The most optimal mechanisms, instruments, and means of Ukraine's international activity to implement them in the modern practice of international relations were indicated. Considering the priority areas for bilateral and multilateral diplomatic cooperation, the author proposes variant solutions and possible scenarios for further transformation of the country's foreign policy course regarding specific vectors of cooperation. The results and conclusions of the work can be used as a framework for future practical research, in particular, in the development and implementation of new systems and mechanisms of the best international practices in the field of diplomatic service in the national foreign policy

ШЛЯХИ РЕЦЕПЦІЇ РИМСЬКОГО ПРАВА У ПРАВОВІЙ СИСТЕМІ КИЇВСЬКОЇ РУСІ

The article is devoted to the study of the historical ways of reception of Roman law in Kyivan Rus. The basis of the analysis are historical and scientific sources, among which the main factors that determined the peculiarities of the process of assimilation of the provisions and principles of Roman law into the legal system of the medieval Ukrainian state were identified.First of all, the author focuses attention on the importance of the reception of Roman law for the Romano-Germanic legal family, because the legal system of modern Ukraine obviously embodies the result of the evolution of Roman law in the field of national legal culture. Attention is drawn to the need for a thorough study of the historical dialectical connections of the national legal system with Roman law, as its ideological, doctrinal and historical foundation. The scientific opinion of Ukrainian researchers O.A. found its continuation. Podoprigory and E.O. Kharitonov regarding two ways of reception of Roman law: Western European and Byzantine. The author provides a detailed analysis of each of them and gives specific examples of specific historical documents. At the same time, it comes to the conclusion that a combination of Byzantine and Western European methods of reception of Roman legal provisions took place in Ukraine. It is noted that each of the ways of reception of Roman law prevailed at a certain stage of the development of our country's statehood. Thus, it was concluded that at various stages of historical development, Ukraine assimilated the provisions of Roman law through the mediation of Byzantine (Greco-Roman) law and by borrowing Western European models. For the early medieval period, a characteristic form of reception was the borrowing of Roman legal norms in their Byzantine edition. Which is explained by the significant economic, political, religious and cultural influence of the Byzantine Empire on Kyivan Rus. The author defines the following as the main ways of penetration of Roman norms and principles into the legal system of medieval Russia: diplomatic activity and the signing of interstate treaties, the activity of the church in the translation of acts of canon law, the lawmaking activity of the princely administration, which tried to implement Greco-Roman legal norms into the legislation of Kyivan Rus, adapting them to new realities, as well as the general influence of the Byzantine political and legal culture on the public and political life of the ancient Ukrainian state.

Policijska diplomatija u digitalnom okruženju

This paper focuses on the aspect of police diplomacy that is being analyzed in the domain of digital environment. In the opening section of this paper, a detailed impact of the globalization phenomena and the IT technologies over the development of international relations as well as modern diplomacy has been discussed. Police diplomacy, as the integral component of modern diplomacy, represents the response to the challenges of ever growing transnational crime and terrorism that may be addressed via the component of international police cooperation. Therefore, the focus of this paper was to first represent the police in the diplomatic context. Afterwards, the significance of understanding new media and their prominent role in the process of modern police diplomacy development. Furthermore, this paper analyses the question on how to tackle the challenges of digital diplomatic surroundings. Findings of the paper shows that the development of police diplomacy should be based around the concept of digital and networked-diplomacy. In order to be more efficient in carrying out diplomatic activities, police offices need to use all digital tools available, with special emphasis on social media networks. When formulating communication strategy, implementation of an integrative approach becomes an optimal one, having in mind the sheer number of participants and availability of traditional and digital media. The milieu of future development of police diplomacy revolves around the idea that there cannot be any isolated enforcement of diplomatic activities. The response to the challenges of digital surroundings can be found even in the implementation of innovative technologies, shifting focus from institutionalization towards diplomatic knowledge and skills of communication in the digital surroundings. This paper contributes to the area of police diplomacy. One of the limitations of this paper is the absence of complete knowledge on how digital diplomacy functions in the first place, which is shifted in the digital aspect of police diplomacy as well.

Györgyey László tevékenysége az Osztrák-Magyar Monarchia diplomáciai testületében

László Györgyey (originally called Táfler) was born in 1864 in Pest, a member of the fourth generation of a Jewish merchant family of Moravian descent, who settled in Hungary and found his vocation in the diplomatic service of the foreign missions of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. After serving as consul in several countries on behalf of the Common Foreign Office, he was taken over by Hungary after the dissolution of the Monarchy, where he worked for several years as ambassador extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary. In recognition of his diplomatic activities, which were always of a high standard and carried out with a refined diplomatic flair, he received numerous state honours from the leaders of the countries where he served and from the monarch of the Monarchy. In 1922, he was forced to retire under rather undignified circumstances, citing redundancies, after which he tried to find useful employment in Hungarian political life. He was a member of the István Tisza Society until the end of his life and was a regular visitor to legitimist events. He died unmarried in 1944, with no descendants by blood. He had only one daughter, whom he adopted as an adult.

The Case for Science Diplomacy in Mongol Eurasia

This paper considers the concept of science diplomacy in the context of Eurasian history with a particular focus on the period of the Mongol Empire in the 13th century. The Mongol Empire held sway over much of Eurasia and thus participated in diplomatic activity within and outside of Mongol domains. Scientists and intellectuals routinely headed diplomatic embassies sent and received by the Mongol Empire. Diplomats were valued for their knowledge and skills and served as interlocutors and translators for the Mongol Khans. These scientist-diplomats were key figures in the court and were essential in facilitating exchanges, building connections and fostering relations. As polyglots and polymaths they were able to operate in a multi-cultural environment. They were part of the complex framework of the Mongol Empire that brought to bear a kind of Eurasian development model that relied on expertise, knowledge and resources that could be utilised across the empire. Set within this context, the paper describes the creation of a politico-science complex in Mongol Eurasia with a special emphasis on the relationship between the Mongol Khans and their partners, chief among them were scientists and intellectuals. The Mongol Empire as an empire built upon exchanges summarises how scientific exchanges were both a product of and a driver for diplomatic relations in this period. Thus, the historical connection between diplomacy and science in Eurasia is a necessary component in understanding the modern notion of science diplomacy beyond a European context and applied more globally both in terms of time and space.

International Olympic Committee Struggle against the COVID-19 Pandemic: Health Diplomacy of Non-State Actors

The COVID-19 pandemic caused not only substantial turmoil in the international environment, both politically and economically, but it also inspired new forms of diplomatic conduct. Since 2020 we could observe new forms of health diplomacy, which is already well-established among theoretical concept. While counteracting the harmful effects of the pandemic was the primary goal of most of the initiatives, it soon became apparent that health diplomacy can be perceived by many as a political tool, supporting foreign policies and strategic goals. This research aims to investigate International Olympic Committee as a non-state diplomatic actor and its efforts related to the COVID-19 pandemic that can be classified as public diplomacy and, more specifically, health diplomacy. The main research question refers to the character of diplomatic conduct, more specifically, whether it can be related to traditional health diplomacy focused on addressing health challenges or also to public diplomacy, aimed at reaching own goals.

Atypical Wolf Warrior Strategy in China’s Digital Public Diplomacy during the Pandemic

Wolf warrior diplomacy has become Beijing’s primary method for defending its core interests during the COVID-19 pandemic. China’s public diplomacy actors have used social media platforms to diffuse rumors and aggressive statements to promote its discursive power and reshape international order during the pandemic. Although existing studies on online wolf warrior diplomacy include China’s intermestic dimension and audiences, scholars have not examined the Chinese diaspora. Thus, we focused on how China used its domestic social media platform WeChat to conduct diaspora diplomacy during France’s first COVID-19 lockdown period to influence French and European Chinese-speaking populations. The aim was to underline how local pro-China media have used WeChat to defend Beijing’s interests and devalue the policies and COVID-19 measures of host countries.

Diplomatic Ceremonial for the Reception of British Envoy’s Sister at the Court of Catherine II

Referring to relevant approaches of New Diplomatic History, this article looks into a ceremonial reception for the British envoy’s sister by a Russian court. Although the procedure for introducing diplomatic spouses to European monarchs in the eighteenth century has been studied in depth, the issue of resolving ceremonial disputes remains unanswered. The case of arrival of James Harris together with his wife and sister in Russia in 1777 invites us to re-examine women’s participation in diplomatic ceremonies at the Russian Imperial Court. Miss Harris, not being de juro an official member of the diplomatic corps (that is, neither wife nor daughter of a designated male), de facto was an agent of diplomatic action. She was presented to the Russian court, thought accepted rules did not allow unmarried women to attend court functions. This article draws on a set of archival unpublished diaries of Katherine Harris which are devoted to court presentations and rituals as well as miss Harris’s assessment of courtiers and Russian noble society. The article concludes that, contrary to popular opinion, diplomatic protocol at Catherinian court was flexible. So, despite the prohibition for unmarried women to enter the palace, the imperial court greeted Katherine Harris as an ambassadress. Meanwhile, Catherine II perceived some rituals as an indispensable prerequisite (for example, the kissing of the sovereign’s hands).

The Rivalry at the Periphery of the Cold War: the USA, the USSR and the Communist Parties of Spain, Italy and France during the Conflict in Western Sahara (1977–1979)

The article examines the foreign policy positions of Moscow and Washington in the context of the events in Western Sahara in the second half of the 1970s, taking into account the diplomatic activities of the Communist parties of Italy (Partito Comunista Italiano, PCI), France (Parti communiste français, PCF) and Spain (Partido Comunista de Españа, PCE). The research is based on the published documents of the US president J. Carter's administration, sources of the US State Department and the Central Intelligence Agency, as well as unpublished declassified documents of the CPSU Central Committee from the funds of the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History, and also press materials and memoirs. It is argued that 1) the conflict in Western Sahara united the PCI, the PCF and the PCE in a campaign of solidarity with the Polisario Front against the background of Moscow's non-recognition of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) and Washington's supply of arms to Morocco to suppress the struggle for Western Saharan independence; 2) The United States perceived the activity of the Western European Communist Parties in organizing solidarity campaigns with the Polisario Front as a minor episode of international politics that did not lead to recognition of SADR independence by Western European countries; 3) U.S. diplomats observed the speeches of Western European Communist Parties in support of the Polisario, but did not bring their analysis to practical recommendations that would have adjusted tactics toward these Communist Parties. The Eurocommunists' support for the Polisario wasn't coordinated with Moscow.

Rola Republiki Turcji w procesie mediacji między Ukrainą a Rosją

Since the armed attack of the Russian Federation on Ukraine on February 24, 2022, the Republic of Türkiye has been to mediate between the conflicting parties as a part of extensive diplomatic activities, the primary goal of which is to induce the parties to a ceasefire, work out peace terms, and, finally, end the war. Although Ankara’s mediation has not yet led to the expected breakthrough, it has managed to reach an agreement on grain exports and exchange prisoners of war. The paper aims to analyse the role of Türkiye as a mediator in Russia’s war against Ukraine, indicating the conditions of Türkiye ‘s involvement in the mediation, and verify the effects of Turkish diplomacy in the short and long-term. Regarding the defined objectives, the following research assumptions were adopted. First, in the face of Russian aggression against Ukraine, Türkiye adopted the ‘strategic autonomy’, which allowed it to maintain its credibility in mediations between the parties and to take care of vital interests in the area of security and economy. Second, Türkiye’s involvement in the mediation has contributed to the country’s increased importance and prestige in the international arena, which is an important element of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s neo-Ottoman strategy that has been implemented for two decades. Third, Ankara’s diplomatic offensive contributed to the warming of Turkish-American relations, which have been in deep crisis since 2016. The following research instruments were used in the preparation of the text: analysis, synthesis, and inference.

A Special Form of Diplomatic Encounter: Negotiations in Constantinople (1625–1626)

In this article, I present a case study of a special form of diplomatic encounter that took place as secret negotiations between the resident ambassadors of France, England, Holland, and Venice and the Transylvanian envoys in Constantinople in 1625–1626 about a prospective alliance between Prince Gábor Bethlen and the anti-Habsburg powers during the Danish phase of the Thirty Years’ War. My analysis of this special form of negotiation offers a comprehensive overview of the practices deriving from the most characteristic circumstances and setbacks of diplomatic activity in Constantinople, i.e., what solutions (if any) were found to resolve problems of precedence, information brokerage, poor economic conditions, and bribery and corruption. I address, furthermore, the private interests of the participating Transylvanian diplomats and consider the extent to which these interests corresponded to the interests of their sending polity and especially of Gábor Bethlen. My discussion sheds light on the ways in which, in general, everyday challenges and networks of relations in Constantinople influenced the diplomacy of small states in the Ottoman orbit, specifically Transylvania in this case, when entering into an alliance with major powers outside the bonds of their Ottoman tributary status.

Diplomatic Activities of Councillors to the German Princes During the Thirty Years' War, 1618–1648

. In this article the author examines the development of the European diplomatic service during the Thirty Years' War, 1618–1648. There was no diplomatic post on the payroll of German princes in the seventeenth century, so it was left to court counsellors to represent the monarch on the foreign policy stage and gather relevant information from outside their dominions, which would influence the choice of international policies. A diplomatic career required a number of factors, among them ancestry, education, and breadth of vision. Practically all of the councillors who represented their patron on the international stage were noblemen, with a few exceptions where a burgher was entrusted with diplomatic functions. All of them were university educated, knew foreign languages and had spent several years abroad travelling. The core responsibilities of counsellors-diplomats included gathering information, which was constantly shifting during the war, and negotiating potential political alliances. Among the duties of diplomatic counsellors, foreign policy activities relating to dynastic marriages occupied a special place. One of the most important qualities of the councillors-diplomats, as repeatedly emphasised in their eulogies, was a pronounced patriotism. The councillors-diplomats themselves saw their diplomatic service as an integral part of their service to the Fatherland. Their patriotism played an important role in shaping German national ideas during the Thirty Years' War, and gradually became an integral part of service in the diplomatic corps.

Israel’s Relations with Angola: From Portuguese Colony to the Present

Angola, which achieved its independence in 1975 following an armed struggle of thirteen years and the military overthrow of a dictatorship in Portugal a year earlier, is one of eleven countries in sub-Saharan Africa hosting an Israeli embassy. It is also one of fifteen countries in sub-Saharan Africa that has an embassy in Israel. It is obvious that Israel and Angola acknowledge the importance of their relationship and understand well each country’s respective influence in their own regions. While formal diplomatic ties only began in the early stages of the post-Cold War, Angola and Israel – or more exactly the Jewish people – have had a much longer connection. Before the Balfour Declaration, some seeking a place of refuge for the Jewish people considered Angola. During the era of decolonisation in Africa, which began in the late 1950s, while Israel eagerly pursued relations with the newly independent states, diplomatic activity continued with Portugal; its actions were also connected with the Cold War politics of the United States. Initially, Israel supported forces in Angola opposed to the ultimate victor in the civil war which followed the war for independence. Yet, in the post-Cold War environment, with the cooperation of Israeli businesspeople and intelligence assistance, Angola and Israel engaged in developing mutually beneficial relations, though in the case of defence-related connections somewhat secretive ones. In recent years, with South Africa’s promotion of the Boycott, Sanctions and Divestment (BDS) movement, and being the country most critical of Israel’s policies outside the Arab and Muslim worlds, Israel’s ties with Angola have taken on greater importance for the Jewish state’s relations with other countries in Southern Africa.

Военно-политическая стратегия Франции в ИТР после создания AUKUS

This article explores the key developments of the French Indo-Pacific strategy in the aftermath of the “submarine deal” and the creation of AUKUS in September 2021. For many observers, the misunderstanding with Australia and the United States seemed to be a real turning point in regional policy, due to which the previous partnerships should be inevitably recalibrated. Yet, as numerous examples show, Paris’ response is quite limited after all. Firstly, the article summarizes French efforts to turn the page on the “submarine deal” by restoring the dialogue with Anglo-Saxon powers. In this respect, the emphasis is made on Emmanuel Macron’s meetings with new prime ministers of the United Kingdom and Australia as well as on his steps towards transatlantic solidarity with Washington (not without new disagreements on the Taiwan issue, however). Secondly, several multi- and minilateral activities of French diplomacy are analyzed, such as the EU-Indo-Pacific Ministerial Forum held for the first time in Paris, 2022, or the president’s participation in the APEC summit in Thailand. It is noteworthy that France tries to find the second chance for its “Indo-Pacific axis” involving the UAE instead of Canberra and keeping in touch with India. Thirdly, the article defines that key weaknesses of the French regional strategy are the same as before September 2021. In particular, it still implies a certain ambiguity because the discourse on the “third way” and unwillingness to be a part of U.S.-China confrontation is followed by an indisputable affiliation of France to the collective West. French diplomatic activity is poorly supported by military capabilities given small contingents at overseas territories with mostly outdated weapons. The conclusion is that the AUKUS factor did not change France’s policy in the Indo-Pacific dramatically anyway; moreover, the continuity is likely to prevail for a few more years.

Wives of Diplomats: Career Opportunities in a Situation of Professional Family Interaction

The problems of self-determination of diplomats' wives within the framework of professional family interaction are at the center of the study. The factors influencing the status of a diplomat's wife in the conditions of a business trip abroad are highlighted: diplomatic immunity prescribed by international and domestic legislation, the diplomatic rank of the spouse, as well as the social roles, functions and tasks assigned to her within the framework of the norms and rules of diplomatic activity. [d1] The restrictions on the professional career of the wives of diplomats, influencing their choice of a particular trajectory of social behavior, are systematized. The study relied on the included unsystematic observation of phenomena in the daily lives of the families of diplomats as a covert participant; high-quality content analysis of documents – materials from Internet sites and Internet forums; secondary analysis of sociological and historical research data. Conclusions are drawn about the relevance of the legal strengthening of the status of the wives of diplomats, which would take into account the current situation and consolidate the possibilities of a stable perspective.

Russian-Chinese Partnership and the United States

A number of important documents have recently been published that, in my opinion, deserve serious analysis. These are the two Russian-Chinese declarations signed at the Moscow summit (Joint statement of the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation on deepening the comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination for the new era and stress settling the Ukraine crisis through dialogue. 21 March 2023; Joint statement by the President of the Russian Federation and the Chairman of the China People’s Republic on a plan for the development of key areas of Russian-Chinese economic cooperation until 2030. 21 March 2023). Soon after, a new concept of Russian foreign policy and a report of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for 2022 were published (The Concept of The Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation. 31 March 2023; Foreign Policy and Diplomatic Activities of the Russian Federation in 2022. Review of the Russian Foreign Ministry. Moscow, March 2023); Earlier, the US Administration released the National Security Strategy (National Security Strategy. The White House. Washington, D.C., October 12, 2022; National Defense Strategy. The Department of Defense. Washington, D.C., October 27, 2022).

Media Coverage of the Peacekeeping Activities of Pope Francis' Support of Ukraine in the Russian-Ukrainian Full-Scale War

The relevance of the study is due to the significance of the influence of Pope Francis’ peacekeeping activities as the head of the Catholic Church on global geopolitics. This influence is being actively implemented within the framework of the Russian-Ukrainian war. Thus, the study of the international diplomatic activity of the pontiff in the context of supporting Ukraine is aimed at establishing the features of the peacekeeping work of the Holy See. The study presents an analysis of news coverage on the stated issues in popular Ukrainian and foreign publications from December 2021 to October 2022. The Washington Post, Politico, Vatican News highlighted positive, dubious, and negative precedents by Pope Francis in the context of supporting Ukraine in the Russian-Ukrainian full-scale war. Also, special attention is paid to the special nature of the encyclicals of Pope Francis, in particular Evangelii gaudium 2013, Lumen Fidei 2013, Laudato si' 2015, and Fratelli Tutti 2020, where the priority thematic areas are current problems and conflicts. The results of the study indicate the inconsistency of the views, understandings, and actions of the pontiff, which is obviously due to the flexible diplomatic strategy of the Vatican. The overall picture points to the hesitation of the head of the Catholic Church during a tense situation on the European continent. Key words: Pope Francis, the Pope's peacekeeping activities, the war in Ukraine, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, the Pope's support for Ukraine.

Vienna Regulations on the Ranks of Diplomatic Representatives of 1815: Reasons for Adoption and Its Significance

Congress of Vienna 1814—1815 entered the history of international relations as the first experience of multilateral diplomacy of modern times. Along with the global problems of the reorganization of Europe, the congress participants also discussed the organization of the diplomatic service. An important achievement of the congress was the adoption of the Vienna Regulations, which unified the ranks of diplomatic representatives and established a simple and understandable principle of their seniority depending on the rank and time of arrival in the country. This put an end to centuries of disputes over seniority, which seriously complicated relations between states. The decisions of the congress played an important role in the process of professionalization of diplomatic activity.

Struggle for coalition‐building: Japan, South Korea, and the Indo‐Pacific

AbstractOne of the most important defining features of Japan's “Free and Open Indo‐Pacific” (FOIP) vision is coalition‐building. Given the Yoon administration's strong political will to commit to the Indo‐Pacific affairs and improve its ties with Japan, can Japan and South Korea finally forge cooperation in the Indo‐Pacific region? I argue that Japan has not incorporated South Korea in its FOIP vision because of four main factors: timing, leadership transition, commitment to regional and global strategic affairs, and differing perspectives on China. Particularly, the negative impact of South Korea's leadership change and its fluctuating commitment to regional and global affairs have nurtured Japan's skepticism toward South Korea's potential role in the Indo‐Pacific region. In this context, the key to overcoming such difficulties and incorporating South Korea into the Indo‐Pacific network depends on the Yoon administration's conceptualization and institutionalization of its Indo‐Pacific strategy and Japan's support for South Korea's current diplomatic activism