Dilemmas Of Reform Research Articles

Study on the reform dilemma and reform path of administrative examination and approval bureau

The transformation of government functions is the key to comprehensively deepening the reform in China, and the reform of the administrative examination and approval Bureau has played an important role in the process of implementing the "separation of audit management". This kind of reform can effectively promote the construction of our country service-oriented government, has the important rule of law significance. As a new thing, the Administrative examination and approval Bureau, which originally served as a service center, has faced a series of difficulties in the process of promoting reform, including the fuzzy scope of examination and approval items, the lack of professional quality of examination and approval personnel, difficulties in departmental coordination, the unclear division of examination and approval and supervision, and the lack of effective supervision. There are many reasons behind these difficulties, such as conflict of interest, unitary reform mode, restriction of administrative management system and lack of consensus on the direction of reform. In order to overcome these difficulties, a series of measures can be taken, such as promoting local legislation, improving the professionalism of examination and approval personnel, promoting information sharing, and strengthening internal and external supervision, so as to better promote the reform of administrative examination and approval bureaus.

Reasons for the Development of GATT into WTO and Changes in Institutional Features

With the continuous development of economic globalization, the formulation of rules and order of global economic trade is paramount. This paper applies the rational design model of international institutions to explore the institutional features of the development from the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) to the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the formal differences between the two institutional arrangements from the perspective of developed and developing countries as fixed actors. WTO has a more enormous scope of issues, a more symmetrical degree of control, and a higher degree of centralization than GATT. By examining the cooperation difficulties faced by GATT and WTO in distributional issues, distribution of power among actors, and enforcement issues, the paper explains the reasons for the formation of new institutional features in the evolution of GATT to WTO. The paper also has particular guiding reference significance on how to save WTO from the current reform dilemma with the aim of a more important role in global economic development and liberal commerce.

The Moroccan State between Centralization and Regionalism

This study interrogates the role played by advanced regionalism in reinforcing the centralization of the Moroccan state and reproducing its great reform dilemma: its desire to modernize (to some extent) while retaining a unitary centralized structure via the adoption of a vertical power structure vis-à-vis the regions. This parallels the failure to democratize and to develop a new social contract, keeping state resources firmly in the hands of the central state without meaningful participation by the regions. This strategy is implemented via the centralization of territorial control and the monopolization of resources, creating a regional division based on geographic, economic and developmental factors. It disregards the regions' cultural, historical and economic homogeneity, which might serve as the basis for a reconsideration of the state's unitary character, and feeds off the control of public space at a time when rural protest has been creating new social mobilization dynamics. The study also considers the effect of the geopolitics of the desert on the adoption of regionalism and the restructuring of the Moroccan state via control of the requirements of representation, mobilization and mediation in the desert. The legitimation of self-rule and the integration of desert elites into the state's central structure has underlined the risks elated to the reformation of the state through a strategy of local government re-formation in the desert that ultimately reinforces the state's legitimacy and centralized character without affecting the vertical organization of power.

Policy Analysis on the Dilemma of Higher Education Administration System Reform since Reform and Opening Up

With the implementation of reform and opening up, my country’s higher education has made great progress in teaching quality and teaching management. However, due to the short implementation time of modern higher education in my country, there are still many problems in teaching management. This article is the topic of administrative management. It analyzes in detail the dilemma of the reform of my country’s higher education administrative system since the reform and opening up, and puts forward some optimized reform measures, hoping to provide some references and suggestions for the reform of educational administrative management in higher education institutions in my country.

Rising Illusion and Illusion of Rising: Mapping Global Financial Governance and Relocating China

Abstract The empirical changes in global financial governance (GFG) and China's position in it, against the backdrop of the 2008 global financial crisis and China's economic rise in recent decades, suggest two plausible conclusions: (1) the present GFG system has been significantly reformed and improved by forming a networked architecture and a regime complex; (2) China's economic rise has automatically extended to China's rise in GFG, embodying its full integration into the architecture and regime. This article constructs a three-dimensional international political economy (IPE) analytical framework to reexamine the two conclusions and thus finds two illusions: an increasingly widespread—or rising—illusion of a much improved and more stable GFG system and an illusion of China's rising in GFG via an automatic transformation from economic might to governance power. The “rising illusion” of a much-improved GFG risks resulting in a reform dilemma, while the illusion of China's rise in GFG risks escalating the China-US and, more broadly, emerging-dominant states conflicts into full-scale confrontation. The prevalence of these two illusions highlights the need for greater attention from academic and policy spheres to relevant issues.

A Reform Dilemma in polarized democracies

Abstract We study the feasibility and efficiency of policy reforms in democracies. We develop a simple election model where (i) reforms are costly for voters and politicians and these costs increase with the extent of policy change, and (ii) politicians differ in their ability to carry out reforms efficiently. We identify a so-called Reform Dilemma, which manifests itself in two variants. From a static perspective, low-reform-ability politicians are elected when political parties are polarized, who then impose high costs on citizens for each reform step. This property of elections arises as low reform ability is a substitute for policy commitment. From a dynamic perspective, incumbents may choose socially undesirable policies to align the social need for reform with their own reform ability and are thus re-elected regardless of their reform ability.

Enhancing diversity and representation within the United Nations Security Council: the dilemmas of reform

There is a broad consensus upon the need for reform to the composition of the United Nations Security Council, largely driven by perceptions of its unrepresentative nature and domination by a small group of permanent members whose status stems from the geopolitical realities which existed in 1945. However, there is little agreement upon the exact form which such reform should take, evidenced by the numerous reform proposals advanced over several decades without any resulting change. This paper considers some options for enhancing diversity and representation within the Council and suggests that the principal reason for failure to advance these objectives lies in the very diversity of the international community. Thus, Security Council reform is likely to remain a problem that can never be resolved with any lasting success to the satisfaction of the international community at large. It is suggested that efforts to enhance perceptions of the Council’s legitimacy instead focus upon more realistic means of effecting change to its working methods and broadening opportunities for more states to contribute to its decision-making processes through alternative mechanisms.

A Reform Dilemma in polarized democracies

We study the feasibility and efficiency of policy reforms in democracies. We develop a simple election model where (i) reforms are costly for voters and politicians and these costs increase with the extent of policy change, and (ii) politicians differ in their ability to carry out reforms efficiently. We identify a so-called Reform Dilemma, which manifests itself in two variants. From a static perspective, low-reform-ability politicians are elected when political parties are polarized, who then impose high costs on citizens for each reform step. This property of elections arises as low reform ability is a substitute for policy commitment. From a dynamic perspective, incumbents may choose socially undesirable policies to align the social need for reform with their own reform ability and are thus re-elected regardless of their reform ability.

China’s natural gas reform: why and how

ABSTRACTNatural gas is playing an extremely significant role in implementing green and low-carbon economy in China, while its share in energy mix only accounted for 6.4% of China’s total energy consumption in 2016. The Chinese government began to make a series of policies and measures to catalyze natural gas production and consumption for dealing with severe air pollution and optimizing energy structure. Some key issues such as highly regulated natural gas pricing system, the monopoly of natural gas pipelines, and the dominance of state-owned oil companies are substantially existing to be addressed in the forthcoming natural gas reforms. The dilemma of reforms is analyzed in this article and the related reform solutions are to be explored in the deregulation of Chinese natural gas pricing mechanism, separation of state-owned companies’ pipeline, and nondiscriminatory third-party access. The results show that Chinese natural gas reform is destined to be a long-lasting war.

Constitutionalizing Single Party Leadership in Vietnam: Dilemmas of Reform

AbstractThe supremacy of the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) has been the basic norm in Vietnam’s constitution since 1980. While it was not changed in the final constitutional amendments in 2013, thisgrundnormwas seriously debated during the constitutional reform process between 2010-2013, thus indicating a shift in the constitutional dialogue in Vietnam. This article traces the history of this basic norm throughout constitutional amendments of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV) and assesses how the basic norm has become increasingly contested. Contestations over this basic norm have played out markedly over the recent constitutional reform process. The discursive power in these contestations has shaken the rationality-based legitimacy of this basic norm to its root. The continuing dominance of this norm depends to a large extent on how the Vietnamese party-state’s practical policy-making and policy implementation initiatives address the increasing tension between the supremacy of the CPV and other principles in the constitution.

Dilemma of healthcare reform and invention of new discipline of health fiscalogy.

BackgroundChina's Reform and Open up Policy in 1980s has brought rapid economic development to Chinese society. With the deepening of economic reform, the withdrawal of the state in China has had visible and worrisome consequences for health and for the functioning of health services. The new round of healthcare reform after 2009 has made significant achievements on improving fundamental health and bringing back the nature of welfare of health. However, the financing mechanism of health system has not been established, and the underlying reason behind the healthcare reform dilemma and the theoretical solution need to be found.MethodsThis study used the methods of literature review, theoretical research and comparative research to summarize and analyze the reasons and solutions of current dilemma in healthcare reform, and created the new discipline of health fiscalogy through theoretical analysis and vertical and horizontal comparison of healthcare system, especially health financing.ResultsDilemma in healthcare system emerged from the circumstances of rapid process of industrialization, urbanization and population aging, including the profit-driven phenomena, tendency of excessive marketization in public hospitals, strained doctor-patient relationship, high disease burden on individuals and families, and so on. It can be concluded that the theoretical basis of healthcare system and the nature of health resources are crucial in solving the dilemma of healthcare reform. The theoretical basis of healthcare reform should be health fiscalogy focusing on government as the main body of health care responsibility rather than health economics focusing on anti-monopoly. There are two key differences between health economics and health fiscalogy: responsible person/department of disease and health welfare, and nature of resource. The new discipline of health fiscalogy has universal and important implications on both China’s healthcare reform and the healthcare reform in the world.ConclusionsChina’s healthcare reform should return from the paradigm of health economics and marketization financing model to the paradigm of health fiscalogy and government-led financing model, which is reflected in the main position of government and social welfare.

The Referendum that Wasn't: Constitutional Recognition of Local Government and the Australian Federal Reform Dilemma

In 2010, the Commonwealth government proposed Australia's third attempt to give federal constitutional recognition to local government. In 2013, the government secured the passage through Parliament of a Constitution Alteration but, due to political events, and amid much controversy, the proposed amendment was not put to the people. This paper examines the merits and prospects for success of the proposed reform, with an eye to lessons for the future of local government's place in the federal system. It argues that the legal and constitutional cases for the alteration were strong, but limited, and poorly contextualised, theorised and articulated. We use public opinion evidence to conclude that had it proceeded, the referendum result would probably have been a third failure. These lessons are important for ongoing debate over sub-constitutional and constitutional reform to Australian intergovernmental relations, including questions of federal financial redistribution at the core of the proposal. Overall, the events of 2013 reinforce arguments that reforms to the position of local government, while important, should only be pursued as part of a holistic package of federal reform and renovation; and that more robust deliberative processes and principles must be adhered to before again attempting any constitutional reform.

A Reform Dilemma in Polarized Democracies

We study the feasibility and efficiency of policy reforms in polarized democracies. We develop a simple election model where (i) reforms are costly for voters and politicians and these costs increase with the extent of policy change, and (ii) politicians differ in their ability to carry out reforms efficiently. We identify a so-called Reform Dilemma, which manifests itself in two variants. From a static perspective, low-reform-ability politicians may be elected, who impose high costs on citizens for each reform step. From a dynamic perspective, incumbents may choose socially undesirable policies to align the social Need for reform with their own reform ability and are thus re-elected regardless of their Reform ability. In general, both manifestations of the Reform Dilemma are more pronounced when political parties’ positions are polarized. Furthermore, the existence of the Reform Dilemma is independent of the exact point in time when the abilities of candidates reveal themselves and become common knowledge.

China's State-owned Enterprises: The Dilemma of Reform

After three decades of reform, China's state-owned enterprises have become powerful entities economically and politically, while remaining relatively inefficient and often monopolistic vis-à-vis the private sector. Their expansion in the aftermath of the global financial crisis has further squeezed the space of development for non-state sectors. The prospect of reform is now coloured with uncertainty as regulatory, legislative and political means have failed to rein in the politically well-connected large centrally managed SOEs.

Yes to Local Government, No to Participatory Democracy: The Local Governance Reform Dilemma in Trinidad, St. Lucia and St. Vincent

In the Commonwealth Caribbean countries of St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines and Trinidad and Tobago, local government reform has been and continues to remain on the agenda. The proposals are all based on the philosophy that there should be elected local government, which in turn should facilitate substantive levels of participatory democracy and citizen involvement. But whilst there is general acceptance of this philosophy, central governments are seemingly reluctant to implement any reforms which would return power to the people. Citizen involvement and participatory democracy has thus become the bug-bear in the process, and has led to the stalling of local government reform in all three countries. With reforms having stalled, one wonders whether the next step will be the dissolution of systems of local government in these states.

THE POLITICS OF CRIME IN TAIWAN, HONG KONG AND MACAO

THE POLITICS OF CRIME IN TAIWAN, HONG KONG AND MACAO

Reforming the equilibrium? Veto players and policy change in the European constitution-building process

The EU currently experiences a reform dilemma which is common to many international organizations composed of a large number of veto players who must adopt a change of the status quo. After the accession of ten countries in May 2004, the 25 governmental veto players adopted a modest reform text that proposes as many changes as it retains provisions of the Nice treaty. This ambivalent outcome raised much criticism and has been rejected by the French and Dutch voters who had to ratify the reform. This raises questions on the reasons for change and stability in organizations which attempt to reform their obsolete provisions under the constraint of many (types of) veto players. This study examines under which conditions the positions of the different types of veto players—governments, parliamentary ratification pivots, median voters and the supranational actors—are important to explain the outcome of the draft treaty. Our results suggest that the probability for reform is only determined by governmental gains when we control for parliamentary ratification pivots and median voters from status quo-prone member states. We also find that governments favoring the status quo retain their veto in case either parliaments or voters favor reform. This responsiveness is supported by the fact that median voters also matter when member states did not announce a referendum.

China's Telecommunications Market: Entering a New Competitive Age. By Ding Lu and Chee Kong Wong. [Cheltenham and Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar, 2003. 177 pp. £45.00. ISBN 1-84064-431-1.

During the past two decades China has grown into one of the most significant telecommunications markets in the world and any book on this field has the potential to draw serious interest. China's Telecommunications Market: Entering a New Competitive Age, by Ding Lu and Chee Kong Wong, is well timed.This book consists of six chapters, aiming at “not the features of an established framework but changes after changes in an evolving system” (p. xiii). With strong backgrounds in economics, the authors have used intensive economic statistical data to analyse and explain the changes, while integrating institutional dynamics into the analysis. This economics-oriented approach distinguishes this study from previous books on similar topics, including China in the Information Age: Telecommunications and the Dilemmas of Reform by Mueller and Tan (1997) and Chinese Telecommunications Policy by Yan and Pitt (2002).

The Dilemmas of Reform in Weak States: The Case of Post-Soviet Fiscal Decentralization

This article explores the dilemmas of reform in weak states through an examination of efforts to decentralize the fiscal system in post-Soviet Ukraine in the 1990s. Despite increased attention to the state, many reform efforts still ignore the full implications that state weakness has for institutional transformation. Inattention to the problems of institutional capacity has led to a misdiagnosis of the problems facing intergovernmental institutions in post-Soviet Ukraine. Overcentralization and soft budget constraints built into formal institutional design demand an unrecognized degree of institutional capacity that is frequently weak or absent in the post-Soviet context. In addition, reform measures that fail to take into account the problems of weak institutions have inadvertently reduced the authority of already enfeebled state institutions.

The Dilemmas of Reform in Weak States: the Case of Post-soviet Fiscal Decentralization

This article explores the dilemmas of reform in weak states through an examination of efforts to decentralize the fiscal system in post-Soviet Ukraine in the 1990s. Despite increased attention to the state, many reform efforts still ignore the full implications that state weakness has for institutional transformation. Inattention to the problems of institutional capacity has led to a misdiagnosis of the problems facing intergovernmental institutions in post-Soviet Ukraine. Overcentralization and soft budget constraints built into formal institutional design demand an unrecognized degree of institutional capacity that is frequently weak or absent in the post-Soviet context. In addition, reform measures that fail to take into account the problems of weak institutions have inadvertently reduced the authority of already enfeebled state institutions.