Diplomatic Activity Research Articles

Actorness of Small Power: The Case of Qatar

Historically, in the system of international relations, small states have been the object of power, not its source. However, at present there is an increasing involvement of small states in international processes and a continuing re-definition of their role in the international system. The foreign policy of Qatar is a perfect case to study these processes and to test the new theories. The article is devoted to the consideration of the tools of Qatar's foreign policy influence, which it successfully uses to protect and promote its own interests. Considering that this state is limited in terms of strategically important factors, such as area, population, diversity of natural resources, it has managed to gain significant importance in international affairs in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. This is due to a successful combination of the following factors: wealth, the image of a stable, progressive, and investment-friendly country and active diplomacy, which together make up its power potential.

Tools of imperialism or sources of international law? Treaties and diplomatic relations in early modern and colonial Southeast Asia

AbstractThe history of treaty‐making, diplomacy, and international law has traditionally been written from Eurocentric perspectives, but since the middle of the 20th century, Southeast Asia has attracted relatively much attention because of the region's importance for the 17th‐century Dutch jurist Hugo Grotius. More recently, however, the interest in Southeast Asia's role in the history of international law and diplomacy in the early modern period has become more oriented toward understanding the dynamics of international relations and cross‐cultural diplomacy in Southeast Asia itself, rather than focusing on the region's role in European legal and intellectual history. The prolific treaty‐making and other diplomatic activities of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) during the 17th and 18th centuries have been the object of several studies, highlighting how the company adopted Asian practices of statecraft and at times functioned as a traditional ruler, tributary or stranger‐king, rather than as an omnipotent colonial power. Moreover, several recent studies have expanded the study of diplomacy and treaty‐making in Southeast Asia to imperial powers other than the VOC and into the 19th century. With regard to the practice of treaty‐making during the colonial era, three main themes in the current state‐of‐the‐art are identified: 1) Southeast Asian and inter‐cultural perspectives on treaties and treaty‐making; 2) the question of mutual consent or coercion and violence in treaty‐making; and 3) discrepancies between Asian and European treaty texts and biases in printed and digitised compilations of treaties.

The reproduction of American identities in Somalia through terrorism and ethnicity

ABSTRACT In this article, we aim to discuss how manifestations of American identities have been reproduced in Somalia by diverse US diplomacy actors in the 2000s. Following a knowledge/power nexus, we argue that Orientalist discourses establish alterity politics in global South countries by managing and controlling post-colonial bodies. We explore different expressions of the American self’s reflection by comparisons to Somalia in discourses on terrorism and ethnicity. To do this, we understand American identity based on the notions of Americanity and Puritanism. This article contributes to debates on identity/difference among foreign policy, critical security, and terrorism studies by combining academic, journalistic, and political sources as expressions of US discourse.

The Rise and Fall of Diplomacy from Below: The Rebel Cooperation of Ya Basta!

ABSTRACT Under what conditions are radical alternatives to state-led diplomacy feasible? Diplomatic studies have so far denied attention to those diplomatic practices taking place without national mediation. Building on the concept of diplomacy from below (DFB), the article aims to understand under what conditions this newly theorised form of alternative diplomacy is possible in contexts of armed violence. To do so, we present the case of the diplomatic action of the (post)autonomist Association Ya Basta! between 1997 and 2004. The study adopts an interpretivist approach, reconstructing activists’ stories along four conflict scenarios (Mexico, Palestine, Colombia, and Iraq). The empirical analysis allowed for formulating a “working hypothesis” according to which DFB is feasible only among groups sharing an ideological background and under minimum-security conditions for freedom of movement and physical integrity. The paper innovates debates on (para)diplomacy and opens a new research agenda on diplomatic interactions between subaltern groups in (post)conflict scenarios.

Germanys Strategic Misjudgment of World War I: Based on the Impact of Anglo-German Diplomatic Interaction

This article reviews and analyzes the Anglo-German diplomatic activities and interactions of some officials from both Britain and Germany before the First World War. It focuses on specific cases involving figures such as Henry Wilson and Prince Lichnowsky, aiming to explore the factors in the pre-war diplomatic interactions between Britain and Germany that led to Germanys strategic misjudgment and ultimately culminated in the outbreak of the war. Structural realism and the concept of security dilemma are employed to examine the intentions and positions of officials and the upper echelons on both sides. This study concludes that the prolonged strategic preparations by Britain and its vigilant attitude towards Germanys aggression demonstrated thorough consideration of the impending war. On the other hand, factors such as the German militarys satisfaction with its own development and the filtering of genuine information within its internal diplomatic system intensified the likelihood of war. Additionally, the ambiguous stance displayed by Britain towards the prospect of war also exerted a certain influence. Taking a research perspective centered on the analysis of mutual or internal interactions between the two parties, this article aims to offer novel insights for future investigations into the realm of strategic misjudgment preceding World War I.

Excavating the English-Language Press in the Ottoman Empire (1841–1923) Editors, State Actors, Readers

The English-language press in the Ottoman Empire was long thought near inexistent. While this article acknowledges that most English-language press titles in that country were few compared to the French-Ottoman press and resorted to French at one moment or another in their history, it investigates a body of English-Ottoman serials that proclaimed some connection to Britain or the US over the period 1841–1923 in order to expose the complex and multidirectional power relationships between British/American Levantine editors, British/American diplomatic actors, the Ottoman State, and readers (both in the Ottoman Empire and beyond). What did it mean to publish an English-Ottoman serial? Considering language as a social practice that helps reconcile the local and the global in the context of the foreign language press, this article seeks to understand motivations behind English-language serial publishing in the Ottoman Empire and how a mix of local/global constraints shaped titles like The Levant Herald (1856–1914).

Artificial Intelligence and its Impact in International Relations

In an era marked by remarkable technological advancements, Artificial Intelligence (AI) has emerged as a powerful force in the realm of International Relations. AI's adaptability, which includes automating the processes of foreign policy-making and improving predictive analytics, is swiftly reshaping the ways in which countries participate in international affairs. The impact of AI is notably observed in activities like data analysis, policy assessment, conflict resolution, cybersecurity, language translation, and disaster response, all of which streamline diplomatic activities and enhance communication. This article discusses how AI technology will shape the field of International Relations.

Constructing Attractiveness: Chinese Diplomatic Actors’ Cultural Soft-power Discursive Practices through the British Press

ABSTRACT Based on a critical review of Nye’s conceptualization of soft power, this paper extends the literature by examining how Chinese diplomatic actors deploy cultural soft-power discursive practices when publishing opinion pieces in the British press to construct the attractiveness of China. It conducts a corpus-assisted critical discourse analysis. Findings show that they strategically deploy charm offensive, defensive denial and Othering offensive to construct a distinctively positive Chinese Self and a positive Us as inclusive as possible under the influence of ideological square. The identified major topoi are characterized by imbuing China’s foreign policies and its world vision with Chinese traditional cultural and moral values, hopefully to justify China’s extensive use of the economic prowess to gain soft power, and justify its ability and incentive to play a more important role in global governance. It sheds some light on understanding Chinese diplomatic actors’ distinctive cultural soft-power mediated discursive practices in the general context of a non-Western government communicating and engaging with Western audiences. It also contributes to the understanding of China’s strategic thinking and its world vision in the Xi Jinping era.

Regional approaches to conflict prevention: The effectiveness of rhetorical and diplomatic tools

Research has shown that international actors can contribute to resolving violent conflicts. In this article, we focus on conflict prevention, and argue that tools that are relatively non-invasive and rapid to deploy are effective at preventing conflict from escalating. We identify two tools that meet these criteria—rhetorical and diplomatic action, and argue that regional organizations are particularly poised to deploy these tools successfully. Drawing upon new data, we find that rhetorical and diplomatic actions deployed by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) are generally associated with reductions in violent events as well as fatalities in the following month.

Дипломатическая карьера английского поэта Мэттью Прайора

Introduction. There are only a few special works about the English poet Matthew Prior as a diplomat in historical literature, and his diplomatic service did not receive an assessment in Russian historiography. Methods and materials. During the study of the poet’s diplomacy practice, the author used systematic and anthropological methods, content analysis of his correspondence, biographies, and research works. Analysis. Prior was one of the few Englishmen of his time who was able to combine a political and poetic career. He met the main criteria for climbing the career ladder in the era of “courts and alliances” because he had professional abilities, excellent knowledge of languages, art knowledge, wit, and the ability to compose well. As a diplomat, Prior successfully proved himself during two European wars: the Augsburg League war and the War of the Spanish Succession. As a secret agent, embassy secretary, and ambassador, he was prominent in all negotiations with France. Results. The most important achievement of his diplomacy was the conclusion of the Peace of Utrecht between Britain and France. Prior’s diplomatic activities harmoniously combined with his erudition in the field of artistic culture and poetry. Diplomacy defined his most successful and mature works, and poetry perfected his art of diplomacy.

Bir Dış Politika Aracı Olarak Gastronomi: Türk Mutfağı ve Türkiye’nin Gastrodiplomasi Girişimleri

Since the last quarter of the twentieth century, the actors of global politics have multiplied, and their relationships have diversified. This has also led to a redefinition of foreign policy strategies. States tend to increase their public diplomacy activities. Cuisine, the most tangible form of cultural resource, has become one of the powerful tools of public diplomacy. Food, dishes, and cuisine have played an essential role throughout history and have begun to be defined as a diplomacy tool. We define gastrodiplomacy as a public diplomacy activity that aims to attract people through food. Turkey has a unique culinary culture due to its location and multicultural character. A Turkish cuisine is a tool that deserves to be promoted in Turkish foreign policy and an opportunity for nation branding. This article examines the concept of gastrodiplomacy, identifies the components of Turkish cuisine, shows Turkey's gastrodiplomacy activities, and offers suggestions for Turkey's gastrodiplomacy initiatives.

Spices and Diplomacy of the Banten Sultanate with Foreign Kingdoms in the 16th- 19th Century

The Banten Sultanate was a pre-Indonesian Islamic kingdom from the 16th to early 19th centuries. Banten developed as a kingdom based on trade, its main commodity being pepper. In the 17th century, pepper became a spice with high value, so Banten used it as a diplomatic tool apart from being a trade commodity. As the destination of many foreign traders, it encouraged Banten to communicate with several kingdoms. Through historical research methods and a literature review, this article attempts to see diplomacy as one of the political activities of pre-Indonesian kingdoms. As a result, it can be seen that the Banten Sultanate carried out its diplomatic activities with several kingdoms, for example, Mecca (Ottoman), the Netherlands, England, Denmark, and France. This activity can be known from Banten's correspondence with the foreign kingdom and is supported by the chronicle narrative as colonial historiography. In this activity, the sultan of Banten often included several gifts, one of which was a large amount of pepper. Therefore, letters and other manuscripts can show Banten's position in diplomacy with other kingdoms, and pepper has an important role.

Kamu Diplomasisi, Göç ve Mülteci Siyaseti: Türkiye Örneği

Public diplomacy, which is a candidate to replace the classical understanding of diplomacy, is based on the idea of explaining the ideas, ideals, values, institutions, culture, and policies of a country or nation to the public opinion of other countries. The aim here is to create a sphere of influence on other peoples and win their hearts and minds. Through public diplomacy, which is based on strategic communication logic, countries' foreign policies can find a wider area of legitimacy. Türkiye has a strong soft power reserve with its ancient history, culture, language, political system, geography, various TV series, and movies. It is also among the most generous countries in the world in terms of humanitarian diplomacy, which is a sub-dimension of public diplomacy. After the civil war in Syria, Türkiye has hosted more than 3.5 million Syrians and has been hosting more than a million irregular migrants and refugees from different countries. Türkiye's migration policies based on humanitarian values are supported by a kind of public diplomacy. Turkey has been hosting millions of Syrian refugees for more than 12 years. During this endless process of hosting Syrians, Turkey has been faced with significant economic, political, social and cultural problems. Turkey, which has to bear the economic, political and social costs of migrants and refugees on its own, has to create public opinion both for the global sharing of this burden and for the establishment of a peaceful environment in Syria and the repatriation of refugees. Public diplomacy activities are a holistic approach that includes the aforementioned public opinion building. This study analyzes Türkiye's migration and refugee policy from a public diplomacy perspective.

Three Settings for German-Nordic Cultural Diplomacy: Nordic Writers, the Deutsch-Nordische Schriftstellerhaus, and National Socialist Internationalism

Abstract This article adds to the growing research literature on Fascist trans- and internationalism, not least in regard to the relationships between foreign intellectuals and National Socialist cultural policy. It revolves around three interlinked German cultural relations institutions featuring significant involvement from Nordic writers: the Nordic Society, the German-Nordic Writers’ House, and the European Writers’ Union. Covering a period from 1931 to 1942, the article explores institutional links between these institutions and the versions of Nordic-German cultural diplomacy practiced and developed within their auspices. It argues that National Socialist Germany’s northbound cultural diplomatic efforts contained continuities with pre-1933 practices and conceptions, yet also came with significant inner tensions that ultimately impeded them. Navigating institutional, state, and diplomatic interest, as well as differing visions for cultural relations and cultural internationalist legitimacy abroad proved a difficult balancing act for the German cultural diplomatic actors involved.

Is Cyber Diplomacy Essential in the Present Perspective?

It is now obvious that cyber space is the last frontier of man’s research and relevant activities to empirically learn about its multi-dimensionality and its immensely huge prospect. The quest is certainly increasing each passing day. The meteoric development of information technology together with scientific development has tremendously helped to push ahead its advance in recent decades, and in particular, the advanced and developed countries of the world have steadily made their efforts in carrying out their preferred activities and to know about what lies in the future for humanity on the earth. They have, at their disposal, human resources, capital resources, and material resources with compatible managerial skills to move on toward what they have projected as their goals for their countries and citizens. As cyber space has drawn the attention of the people around the world, it has emerged as the common concern of humanity. In reality, it has touched upon human activities mainly related with scientific, technological and socio-economic domains. Naturally, diplomatic activities that regulate and act on state-to-state and government-to government relations could not remain exempt, and nor touched upon as human security, and social and economic security are closely linked together. The human security and human welfare are closely related with activities in the cyber space. As a consequence, diplomacy connected with the cyber space has now come up as an unavoidable activity, not alone in technologically advanced countries but even in all the countries of the world as humans have to live and work in their respective territorial domains. Cyber space is the common concern of all the mankind. Hence, a pressing need for cyber diplomacy is essentially felt to have its own traction that can ensure amicable and friendly relations among all independent and sovereign countries of the world. A globally acceptable convention and practice of cyber diplomacy is also required to regulate its handlings and relevant activities. This piece tries to show how cyber diplomacy has come to occupy an iconic status in diplomatic ventures worldwide with its importance growing rapidly as pushed by information technology.

LONDONSKA KONFERENCIJA, STVARANjE ALBANSKE DRŽAVE 1912. GODINE I ODNOSI BALKANSKIH SAVEZNIKA

The First Balkan War was by its significance and consequences a far more serious event than it was believed up until today. One of the reasons for this could be the start of the Great War which to the largest extent cast a shadow on everything that came before it. However, at conferences in London in 1912/13, decisions were made that would greatly impact the future of the Balkans and Europe as well. The liberation of the great area of European Turkey by Balkan allies came as a big surprise to European forces. The banishment of Turks from Europe further disturbed Europe, especially Austro-Hungary and Russia. The new boarders in the Balkans were supposed to reflect the power and influence of great powers in their geopolitical combinations. Austro-Hungary managed to defeat Russian influence by creating the Albanian state, which Serbia had to accept. Even such a success did not satisfy Vienna, so they embarked on diplomatic action to persuade Bulgarian representatives to attack former allies and thus break up the Balkan alliance, one of the more serious works of Russian diplomacy in the Balkans. Due to their megalomaniacal aspirations for dominance in the Balkans, Bulgaria attacked Serbia and Greece and thus caused the second Balkan War.

A New Kid in Town? The Evolution of the EEAS Headquarters’ Involvement in EU Climate Diplomacy

Relatively little is known about the precise activities of the European External Action Service (EEAS) headquarters in the European Union’s (EU’s) international climate diplomacy, especially since the adoption of the Paris Agreement in 2015. This article therefore sketches the evolution of the climate diplomacy activities undertaken by EEAS headquarters between the 21st Conference of the Parties (COP21) in 2015 and COP26 in 2021. Based on a triangulation of official documents and twenty semi-structured interviews, the article finds that although the EEAS headquarters continues to coordinate and mainstream EU climate diplomacy, it has also become more outwardly-involved and entrepreneurial. This entrepreneurship can be explained by the creation within the EEAS of an Ambassador at Large for Climate Diplomacy, the working style of the appointed ambassador, increased resources at EEAS headquarters dedicated to climate diplomacy, and a favourable institutional context within the EU. These findings provide a detailed and updated insight into the involvement of EEAS headquarters within EU climate diplomacy. Accordingly, they improve our understanding of the EU as a climate actor and also demonstrate the importance of individuals in shaping how the EU conducts its climate diplomacy. EEAS, European Union, climate diplomacy, international climate politics

기억의 국제정치와 국내정치적 요인 연구

Sometimes countries value ideological factors and accept conflicts with other countries even at the expense of security interests or economic losses. A case in point is the Korea-Japan conflict. The period when such conflicts between Korea and Japan intensified was during the Moon Jae-in government. The specificity and sensitivity of Korea-Japan relations were recognized by both citizens of the two countries, and even though it was necessary to maintain a cooperative relationship in consideration of the mutual dependence between the two countries, there was a tendency to officially express the Korea-Japan conflict during the Moon Jae-in government. If so, was there any domestic political benefit that could be gained from this? For this study, we tried to apply the politics of memory, and as examples, we tried to investigate the problem of victims of Japanese Military Sexual Slavery, victims of forced labor, and trade disputes caused by Japan's economic sanctions. As for the analysis data, data such as opinion polls, time series data on the president's approval rating and the Korea-Japan conflict index, political speeches, diplomatic documents, and media articles were mainly used. As an analysis method, it was intended to examine how the Korean government's political and diplomatic actions affect the president's approval rating in Korea-Japan issues at a time when the Korea-Japan conflict was high. As a result of the study, it was confirmed that the timing of the government's political and diplomatic actions on Japan-related issues tended to overlap with the timing of the rise in the Korea-Japan conflict index.

Great Powers Rivalry in the Indo-Pacific Region and Its Impact on Vietnam’s Strategy

At the end of the 20th century, many researchers had envisioned a world where countries shift from political and military competition towards economic competition. However, the prospect of a world without conflict was short-lived, as the concerns about political tensions were revived in the early 21st century. Great powers such as the United States, China and Russia, have all shifted their focus to Asia, in particular the Indo-Pacific region. As a developing country in this region, Vietnam has its reasons to pay close attention to the competition among these great powers. Based on the theory of defensive realism, the author examines the reorientation of the US, Chinese and Russian foreign policy towards the Indo-Pacific region from Vietnam’s perspective. It shows that the US pivot to the region is set to challenge the rise of China and to maintain the US position as the leader of the world, China’s expanding influence is to reclaim its historical position in the region and Russia seeks to diversify its political and economic relations. In this context, Vietnam should maintain its multi-vector foreign policy, balancing the interests of several countries. In addition, Vietnam needs to strengthen its position in the global economy through participation in new-generation free trade agreements, expand the scope and forms of its diplomacy, and play a more active role in the global community. All these, in the author’s opinion, will enable Vietnam to strengthen its position in the global economy and boost its diplomatic activities.

Aimery de Nabinaud, OFM (†1326), Counsellor of Henry II, Bishop of Paphos, Papal Diplomat between Cyprus and Armenia, and Debtor

Of the four medieval cities (and dioceses) of Frankish Cyprus – Nicosia, Paphos, Limassol, and Famagusta – Paphos has received the least attention. Continuing work on the Bullarium Cyprium project, which involves editing the papal letters referring to the island, provides a window into the ecclesiastical history of the town. This is the second of three articles in this journal that complete Jean Richard’s work on the bishops of Paphos in the period of the Avignon papacy (1309–1377). With some notes on Bishop Jacques More (1309–1321), this paper focuses on his successor, Aimery de Nabinaud, OFM, the first member of an illustrious family of ecclesiastics who served Cyprus in the 14th century. First noted in 1310, when he was teaching at the Minorite convent in Famagusta, Aimery was an important advisor to King Henry II (†1324), he was eventually elevated to Bishop of Paphos in 1322. We know most about Aimery’s diplomatic activities with the Kingdom of Armenia in Cilicia from 1310 until his death, as well as the difficult financial situation he left to his successor as bishop, Géraud de Veyrines.