Process Of Democratic Transition Research Articles

El lento y tardío desarrollo de la ciencia política en América Latina, 1966-2006

The weaknesses and gaps that the discipline of political science maintains to this day in Latin America cannot be explained without taking into account its checkered history as a consequence of the coups d'état that prevented the consolidation of democratic states, the repression of military regimes in universities and economic backwardness. The damage that authoritarianism produced in political science was considerably greater than that suffered by the other social sciences, because its object of study is directly related to democracy. Only with the arrival of the democratic transition processes did the development of the discipline have a significant boost, but only regional cooperation will be able to offer answers to Latin America.

Political party assistance in transition: the German ‘Stiftungen’ in sub-Saharan Africa

Despite the fact that the German Stiftungen (political foundations) were the first international institutions to work in the field of political party development, their party assistance has been neglected in political party research for a long time. Remarkably little is known about the approaches, strategies and results of their activities. This contribution explores the role of the Stiftungen and their party assistance approaches in the various stages of the democratization process. It explicitly traces the self-declared ambitions of the German Stiftungen, and it explores the extent to which their party assistance activities take account of the various stages of the democratic transition process and of the level of party institutionalization, or simply follow abstract, generalized and preconceived ideas. The study develops a ‘phase model of party assistance’ in the transition process and examines the party assistance activities in two illustrative cases – the Friedrich-Ebert Stiftung (FES) in Kenya and in South Africa – in seven dimensions of party institutionalization: (1) level of organization, (2) internal party democracy, (3) political programme, (4) autonomy, (5) roots in society, (6) coherence, and (7) regional and international integration.

Does democracy need sovereignty?

AbstractNon-state entities that aspire to statehood are increasingly developing democratic norms and practices, in part to enhance their claims for independence. However, the prospects for democracy in cases of ‘problematic sovereignty’ are little understood. This article seeks to explore the important but under-explored relationship between sovereignty and democracy, and in particular to assess the extent to which sovereignty is, or is not, a prerequisite for democracy. The article advances two arguments. First, it argues that there is no clear-cut relationship between sovereignty and democracy, as sovereignty is a complex concept that is comprised of several important, and distinct, constituent elements. Second, the article argues that the legal recognition of statehood (international legal sovereignty) is of marginal importance in this area, and should not be seen as a necessary condition for democratic rule. The article examines the process of democratic transition in the non-state entity of Somaliland to provide empirical support.

El movimiento zapatista y sus impactos en la transición democrática y en la conformación de una nueva cultura política democrática en los Indígenas

El presente texto aborda algunos aspectos relevantes del movimiento zapatista analizado ensus dos principales vertientes. Por un lado, en su vertiente externa se aborda el impacto que dicho actorcolectivo ha tenido en el proceso de transición democrática del estado mexicano afirmándose que desdesu emergencia pública en 1994 el zapatismo ha sido un factor importante para entender los cambiospolíticos que ha experimentado el régimen con acciones como la Marcha del color de la tierra del 2001 y su capacidad para introducir temas en la agenda política nacional que fueron discutidos por los órganosencargados de tomar las decisiones. Por el otro lado, en su vertiente interna se intenta un análisis delimpacto que las acciones del movimiento han tenido en la participación política de los indígenas basesde apoyo y en las tendencias para la conformación de una cultura política democrática que se materializa en las nuevas estructuras políticas como los Municipios Autónomos Rebeldes Zapatistas y las Juntas de Buen Gobierno. El telón de fondo del artículo es la discusión sobre la democracia que atraviesa las dosvertientes y que tiene como sustento la idea y práctica zapatista del mandar obedeciendo como base de suconcepción de “otra forma de hacer política”.

Reconstructing the Role of the Working Class in Communist and Postcommunist Romania

This article examines the position of the industrial working class in Romania before 1989, its role in the overthrow of the communist regime during the December 1989 revolution, and its status during the postcommunist transition to democracy after 1989. The subordination of labor interests by both communist and postcommunist regimes to ideologies that underestimated the issue of class differentiation is emphasized throughout the paper. This analysis is undertaken at two levels, namely, the rewriting of the history of communism after 1989 and the obstacles encountered during the process of democratic transition. The later aspect refers to the problematic relationship between the intellectuals and the working class and labor's lack of involvement in shaping the post-1989 economic and political reforms. The argument that I pursue is that many of the setbacks experienced during the democratization process are partly rooted in the status of labor as an important absentee from the discourse and agenda of both incumbent governments and intellectual elites. It has been a significant factor in pushing the working class towards an illiberal right-wing politics and ideologies of a populist, xenophobic, and anti-intellectual nature.

TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE: A FUTURE TRUTH COMMISSION FOR ZIMBABWE?

AbstractAn eventual sustained democratic transition process in Zimbabwe may include a ‘truth and reconciliation’ commission. The need for—and possible form of—any such institution is situated in a number of discussions: the balance of principle and pragmatism that peace deals sometimes require; comparative experiences in other societies and the promise and limits of institutional modelling; the dynamic between global expectations or prescriptions and ground-level exigencies; the interface of international criminal law and institutions with national-level justice processes; the content of the State's international legal duty to afford a remedy. In considering the extent of an international normative framework limiting the justice options of transitional States, a certain margin of appreciation may be appropriate or necessary to enable a society to reconcile with its violent past on its own terms.

Having it both ways: balancing market and political interests at a South African daily newspaper

The process of democratic transition in South Africa has brought many changes to the national political economic context within which media companies operate. These changes have also brought challenges for South African media companies to reposition themselves ideologically, with their political-economic interests in mind. Coinciding with these local challenges to the South African media's ideological positioning and economic strategising was the re-entry of the South African media into the global arena. Heightened levels of competition and the accelerated influx of foreign content have increased the imperative for local media groups to adjust their strategies. Local media companies have implemented several strategies, including restructuring, globalisation and commercialisation, in response to these challenges. The implications of these macro-shifts can also be noticed on the level of specific individual media outlets. This article examines such a repositioning at the Western Cape-based Afrikaans daily newspaper Die Burger. A mouthpiece of the Nationalist government during the apartheid era, Die Burger had to fundamentally shift its ideological positioning to fall into step with the values of a newly democratic society. This was done by distancing itself from its former political position, and instead embracing a supposedly apolitical market ideology. The shift towards a market-led perspective can be seen most clearly in a management strategy known as ‘synergy’, a practice raising questions regarding orthodox journalistic ideals such as editorial independence, and democratic ideals such as equal access to the mediated public sphere. This article aims to establish the manifestation, nature and influence of synergy at Die Burger and its implications from the perspective of critical political economy.

Varieties of Semi-Presidentialism and Their Impact on Nascent Democracies

Semi-presidentialism is the situation where the constitution identifies both a directly elected president and a prime minister responsible to the legislature. There are now some sixty countries in the world with a semi-presidential constitution. However, the academic wisdom is resolutely opposed to the adoption of semi-presidentialism and nascent democracies are advised to avoid this form of government. This essay examines the performance of semi-presidentialism. Particular attention is paid to the effect of various forms of semi-presidentialism. Different forms of semi-presidentialism are expected to have different effects. To this end, all the countries with a semi-presidential constitution that have embarked on the process of democratic transition are identified. To what extent was semi-presidentialism a factor in the cases when the transition process was successful? When the transition process failed, to what extent was semi-presidentialism responsible for this failure? What was the effect of different forms of semi-presidentialism on the process of democratization? The findings suggest that there is inconclusive evidence to document some of the major problems commonly associated with semi-presidentialism. The performance of semi-presidentialism seems strongly influenced by noninstitutional factors. However, there is a difference between the performance of the two main types of semi-presidentialism that are identified. Overall, the findings do not provide grounds to recommend for or against the adoption of semi-presidentialism as opposed to parliamentarism or presidentialism, but if constitution-makers decide to adopt a semi-presidential constitution, then the findings suggest that they should adopt a premier-presidential form of semi-presidentialism.

Democratization and Alliance Policy: A Comparison of Taiwan and the Philippines

Abstract This article explains the alignment policies of Taiwan and the Philippines vis-a-vis the United States since these Asian countries made their democratic transitions. While Manila turned away from Washington by abruptly ending the U.S. military presence there in 1991, Taipei made efforts to reinforce its security relationship with Washington. These opposing diplomatic approaches are explained by highlighting the distinct political transition processes and security environments of these two new democracies. The paper argues that Manila distanced itself from Washington largely because (a) democratic elites there rose to power swiftly by overthrowing an authoritarian regime and (b) the government's main adversary apparently shared its national identity and possessed weak military strength. In contrast, Taiwan turned to the United States in important aspects because (a) old elites in Taipei could control the process of democratic transition and (b) Taiwan's new democratic elites viewed the Chinese mai...

Perdebatan Teori Transisi Demokrasi

This paper discusses the debate on the theories of democratic transition that has been going on since the 1960s. Democratic thoughts area always related to a context of change in a society. The theories of democratic transition had come to be debated again when the communist block countries and Russia changed their ideology and entered a democratic transition process. This debate provide a reference point and comparative framework that can be employed to evaluate socio-political changes in other countries that are experiencing similar democratic transition process and all of the consequences and challenges it poses.

Civil society and democratization: the Cameroonian experience

This paper attempts to identify a new orientation for civil society in a Cameroon dangling on the eaves of democratic transition. It points to civil society's current deficiencies in its efforts to assert itself successfully as an important and central player in effecting political and social change. This is blamed on government's unwillingness to introduce genuine democratic reforms because anti-democratic forces remain strong and on the lack of political organization and effective mobilization of civil society movements themselves, due in part to parochialism expressed in the form of ethnicism and regionalism. It outlines the potential of civil society by drawing inspiration from the activities of some civil society organizations like the Church and concludes that an integration of traditional social structures such as kinship associations and a revamping of the objectives of civil society could constitute a springboard for popular participation. This could usher in a sustainable democratic transition process in Cameroon. African Journal of Social Work Vol.18(2) 2003: 133-148

Parliamentary power in Russia, 1994-2001: president vs. parliament

Theoretical Modes of Neo-Institutionalism and the Problem of the Russian Case Constitutional Powers of the Russian Presidency and Parliament: The 1993 Russian Constitution Powers Inherent in the Structural Design of the Russian Presidency and Parliament Actual Legislative Powers of the Russian President and Parliament: Parliamentary Laws versus Presidential Decrees Vetoing and Overriding Vetoes on Legislation in Russia Actual Non-legislative Powers of the Russian President and Parliament: Cabinet Formation and Dismissal Budgetary Powers: The Power Struggle between the Executive and Legislature Conclusions: Parliamentary Power and the Democratic Transition and Consolidation Process in Russia Postscript: Parliamentary Power in Russia from May 1999 to January 2001 Bibliography List of Interviews Index

2003 Call for Papers

The 2003 meetings mark the centenary of APSA. The century in which Political Science developed as an academic discipline witnessed major transformations in technology, warfare, the economy, and national and international forms of governance. The spread of democracy and the elaboration and defense of individual rights were at the forefront of political changes at the national and international levels. The 2003 theme considers the causes and the significance of these transformations, and it assesses the diverse ways that American political science has approached the study of democracy and justice over its hundred-year history. Among the topics we consider are: What conditions promote democratic reform? How has the understanding and practice of democracy changed over the course of the century? How do we define justice in the modern world? How are democracy and justice related? How do considerations of democracy and justice influence the process of democratic transition? In what ways are the concepts of democracy and justice meaningful at the international level? We especially welcome papers and panels that examine these questions through comparisons over time and across countries or that explore critical periods in the intellectual understandings and practice of democracy and justice.

The politics of elite transformation: the consolidation of Greek democracy in theoretical perspective

Preface From Transition to Democracy: Greece in Theoretical Perspective Political Instability and Breakdown,1909-1967 Models of Democratic Transition and Consolidation Processes: Greece in Comparative Perspective Contagion From the Right: Conservative Moderation in Greece Contagion From the Left: The Moderation of the Greek Communists Taming the Green Guard: The Moderation of the Panhellenic Socialist Movement Do Attitudes Matter? Moderation of the Greek Military Achieving the Golden Mean: The Complex Dynamics of Elite Consensual Unity

Russian nationalism and Moscow’s violations of human rights in the Second Chechen War

The use of nationalist discourse in the second Chechen War and the Russian violations of human rights have reconfigured Russian politics along a more nationalist direction. Certainly, this is a setback to Russia’s democratic transition process, which has been already complicated by pragmatic politicians seeking to maximize their power and wealth at the expense of masses.

5 - La conférence nationale souveraine et la démocratisation au Togo du point de vue de la société civile

The aim of this article is to analyse the process of democratic transition instituted by the Sovereign National Conference (SNC) in Togo, from the standpoint of the notion of civil society. In Togo, despite the authoritarian regime instituted by General Eyadema has remained in power since 1967, the Togolese had lived a period of hope when there had a beginning of democratic transition initiated by the SNC. The SNC is the result of the maturity of citizens associations, which had opened positive perspectives for the future of politics in this country. This conference has been of great importance in the political history of Africa.This study proposes to analyse the démocratisation process in Togo from the standpoint of the SNC. But it also aims at thinking of the démocratisation of other African countries, especially those who have organised a SNC, and studying the relationship between African policy and the notion of civil society.

Legislative politics in the Arab world: the resurgence of democratic institutions

The authors present a comparative analysis of modern Arab legislatures. They highlight the contribution of legislatures to the process of democratic transition throughout the Arab world and provide a detailed analysis of six case studies, including Egypt, Morocco, Jordan and Lebanon.

Environmental protection and the Hungarian transition

Drawing upon the agenda-building literature, I examine how and why the issue of environmental protection came to be on the political agenda in Hungary, in both the Communist and post-Communist regimes. If we assume that regime type matters, there should be differences with regard to how and why the environment was placed on the institutional (formal) agenda in the Communist and post-Communist governments. The agenda-setting literature is, however, based on stable political systems rather than systems in transition. Thus, the agenda-building process in the two regime types may not be as different as expected. This leads to the second research question: How does the democratic transition process impact agenda-building processes in the environmental issue area?

Explaining and Modeling Democratic Transitions

The goal of this issue is to initiate the process of systematically formalizing the essential arguments on democratic transitions and testing their implications. A powerful way to organize and expand our knowledge mathematical modeling in this issue provides insights into the dynamics of the democratic transition process by revealing unexpected conditions and generating testable hypotheses. The empirically supported regularities can be then used to ease the transition from autocratic to democratic regimes increasing the well-being of the population and reducing the probability of international conflict and global war. (excerpt)

THE SPREAD OF POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN CONGO-BRAZZAVILLE

The Republic of Congo has witnessed two recent waves of major violence, in 1993–4 and in 1997. Party militias fought one another in the streets of Brazzaville, causing massive loss of life and widespread damage. This article briefly recounts the history of this violence and analyses the activities and social origins of the militiamen. The process of democratic transition of the early 1990s had a marked effect in disseminating the use of political violence throughout a large section of society, notably among young people frustrated in their expectations of social and economic advancement.