Taiwan's Democratization Research Articles

Towards a Communist Armed Conflict Indigenous Settlement Framework: Revisiting Vietnam, Singapore, and Taiwan Experience

Armed conflicts between governments and indigenous inhabitants in Singapore, Taiwan, and Vietnam have deep roots in historical tensions and the marginalization of minority groups. This qualitative study explores these factors and evaluates government strategies for conflict resolution, focusing on disparities in settlement, education, employment, and community engagement. Government actions such as military operations, peacebuilding, and comprehensive programs were analyzed. Singapore's strategies, including community engagement and socio-economic development, fostered stability and inclusivity. Taiwan's reconciliation efforts, including apologies and democratization, reduced conflict and promoted indigenous rights. Vietnam's initiatives for ethnic minority development underscored its commitment to peace through inclusive approaches. Historical contexts in these countries, marked by ethnic tensions, colonial legacies, and ideological divisions, shaped significant violence and social divisions, necessitating robust security measures and reconciliation efforts. Lessons learned emphasize diplomacy, international cooperation, and socio-economic integration for lasting peace. Governments must prioritize dialogue, inclusive policies, and sustainable development supported by international partnerships. Effective conflict resolution integrates socioeconomic development and reconciliation efforts, crucial for building resilient societies and fostering peace among Indigenous populations.

From “Unification” To “Independence”: The Change of Taiwan’s Authorities’ Positioning on Cross-Strait Relations under The Rise of Emerging Middle Class

After the Chinese Civil War, Taiwan went through a process of profound structural change in its economy towards industrialization, which was most characterized by the growing power of the middle class under an industrialized society, a power that in turn acted on Taiwanese society and pushed forward the process of democratization in Taiwan. Contrary to the booming economy of Taiwan, the international status of the region has been in tatters. After the Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations, the Taiwan authorities have completely lost the international recognition of representing the whole of China, and the legitimacy of the martial law rule based on this has been gradually eroded. With the authoritarian rule in danger, the society of Taiwan is in urgent need of reforms. The emergence of a large and self-centered middle class became an important stimulus for Taiwan's democratic transition, and the 1980s saw the rise of social movements in Taiwan, with the idea of "Taiwan's independence" being raised more and more frequently in the course of exchanges with the Kuomintang (KMT) authorities. This paper will use stimulus-response theory to examine how the stimulus of the rise of the emerging middle class has affected the evolution of the Taiwan authorities' positioning of cross-strait relations from "unification" to "independence", and finally draw the conclusions of this paper.

Mnemonic Politics around the Japanese Colonial Era in Post–Cold War Taiwan: Wei Te-sheng's Colonial Trilogy and Post–New Cinema

This article examines mnemonic politics after 1987’s democratization in Taiwan by discussing the cinematic representation of colonial memory, mainly focusing on Wei Te‐Sheng's films set in the Japanese colonial era. After the end of martial law in 1987, prohibited issues such as Japanese colonialism and Indigenous Taiwanese in the representational sphere began to appear on the screen. Therefore, the colonial memory that emerged on screen entangles with Cold War politics and the postcolonial geopolitical situation. In Wei's films, he links heroic Indigenous people in the history of Taiwan with the archetypical land. The suffering of those who are tightly bound to the land inspires a sense of deprived sovereignty—that is, occupation. The sense of occupation indicates the long history of colonial Taiwan, from the time of the Netherlands and Spain, via the Qing Dynasty and Japan, to the KMT government. Wei's films reclaim Taiwanese history from the perspective of the Indigenous people who lived in Taiwan before 1945 rather than that of the occupiers. Regardless of the memory of resistance, surrender, victory, or defeat, Wei's films, however, romanticize the memory of the Japanese colonial era. In doing so, his films denounce the time of KMT “occupiers” in the postcolonial era and reinforce Taiwanese nationalism against Chinese nationalism. Through textual analysis of Wei's films and comparison with other films provoking colonial memory, this article investigates how colonial memories are negotiated in the post–Cold War Taiwanese cinema to reformulate the contentious idea of “nation” and “nationalism” in Taiwan.

Applied Analysis of U.S.-China Strategic Competition in the UN System 2017-2022

The subject of the study is the current role, approaches and activities of the U.S. and China in the UN system in the period 2017-2022. To conduct the study, authors used an applied analysis of the positions of China and the United States in the UN Specialized Agencies, the budgetary allocations of states to the organization, as well as the reactions of the United States and China and their allies to issues related to human rights and democracy in Taiwan, Hong Kong and the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. The main conclusions of the study, which authors come to, are that the strategic rivalry between the U.S. and China will continue to intensify during the Biden administration. The Biden administration's approach to competition and cooperation with China will also be characterized by the U.S. national interest. After the COVID-19 pandemic, new debates and conflicts over values, systems and ideologies emerged, changing the strategic competition between the United States and China from "US vs. China" to "free camp countries vs. China," which is more favorable to the US. J. Biden, a Democrat with a great career in Congress will move the debate about "values," "system," and the "ideology" of human rights and democracy to new areas of competition in the strategic competition between the U.S. and China.

Роль Конгресса США в разработке и осуществлении политики “стратегической неопределенности” в Тайваньском проливе

The article considers the evolution of the U.S. political strategy in relation to the Taiwan problem. For several decades, the American approach has been marked by “strategic ambiguity”, but recently there have been signs of more unequivocal support for Taiwan. The question of whether the era of “strategic ambiguity” can be considered to be over is resolved by the author using an analysis of changes in the American foreign policy mechanism. It is noted that the U.S. Congress, starting from the period of D. Trump’s presidency, not only performs its traditional functions of defending democratic Taiwan from encroachments by the PRC, but also neutralizes the most radical initiatives of the executive branch aimed at the transition to “strategic clarity” in relations with China and Taiwan. This indicates the desire of some legislators to delay the elimination of “strategic ambiguity” that is beneficial for the United States, but the steps already taken by the U.S. government make abandoning it almost inevitable. Political polarization in the United States is an additional and increasingly significant factor influencing the development of a strategy towards Taiwan. The desire of congressmen and senators to attract the sympathy of more radical voters is leading to a revision of the approaches that have developed over the decades since 1979. Maintaining the status quo in the Taiwan Strait is no longer considered unconditionally good, because, according to the new bipartisan consensus in the U.S., that status quo has already disrupted due to China’s rising military power and political ambitions. In such an environment, even American politicians who were previously not prone to provocative behavior, including those representing the Democratic Party, are starting to aggravate the game, while the influence of moderate forces is weakening: the U.S. executive and legislative branches of government are literally racing to demonstrate their readiness to give a tough rebuff to China in the Taiwan Strait. Thus, the internal political split in the United States contributes to further deterioration of the American-Chinese relations, therefore, the mechanism for balancing the U.S. relations with China and Taiwan that has developed over decades can no longer work with the same efficiency.

The “One China” Framework at 50 (1972–2022): The Myth of “Consensus” and Its Evolving Policy Significance

AbstractThis lead article surveys the history and evolving policy legacies of the “one China” framework 50 years after US President Richard Nixon's historic 1972 visit to China. It begins by introducing key concepts and highlighting the crucial difference between Beijing's self-defined “one-China principle” and the US's, Japan's and key other countries’ variable “one China” policies as it relates to Taiwan. It argues that three seminal 1970s developments consolidated the “one China” framework as an informal institution of international politics. The ambiguity baked in by Cold War-era geopolitical necessity provided flexibility sufficient to enable diplomatic breakthroughs between erstwhile adversaries, but also planted seeds for deepening contestation and frictions today. Recent developments – especially Taiwan's democratization and Beijing's increasingly bold and proactive assertion of its claim to sovereignty over Taiwan – have transformed incentive structures in Taipei and for its major international partners. The net effect is that the myth of “consensus” and the ambiguities enabling the framework's half-century of success face unprecedented challenges today.

Konflik Ekonomi Amerika Serikat-China Setelah Perang Dagang

The Research entitled: After the Trade War, Could the US-China Economic Conflict Will Continue? This is research with a descriptive qualitative approach. research that aims to understand the phenomena experienced by research subjects. This study aims to analyze the influence of the United States-China conflict as a result of Nanci Pelosi's visit to the economic relations of the two countries after the trade war conflict when the United States was led by President Trump in 2018. The study was conducted from 1 to 31 August 2022. Data collection techniques were conducted through studies literature related to research, including journals, news in newspapers, and others. The opportunity for the United States-China economic conflict is just a matter of time. One of them is through China's efforts to "reunify" Taiwan, as President Xi discoursed in 2021 by saying that reunification is a historical mandate and must be fulfilled. China has a military that is superior to Taiwan because, in addition to carrying out contingency actions against Taiwan, it also to faces the United States military in the Indo-Pacific. The United States will seek to support politically, militarily, and economically democratic Taiwan. Economic support is carried out through economic sanctions, such as those imposed by the United States on Russia or during a trade war conflict with China.

Christian Social Activism and Rule of Law in Chinese Societies, edited by Fenggang Yang and Chris White.

<i>Christian Social Activism and Rule of Law in Chinese Societies</i>, edited by Fenggang Yang and Chris White.

The U.S.-Japan Alliance and Taiwan

executive summary: This article analyzes the historical evolution of Japan's positions, posture, and policies relevant to a possible conflict across the Taiwan Strait, including the potential roles of the U.S.-Japan security alliance and Japan's Self-Defense Forces. main argument In April 2021, Japan's then prime minister Yoshihide Suga and U.S. president Joe Biden made global headlines when they jointly "underscored the importance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait and encouraged the peaceful resolution of cross-Strait issues"—the first such reference in a summit-level statement since 1969. This statement catalyzed a striking degree of public discussion in Japan and expressions of concern about cross-strait stability from Japanese leaders. It also elicited widespread, though often misleading or inaccurate, assertions overseas that Japan's position vis-à-vis a "Taiwan contingency" had abruptly or radically transformed. Especially given the proximity of Japan (and U.S. military bases in Japan) to Taiwan, soberly appreciating the complexity and incremental evolution of Japan's nuanced and intentionally ambiguous positions and policies, as well as its unique domestic constraints, is critical. Doing so is especially crucial for policymakers to accurately assess the status quo, manage expectations within and beyond the alliance, and ensure sound decision-making as the cross-strait deterrence challenge seems all but certain to deepen in the years ahead. policy implications •Japan's decades-old, intentionally ambiguous official posture toward a possible Taiwan Strait contingency has not radically changed. Any action Japan would take in a possible crisis will depend on top-level political judgments about the particular contingency's nature, how it began, how Taipei and Washington have responded, and the perceived threat to Japan itself. • Ambiguity—by design—should not be misunderstood as apathy or ambivalence in Tokyo about democratic Taiwan's future or cross-strait peace and stability. Recent developments suggest a new sense of urgency and openness to deepen contingency and bilateral planning with Washington to enhance deterrence and to prepare options if deterrence fails. Though not originally motivated by a possible Taiwan contingency, Japan's national security and alliance reforms over the past decade have expanded the options for allied cooperation and Japan's potential role(s) in the event one occurs. • Important constraints on Japan are still apparent. It remains an open question how—and how quickly—Japan's leaders could respond to use of force by China against Taiwan and what consequences any indecision could have on Japan's and the alliance's response or how a conflict plays out.

Will People Evicted Today Evict the Government Tomorrow? Land Development and Votes after the Democratization of Taiwan, 1993–2015

Will People Evicted Today Evict the Government Tomorrow? Land Development and Votes after the Democratization of Taiwan, 1993–2015

What Factors Facilitated the Democratization in Taiwan?

This paper focuses on Taiwan’s democratization and seeks to uncover which factors have facilitated this development by specifically utilizing Huber, Rueschemeyer, and Stephens’ (1993) theoretical approach of how economic development impacts democratic transitions. Their framework is then utilized comparatively along with data provided by several peer-reviewed contributions explaining Taiwan’s democratization process. To avoid the inclusion of any other than that which has strong relevance or significant causality to the island’s democratization, the paper analyzes developments back to 1895 when Taiwan was conquered by the Imperial Japanese, which led to modernization on the island. Thereafter, historical developments are presented, specifically the Kuomintang’s (KMT) oppressive rule, socioeconomic developments with a comparison of Taiwan’s economic policy with South Korea, and how these have impacted the alliance-making in the class systems and the emergence of a literary public sphere, which fueled the Taiwang movement, finally leading to the allowance of an opposition party to be founded. Lastly, the paper looks at the extent historical geopolitical events have facilitated the democratization. The findings suggest that Taiwan has indeed been able to effectively transition from a one-party authoritarian regime to a deliberative multi-party democracy due to several factors, such as Japan causing modernization, a growth in the public’s question regarding a distinct national identity, KMT’s economic policy, a growth in the literary public sphere and its international relations.

Strategic Ambiguity in US-Taiwan Relations During the Donald Trump Administration

Strategic ambiguity, or the deliberate policy of uncertainty as to whether the United States would use force to defend Taiwan against an invasion by the People's Republic of China, has been the centrepiece of US policy towards the Taiwan issue for decades. This paper discusses the factors driving the redefinition of strategic ambiguity and its recalibration throughout Donald Trump's presidency (2017–2021). The fundamental driver of this change was to balance the rising power of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The paper applied offensive realism as a theoretical framework for its analysis. Under President Donald Trump, Washington modified its policy of strategic ambiguity, explicitly framing relations with Taiwan within a broader Indo-Pacific strategy. While the US retained key elements of strategic ambiguity, including the 'One China' policy, it added new features to deploy it offensively against Beijing's growing regional hegemony. The increased dynamism and unpredictability of relations with Taiwan were matched by a welcoming attitude towards strengthening Taiwanese identity and highlighting the systemic differences between communist China and democratic Taiwan. America stepped up arms sales and encouraged Taiwan to build its self-defence capabilities. Washington engaged in countering Chinese attempts to isolate Taiwan internationally and included it in restructuring global supply chains. Although the United States has not formally revised the boundaries of the 'One China' policy, the modification of strategic ambiguity increased Taiwan's prominence in US-China power competition and pushed back the prospect of peaceful unification.

Kharis Templeman, Yun-han Chu, and Larry Diamond, eds., Dynamics of Democracy in Taiwan: The Ma Ying-jeou Years

Kharis Templeman, Yun-han Chu, and Larry Diamond, eds., Dynamics of Democracy in Taiwan: The Ma Ying-jeou Years

The Tragedy – And Legacy – Of Chen Wen-Chen

Abstract In 1981, Chen Wen-chen, a statistics professor at Carnegie Mellon University, left the USA to visit family in Taiwan. He never returned. Forty years on from his tragic and suspicious death, friends and former colleagues remember a promising young academic, whose contributions to statistics were cut short, but whose hopes for a democratic Taiwan were eventually realised. Margaret L. Smykla of Carnegie Mellon University takes up the story

Educating hypocrisy: private–public partnerships and management of multicultural projects in Taiwan

ABSTRACT The years following the end of martial law and the democratization of Taiwan have been marked by sizable political and social reform. In the interests of increasing social participation and decreasing direct state control of economic and social development programs, public–private partnerships (PPP) have been emphasized as the primary means to provide public services. Through an investigation into the functioning of a landmark project in the newest wave of educational reform orientated toward the localization and indigenization of elementary school educational materials, this paper will investigate the role that private entities have taken in the provision of education services. The extent that the privatization of education services serves to meet the goals and standards of Indigenous education will be discussed using a theoretical framework developed through the application of Tribal Critical Race Theory and Culturally Responsive Schooling. Semi-structured interviews with administrators, teachers, artists, and editors tasked with developing Indigenous centered learning materials problematize and question the procedural norms, conflicts of interest, and structural bias exacerbated by the increased presence of private entities. Through the experiences and counter narratives of participants, the issues of local alienation, limited consultation, and restricted Indigenous participation are revealed to be core issues in promoting Indigenous sovereignty and self-determination, tackling racism, and engaging with Indigenous epistemologies. This rare evaluation of the means by which multicultural education projects are realized by market-based forces acts to highlight the obstacles and practical limitations of PPP in the provision of essential public services in Indigenous areas.

The Temporality of Identity in Planned Cities: A Case Study of Zhong Xing New Village, Taiwan

In 1957, the Kuomintang (KMT), Chiang Kai-Shek’s nationalist government, planned and built Zhong Xing New Village (ZXNV), a garden city, to house the Taiwan Provincial Government. Despite the benefits of public housing, healthcare, and education, ZXNV experienced a two-third drop in population after 1985. The political liberalization and democratization of Taiwan in the 1980s and 1990s led to the reclamation of Taiwanese national identity that rejected the hegemony of the KMT and the physical manifestations of this colonial history, including ZXNV. ZXNV was a utopian ideal constructed during a time of authoritarian rule for a specific political purpose and homogenous population. ZXNV’s inability to change its purpose and identity led to its ultimate depopulation. Ethnographic fieldwork reveals the changes in ZXNV’s built environment and neighborhood culture influenced by socio-political transformations over the last sixty years. Fourteen interviews were conducted with two generations of ZXNV residents, and archival research reveals the intended design and policies of the city. Key findings include the structural flaws in the city’s design, the exposure of political tensions between the national and provincial governments, and the changing national identity of Taiwan due to globalization, all of which led to the ultimate downfall of Zhong Xing New Village.

Understanding Intraethnic Diversity

Abstract This paper fills a scholarly gap in the understanding of intraethnic diversity by way of a case study of the formation of a Taiwanese American identity. Drawing on a review of the existing scholarly literature and data from systematic field observations, as well as secondary data including ethnic organizations’ mission statements and activity reports, we explore how internal and external processes intersect to drive the construction of a distinct Taiwanese American identity. The study focuses on addressing three interrelated questions: (1) How does Taiwanese immigration to the United States affect diasporic development? (2) What contributes to the formation of a Taiwanese American identity? (3) In what specific ways is the Taiwanese American identity sustained and promoted? We conceive of ethnic formation as an ethnopolitical process. We argue that this ethnopolitical process involves constant negotiation and action in multiple spaces beyond nation-state boundaries. We show that immigration dynamics and homeland politics interact to create diversified rather than homogenized patterns of diasporic development and ethnic identification. The lifting of martial law in 1987 and democratization in Taiwan since then have led to increased public support for Taiwanization and Taiwanese nationalism in Taiwan. Rising nationalism in the homeland has in turn invigorated efforts at constructing an ethnonational – Taiwanese American – identity in the diaspora through proactive disidentification from the Chinese American community and civic transnationalism. This ethnopolitical identity is re-affirmed through cultural reinvention, outreach and networking, and appropriation of Taiwan indigenous cultures and symbols. We conclude by discussing the complexity of diasporic development and identity formation.

Revisiting the Democratic Transition in South Korea and Taiwan

This paper explores the transition to democracy in Taiwan and South Korea, as two East-Asian countries which have moved successfully away from authoritarian rule. These two East-Asian states are particularly noteworthy to students of democratic transition because of nature of their previous authoritarian regimes as well as their Confucian cultural values were not compatible with democratic value. Despite this, the democratic transition in both countries was reached with peaceful transition. Entering the third decade after the democratic transition, their democracy is not, however, fully consolidated and both countries are facing political turbulences; nevertheless, the people in both countries seem determined to move forward democratically. Therefore, their experience is useful for countries elsewhere which are experiencing the transition from authoritarianism; specifically, South Korea and Taiwan provide a model for how other countries might move to democracy.

The Invisible Hand of the Temple (Manager)

Abstract Religious institutions continue to provide important stages on which politicians participate in public rituals in secular democratic Taiwan. In particular, the annual Mazu pilgrimages bring together tens of thousands of people from all over the island, including candidates in presidential elections. I interpret temple ritual as a public arena in which the community of worshipers creates a reservoir of symbolic capital. Political and economic elites seek to gain access to this resource and appeal to the mass of worshipers by conducting what has essentially become a nation-defining ritual. At the same time, relying on temples as institutions of cultural authority raises the profile of their managing elites, who may themselves become influential powerbrokers. I explore these dynamics by referring to the case of Zhenlangong, the temple organizing Taiwan’s largest Mazu pilgrimage, and its longtime manager, a former Mafia boss who uses the temple to legitimate and expand his political activities.

The effect of China factor on Taiwan's elections: how has it changed across generations from 2008 to 2014?

PurposeThe main purpose of this study is to reveal how the China factor influences Taiwan voters' evaluations of the two major parties across elections and generations. We contend that 1) elderly Taiwan voters may take the China factor more seriously than younger cohorts, and 2) China factor may be weighted differently depending on the levels of elections. More importantly, we argue that the China factor is tangled with voters' partisanship.Design/methodology/approachData gathered from 2008 to 2014 Taiwan's Election and Democratization Study (TEDS) enable in investigating the influence of the China factor on Taiwan people's vote choices in the two local and two presidential elections. To answer the research question, this study applies issue voting theory and the seemingly unrelated regression (SUR) employed for empirical investigations.FindingsThe findings of this study provide empirical evidence on how political generations have changed their reactions to China in Taiwan's elections. The fundamental variables, party identification and the China issue are still very important and cannot be disregarded. Specifically, the China factor played a quite influential role in the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) supporters' voting decisions regardless of their generations, whereas its effect on the Kuomintang (KMT) supporters' voting decisions varies depending on electoral contexts and generations.Originality/valueWhile some scholars might suspect that the single item is not sufficient to be an effective predictor of vote choice, we contend that the China factor is definitely the most significant component in Taiwan's elections, especially when it is tangled with partisanship. The SUR approach in this study confirms that partisanship and the China factor cannot be viewed separately.