Department Of Foreign Affairs And Trade Research Articles

Building Capability and Capacity: The Establishment of an Oncology Unit in the Solomon Islands.

To describe the establishment of an oncology unit at the National Referral Hospital (NRH) in the Solomon Islands, a low-income nation in the South Pacific. A scoping visit was carried out in 2016 to assist in the development of coordinated cancer services and to establish a medical oncology unit at the NRH at the request of the Medical Superintendent. This was followed by an observership visit to Canberra by an NRH doctor training in oncology in 2017. After a request from the Solomon Islands Ministry of Health, the Australian Government Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) arranged an in-country multidisciplinary mission under the Royal Australasian College of Surgeons/Royal Australasian College of Physicians Pacific Islands Program to help in the commissioning of the NRH Medical Oncology Unit in September 2018. Staff training and education sessions were held. The team, with the assistance of an Australian Volunteers International Pharmacist, has helped the NRH staff to develop localized Solomon Islands Oncology Guidelines. Donated equipment and supplies have helped with the initial establishment of the service. A second DFAT Oncology mission visit was made in 2019 followed by two NRH oncology nurses visiting Canberra on observership later that year and support of the Solomon's doctor to pursue postgraduate education in cancer sciences. Ongoing mentorship and support has been maintained. The island nation now has a sustainable oncology unit delivering chemotherapy treatments and management of patients with cancer. A collaborative multidisciplinary team approach by professionals from the high-income country working with colleagues from the low-income nation with coordination of different stakeholders was the key to this successful initiative in improving cancer care.

Issues in Australian Foreign Policy January to June 2022

Issues in Australian Foreign Policy January to June 2022

Exploring Indo-Pacific Convergences: The Australia-France-India Trilateral Dialogue

On September 9, 2020, Frances Adamson, Secretary of the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT); Francois Delattre, Secretary-General of the French Ministry of Europe and Foreign ...

Submission: Review of Australia's Bilateral Investment Treaties

This paper is a submission to the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) in response to DFAT's Discussion Paper of 2020 regarding a Review of Australia's Bilateral Investment Treaties. I recommend including in new or revised treaties clarifications on the core investment obligations as well as general exceptions applicable to those obligations. I also propose modifying clauses in relevant bilateral investment treaties to make clear that advance consent is given to ICSID arbitration, if that is the intention. I propose excluding public welfare measures from investor-State dispute settlement, as in the China Australia Free Trade Agreement. I also urge that Australia, when agreeing a newer international investment agreement, to the extent possible seek to terminate the original bilateral investment treaty and its survival clause.

Finding the familiar in the strange: transcultural learning as rihla رحلة at an Australian university

ABSTRACT Diverse university campuses present an ideal context for fostering transcultural learning. Despite the potential that this diversity presents, universities in Australia have yet to make use of this opportunity. The pilot study described here investigates an informal learning experience created by the hosting of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) funded Arab Film Festival Australia (AFFA) on an Australian university campus. By imagining and exploring new ways in which universities can encourage transcultural learning and bring students and academics together, this pilot project identified the potential of informal learning to facilitate transcultural understanding and challenge assumptions about Arab cultures. The strategic adoption of informal learning activities to immerse diverse members of the university community temporarily in Arab cultures and contexts via carefully curated film screenings and other related events show potential to facilitate transcultural learning on university campuses. We found that such strategies have the potential to deeply engage members of the university community in transcultural dialogue and learning with themselves and others.

Comments on First Draft of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), 4th Periodic Report for Ireland 2020

This submission relates to two key areas of the draft first report of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) on Ireland's 4th periodic report under the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR): (1) the domestic application of ICESCR in Ireland; (2) economic and social rights of persons seeking asylum (international protection) in Ireland.

Adoption of leucaena-based feeding systems in Sumbawa, eastern Indonesia and its impact on cattle productivity and farm profitability

Keynote paper presented at the International Leucaena Conference, 1‒3 November 2018, Brisbane, Queensland, Australia.Leucaena has been fed to cattle by the Balinese community in Sumbawa and West Sumbawa districts on Sumbawa Island since the 1980s. However, prior to 2011, this practice was not adopted by the local Sumbawanese farmers. Since then, a model leucaena-based cattle fattening system was developed in Sumbawa and West Sumbawa districts in a collaborative research project between the Assessment Institute for Agricultural Technology (BPTP), University of Mataram and The University of Queensland (UQ) funded by the Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research (ACIAR), followed by a scaling-out project involving collaboration between the University of Mataram and CSIRO (Applied Research and Innovation Systems in Agriculture - ARISA project) funded by DFAT (Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade) promoting public-private partnerships. Further promotion of leucaena-based fattening systems occurred in Dompu, Sumbawa, through a project with the University of Mataram and Massey University funded by the New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade (MFAT). By the end of October 2018, more than 2,500 farmers on Sumbawa Island were practicing leucaena-based cattle fattening. The main drivers of adoption of cattle fattening with leucaena were: (1) The high growth rates achieved (0.4–0.6 kg/d for bulls fed 100% leucaena and 0.66 kg/d when maize grain was added to the leucaena basal diet) compared with 0.16 kg/d for the traditional system, combined with high profitability; (2) the needs of farmers being met in terms of relevance and cultural appropriateness; (3) field extension staff being well trained and mentored, and respected by the farmers; (4) the local government being highly supportive of leucaena-based cattle fattening; and (5) additional benefits being increased dressing percentage and high carcass quality. The rapid increase in the use of leucaena for cattle fattening in eastern Indonesia is expected to have a significant positive impact on household incomes as well as on regional economic growth.

Domestic challenges and international leadership: a case study of women in Australian international affairs

ABSTRACTWomen in international affairs play powerful and influential roles in shaping laws and policies, negotiating on subjects of war, peace and security, and representing national interest. In Australia, women outnumber men at all levels of public service to executive level one. Yet, women remain under-represented in more senior ranks and appear to experience significant challenges gaining leadership in agencies involved in diplomacy and security. What are the gendered institutions at play in Australian international affairs? Using a comparative case study approach, this paper explores the experiences of senior executive level women leaders across the Australian Federal Government in four case agencies—the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT), Defence, Department of Home Affairs (DHA), and the Australian Federal Police (AFP). Women’s gendered challenges in international leadership are not surprising within a diplomatic history that has often restricted women’s roles based off the ‘appropriateness’ of sending women as envoys to nations of varying safety and respect for their status. What is surprising is that women report greater sexism, discrimination and harassment from within their own agencies, not from countries in which they are hosted. This has important ramifications globally on gaining and retaining women in international affairs leadership.

Collaborative approaches to government travel advisories in Australia between Australia’s travel industry leadership and the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, 2003–2017

The October 2002 Bali bombing was a catalyst for the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) to radically alter its approach to the content and dissemination of Australian government travel advisories. Integral to DFAT’s post-Bali strategy was its decision to seek the collaborative support of the Australian outbound travel industry leadership to broaden dissemination of travel advisories to outbound Australian travellers. Although initial contacts between DFAT and the Australian travel industry leaders in early 2003 were contentious, subsequent negotiations resulted in the world’s first signed agreement between a foreign ministry and a national travel industry leadership in June 2003. The initial agreement, the Charter for Safe Travel involved the Australian travel industry’s commitment to disseminate DFAT travel advisories in exchange for a viable consultative role in their content. Australia’s collaborative model was adopted in the UK from 2004, in Canada from 2005 and New Zealand since 2016. Globally, consultation between national travel industry leaders and national foreign ministries is rare, despite the support of the United Nations World Tourism Organization, the World Travel and Tourism Council and the Pacific Asia Travel Association. Through participant observation research, in the context of collaboration and stakeholder theories, this article discusses the evolution of a consultative relationship between DFAT and the Australian outbound travel industry leadership and other relevant stakeholders between 2003 and 2017. The observations made in this study reveal that collaborative consultation has achieved positive changes to travel advisories which feature regionally specific, timely and comprehensible content. These qualitative enhancements have been complemented by enhanced dissemination of Australian government travel advisories. Australia’s Consular Consultative Group serves as a working model for similar collaboration, in the interests of global tourism safety.

Gearing up for Trade—Evaluating Australia's Contribution to Trade Facilitation in South East Asia and the Pacific

Trade facilitation refers to the simplification and harmonisation of international trade procedures to assist the movement of goods. It is a key factor for international trade efficiency and the economic development of countries. It has gained world prominence and recognition under the World Trade Organization's (2015) Trade facilitation agreement. Trade facilitation obstacles are now considered bigger barriers to trade than tariffs and quotas. Developing countries are increasingly looking at trade facilitation measures to enhance administrative efficiency and effectiveness, reduce costs and time to markets, and increase predictability in global trade. But how is Australia positioned to assist countries with this transition? The Gearing up for trade evaluation assessed the effectiveness of Australia's support for trade facilitation in Asia and the Pacific, and examined whether the investments have assisted partner countries to better integrate with regional and global economies. The evaluation focussed on four major Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) trade facilitation investments and found that they have been effective in addressing capacity issues, encouraging pro-poor outcomes, and exemplify good global practice. To assist with future programming, the evaluation recommended some practical improvements to the DFAT program and investment managers in the use of integrated approaches, private sector engagement, gender equality and women's economic empowerment, and monitoring and evaluation.

Diversity and diplomacy

ABSTRACTDiplomats are the face of their country abroad. One way that a country can represent and benefit from its diversity is through the diversity of its diplomatic representatives. Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) has made a sustained effort to increase the diversity of its workforce and has improved the representation of some groups: for example, the increased number of women in senior positions in recent decades. A case study of DFAT’s Indigenous Recruitment and Career Development Strategy (2007–2015) identifies the following key factors needed for such efforts to succeed: sustained effort, high-level support, availability of peer support and a willingness to adapt programs over time. While there are challenges in implementing a diversity strategy, such as resource constraints and the broader organisational culture, the Indigenous Recruitment and Career Development Strategy provides a positive model of how to increase diversity among a country’s diplomats.

Global health diplomacy, national integration, and regional development through the monitoring and evaluation of HIV/AIDS programs in Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, and Samoa.

The South Pacific countries of Vanuatu, Samoa, and Papua New Guinea have ascended rapidly up the development spectrum in recent years, refining an independent and post-colonial economic and political identity that enhances their recognition on the world stage. All three countries have overcome economic, political and public health challenges in order to stake their claim to sovereignty. In this regard, the contributions of national and international programs for the diagnosis, treatment and prevention of HIV/AIDS, with specific reference to their monitoring and evaluation (M&E) aspects, have contributed not just to public health, but also to broader political and diplomatic goals such as 'nation-building'. This perspective describes the specific contributions of global health programs to the pursuit of national integration, development, and regional international relations, in Vanuatu, Samoa and Papua New Guinea, respectively, based on in-country M&E activities on behalf of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria and the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) during 2014 and 2015. Key findings include: (1) that global health programs contribute to non-health goals; (2) that HIV/AIDS programs promote international relations, decentralized development, and internal unity; (3) that arguments in favour of the maintenance and augmentation of global health funding may be enhanced on this basis; and (4) that "smart" global health approaches have been successful in South Pacific countries.

Partners review progress of Koshi Basin Programme at IGSNRR, Beijing, China on February 11–12, 2015

The Koshi Basin Programme (KBP) China National Review Workshop was successfully held on February 11–12, 2015 at the Institute of Geographic Sciences and Natural Resources Research (IGSNRR), Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS) in Beijing, China. The workshop was jointly organized by IGSNRR and the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD) with support from the Australian Government through the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT). The Department of Land Change Science and Bio-geography, IGSNRR (CAS) hosted this two-day workshop, which aimed to share collaborative activities, discuss the KBP’s progress to date, enhance the effectiveness of the programme through active participation of key stakeholders, take stock of science outcomes, and generate desirable impacts. Prof. Zhang Yili from the Department of Land Change Science and Bio-geography, IGSNRR (CAS) chaired the opening ceremony. Together with Prof. Liu Yi, Deputy Director of IGSNRR, Prof. Wu Ning from ICIMOD and Dr. Wang Zhengyu from CAS welcomed all the participants and extended their best wishes for a successful partnership between IGSNRR, CAS and ICIMOD. Over 40 participants from 15 institutions including IGSNRR, Institute of Mountain Hazards and Environment, Cold and Arid Regions Environmental and Engineering Research Institute, Peking University, National Natural Science Foundation of China, Yunnan Institute of Environmental Sciences, World Wide Fund for Nature China, Monsoon Asia Integrated Regions Studies, China Dialogue and others attended the workshop. During the two-day workshop, participants discussed some key issues in the Koshi River basin. They shared their knowledge and ideas on topics like ecosystem services, water induced hazards, livelihood promotion, GLOF, climate change, land use and land cover change (LULCC), and soil erosion. Participants were later divided into three thematic groups to revisit the impact pathway: disaster risk reduction (DRR), LULCC and erosion, and ecosystem services and livelihood. The discussions were very fruitful in terms of identifying who would use the scientific outcomes, how those outcomes could lead to pragmatic solutions, and how research could inform policy for collective impact. Further, the meeting outlined future work plans for the collaborative projects between ICIMOD and IGSNRR. The workshop successfully met its expected outcomes. It helped improve knowledge of water management issues, DRR, LULCC, and livelihood promotion in the Koshi River basin. The impact pathway was updated to enhance understanding of the science-policy nexus. The workshop not only generated important scientific knowledge but also provided an opportunity for current and potential partners to share their research progress, challenges and experiences related to issues in the Koshi River basin. (More information about the KBP is available at: www.icimod.org/kbp) (Basanta PAUDEL and Rongkun LIU)

Company–Community Agreements, Gender and Development

Company–community agreements are widely considered to be a practical mechanism for recognising the rights, needs and priorities of peoples impacted by mining, for managing impacts and ensuring that mining-derived benefits are shared. The use and application of company–community agreements is increasing globally. Notwithstanding the utility of these agreements, the gender dimensions of agreement processes in mining have rarely been studied. Prior research on women and mining demonstrates that women are often more adversely impacted by mining than men, and face greater challenges in accessing development opportunities that mining can bring. Nonetheless, there is currently little guidance for companies, government or communities in bringing a gender perspective to the fore in mining and agreement processes. It is undisputed in human development literature that investment in women and sensitivity to gender delivers long-term health, education and local development outcomes. In mining and development, a number of key factors remain unexplored. These include: women’s participation in agreement processes, the gendered distribution of agreement benefits, and the extent to which impacts and benefits influence women’s development and economic inclusion. This paper presents the results of the first phase of an applied research project undertaken by the Centre for Social Responsibility in Mining (CSRM) at The University of Queensland and funded by the Minerals Council of Australia (MCA) and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT). The project sought to connect with experienced practitioners who had been directly involved in mining and agreement processes to document and analyse grounded perspectives on gender dynamics and agreements, and connect those experiences with the broader literature. Findings from this study have implications for the role of mining companies and governments in promoting gender equality and empowerment as part of their commitments to sustainable development. They also have implications for community groups and their representatives in terms of how they might engage in agreement processes to maximise women’s participation and influence. In many social contexts, a key challenge will be navigating the territory of cultural norms and gender equality, particularly in cultures where women’s influence in the public sphere is not strong. The authors argue that without consideration of a gender perspective, including gender’s intersection with other factors such as class, race, poverty level, ethnic group and age, mining agreements will not be inclusive, may exacerbate gender inequalities, and fail to contribute to long-term sustainable development.

Sports diplomacy in the Australian context: A case study of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade

For a county with a small population, a remote location and an awkward colonial past, Australia has a remarkable record of success in international sport, so much so that sport is often considered a ‘religion’ in the ‘Lucky Country’. If diplomacy is the business of representation, it would be expected that sport features prominently in Australia’s diplomacy. However, sport oddly languishes under the banner of Public Diplomacy (PD) and is overseen by an unloved, under-resourced and under-represented Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT). To exploit the type of vertical, horizontal and plural channels and networks diplomacy can offer in the 21st century, DFAT must remove sport from under the PD banner. Sports diplomacy must be funded by DFAT appropriately and developed to truly represent the place of sport in Australia’s history, culture and society.

A diplomatic advantage? The effects of bilingualism and formal language training on language aptitude amongst Australian diplomatic officers

This study sought to contribute to the growing literature on third and subsequent language learning by establishing whether bilingualism has an effect on ability to learn a subsequent language, as indicated by a measure of language aptitude, the Defense Language Aptitude Battery (DLAB). Test results were obtained for 142 diplomatic officers in the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT). The officers’ language biographies were elicited using an online questionnaire and were used to classify them as monolingual or bilingual, and with or without experience of formal language training. Results showed that bilinguals performed better on the aptitude test than monolinguals, as did those with prior formal training. This suggests that bilinguals’ metalinguistic awareness, and likelihood of success in subsequent language learning, is higher than that of monolinguals, at least as measured by the DLAB.

Australia´s Peacekeeping Role in the Post‑Cold War Era

Introduction In the post-COLD WAR era, has become an important feature of international politics. This is set out under Chapter VII of the United Nations (UN) Charter, which states that intervening forces are authorized to use all necessary means to achieve the objectives of peace and security in a particular situation. During the Cold War, peacekeeping had mostly been based on Chapter VI of the UN Charter. Peacekeeping forces played a role in implementing agreements between parties that had previously been in conflict. With variations depending on specific circumstances, expanded peacekeeping has been the basis for interventions in northern Iraq in support of the Kurds (1991), Bosnia (1992-95), Somalia (1992-95), Haiti (1994-97), Rwanda (1994-96), East Timor (1999-2002), and Sierra Leone (since 1999). The United Nations Security Council authorized intervention but the UN would not necessarily organize the intervening force. There was sometimes resort to coalitions of the willing to provide the necessary forces for expanded peacekeeping. The Kosovo intervention of 1999 was not specifically authorized by the UN Security Council, but was conducted under the auspices of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Against the background of these changes occurring in relation to peacekeeping at the global level, we can ask what position Australian governments have taken on this issue. Australia has played a significant role in relation to a number of peacekeeping operations in the post-Cold War era. What has been the political rationale for Australian involvement? What political influences, domestic and international, have shaped the policies of Australian governments? In practice, what have been the main motivations for the various Australian peacekeeping operations? What political impact have Australian interventions had compared with the initial rationales? While recent assessments of Australia's peacekeeping role have rightly focused on the East Timor intervention, this article reviews the whole post-Cold War era. It deals primarily with the broader political context rather than giving attention to the many operational issues that have been of particular concern to Australian defence planners. The argument presented is that Australian involvement in peacekeeping has been primarily the outcome of perceptions of national interest held by key decision-makers. However, those perceptions have been tempered by moral considerations. This was more explicitly the case under the Labor government before 1996, but has not been absent under the conservative Coalition government since 1996. Beginning under Labor, and becoming even more pronounced under the Coalition, there was a trend towards concentrating Australian peacekeeping efforts in its immediate region. Apart from a public perception that Australia should be contributing to the resolution of major international huma nitarian crises, the most significant influences on Australian policy emanate from the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) and the Department of Defence. Within this context, the relevant ministers usually also have a strong impact. If a major crisis with peacekeeping implications arises then a wider range of ministers will be involved, and public pressure can also be a major factor. At the international level, the relationship with allies, particularly the United States, and regional states can be an influence. The United States has an expectation that Australia will play a leading role in dealing with issues in maritime Southeast Asia and the Pacific islands. At the same time, Australia wishes to proceed in such a way that it maintains co-operative relationships, as much as possible, with the governments in those regions. The United Nations itself frequently looks to Australia as a reliable contributor when a peacekeeping operation is being mounted. …

Australia's Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the challenges of globalisation

This article critically examines the argument that the forces of globalisation will see the end of the foreign ministry in the context of Australia's Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT). It suggests that globalisation is affecting the subject matter of foreign policy-making through four processes: diffusion, enmeshment, contradiction, and transformation. It then looks at three prominent challenges these processes have made to the work of DFAT: politicisation; the volume and contestation of information; and resource-cutting. It concludes that rather than being eroded by globalisation, DFAT has been forced to play a more assertive and diversified role, and that it has responded to these challenges in a highly creative way.

Technocratic Discourse: A Primer

This article describes the linguistic and semantic features of technocratic discourse using a Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) framework. The article goes further to assert that the function of technocratic discourse in public policy is to advocate and promulgate a highly contentious political and economic agenda under the guise of scientific objectivity and political impartiality. We provide strong evidence to support the linguistic description, and the claims of political advocacy, by analyzing a 900-word document about globalization produced by the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT).

The Australia–Japan Partnership in the Asia‑Pacific: From Economic Diplomacy to Security Co‑operation?

Australia and Japan have been acclaimed as taking joint initiatives in establishing regional economic institutions such as the Pacific Economic Co-operation Council and the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation forum. This article seeks to establish why both countries have been able to forge a partnership in an Asia-Pacific economic community. The article identifies three elements of the partnership in institution-building: shared interests in building institutions of regional economic cooperation; power complementarity between the two countries compensating for their respective diplomatic shortcomings; and a corps of influential policy personnel working for regional economic co-operation. The article then looks at the partnership moving towards defence and security co-operation. Introduction Australia--Japan relations have developed to the extent that they have evolved into a partnership in the Asia-Pacific region based on shared interests and common identity, as Prime Minister John Howard declared during his visit to Japan in September 1996. Significant achievements of the partnership have been the joint initiatives in creating regional economic institutions, such as the Pacific Economic Co-operation Council (PECC) in 1980 and the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) forum in 1989. Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser said of such endeavours by the two countries: APEC[ldots]is a creation of a great deal of painstaking effort and diplomacy over about 20 years. The move for such an organization has been driven by politicians in Japan and Australia, by the business community in both countries and also by linkages between universities. [1] After resolving 'bilateral trade disputes over beef and sugar in the 1970s, Japan and Australia worked together in organizing the Pacific Community Seminar at the Australian National University (ANU) in Canberra in September 1980, an event which is now regarded as the first PECC meeting. This was the earliest example of the success of the Australia--Japan partnership in contributing to the Asia-Pacific region at the governmental level. Yuichiro Nagatomi, Prime Minister Masayoshi Ohira's chief policy assistant, attributed the success of the seminar partly to three strong and long-established ties among Australian and Japanese leaders: Ohira and Foreign Minister Saburo Okita, Okita and seminar chairman John Crawford, and Crawford and Prime Minister Fraser. [2] The origins of the PECC can be traced to Ohira's Pacific Basin Co-operation Concept, and the idea of setting up a nongovernmental seminar stemmed from an agreement between Fraser and Ohira in Canberra, in January 1980. The Australian and Japanese sides p roceeded with frequent consultations and co-ordination at both governmental and academic levels, culminating in the ANU's successful organization of the seminar. Both countries were also co-operatively engaged in developing the APEC initiative which Australian Prime Minister Bob Hawke announced in Seoul in January 1989. The actual creation and the circumstances of the announcement of the initiative were at the instigation of Hawke and his advisers in the Prime Minister's office, but the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) came to play a major role in developing and promoting the idea after the Hawke announcement. Japan's Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) had floated a proposal for economic ministers' regional meetings in mid-1988 and the DFAT expressed strong interest in the idea, which urged co-ordination between the two countries. A MITI delegation visited the regional countries to sound-out reactions for its proposal and Hawke's initiative in March 1989, which laid the groundwork for the Hawke proposal's relatively easy acceptance when an Australian delegation later visited the regional countries in April--May 1989. Although MITI's p roposal was eventually subsumed into the Hawke initiative, MITI took the position that the establishment of APEC amounted to success of its own proposal. …