Democratic Space Research Articles

Segregasi Sosial Pasca Pemilu 2019 dan Pentingnya Pendidikan Multikultural Islami

The following research aims to describe the following matters: (1) Post 2019 Election Social Segregation in SMK Bakti Karya Parigi (2) The Importance of Multicultural Education in SMK Bakti Karya Parigi. The method used in this research is qualitative descriptive method. The data collection technique is by way of observation, interview, documentation study, and literature study. Furthermore, the research phase consists of pre-field stage, field stage and analysis phase and data interpretation. From the results of the study it was found that: (1) Post-2019 Social Segregation in the SMK Bakti Karya Parigi environment both in the school environment and in the dormitory environment has never happened, because all students, teachers and the local community tend to be accustomed to differences of opinion from any aspect, they seemed accustomed to the diversity and harmony that existed and seemed unconcerned by the heat of the country's democratic space that occurred after the 2019 elections, but they continued to work together in giving their voting rights in the 2019 elections. (2). SMK Bakti Karya Parigi as one of the pioneers of multicultural education in Indonesia has given a good example to the community to be able to respect and respect each other's differences so that people will not be easily provoked and manipulated by people who want to divide the unity and integrity of the people. Multicultural education for the community is very important because from the multicultural education the community will be able to understand differences, both in terms of religion, social, and culture.

TATA KELOLA PEMERINTAHAN DESA PASCA IMPLEMENTASI UNDANG-UNDANG DESA

Although the village has been given authority by the Village Law to conduct its own affairs, in practice most of the villages studied still tend to depend on the district government. Related to the implementation of village democracy, the space for citizen articulation has not yet been functioned optimally. BPD, as a vehicle for the representation of citizens has not played an optimal role, and there is no effort to strengthen these roles, both from the BPD itself and by residents. So that it can be said that village governance after the implementation of the Village Law can be said to have not experienced much change. The village's authority to form Perdes is also not fully utilized. Not many perdes have been issued, other than major perdes such as the APBDes. With full authority, more perdes should be issued because the consequences will be that many matters will be managed by the village itself. The mindset of the village head seems to have shown something positive, in the sense that the village head has begun to open up democratic space, but nevertheless it takes courage to run it without the need for fears of intervention from the district government. The low quality of democracy has an impact on the performance of village governments. Government performance is only understood as physical development performance. Voices from residents regarding other development needs besides physical development are still not accommodated. In the Sarinagen case, the development carried out was more likely because of the will and initiative of the village head. Even though it still refers to the will of the people conveyed in the Musdes, the portion is not significant.

Digital surveillance in post-coronavirus China: A feminist view on the price we pay.

In this piece, I look at the question — are we worth saving and if so at what cost? — through a Foucault‐inspired feminist lens on surveillance. I examine a case that illustrates how digital surveillance, despite being perceived as a successful development in China’s response to COVID‐19, reinforces the country’s gender‐biased discourses on contagious disease and sexuality. In doing so, I want to emphasize that the states of exception that governments can establish and extend are not gender‐neutral. Given the feminist interest in and responsibility for life, this fact compels us to react to states of exception from a freedom‐enabled gender perspective. It is to be hoped that this perspective would then help to promote socio‐political practices that allowed society to challenge the normalizing male gaze induced by digital surveillance.

Community alliances and participatory action research as a mechanism for re-politicising social action for students in higher education

ABSTRACT Evidence from the UN World Youth Report (2015) suggests that young people, while increasingly disengaged with formal political processes, are motivated by cause-related social action. Higher Education (HE), through research and partnership, provides ideal learning spaces to explore cause-related social action. However, as HE partnership opportunities continue to be reframed under a narrative of employability and one-off participation, there is a risk that these experiences miss an opportunity to critically engage young people with issues at a socio-political level. This research paper considers the potential of participatory action research (PAR) as a pedagogical mechanism for re-politicising social action for students in a UK HE context. The project explores the experiences of 160 undergraduate students, working in partnership with 400 young children, aged 2–10 years, to investigate and co-construct their views and action concerning causes represented by local community organisations. Findings suggest that using participatory, youth-action approaches students shifted their self-identified positions from a non-social-orientated approach to establishing them as advocates for causes and children’s voices. We argue that PAR, as a learning experience, and service-learning pedagogy open up an alternative experience of social action through an educational context with engagement and consideration of social issues. In conclusion, we call for new alliances between HE, young people, and community organisations, to produce, through enquiry, critical knowledge aimed at social transformation, which can open-up authentic democratic spaces within the learning communities in HE and its networks.

Atuação do/a pedagogo/a no espaço da coordenação pedagógica: entre reflexões e proposições

O presente artigo decorre de nossas reflexões teóricas e metodológicas construídas no âmbito das experiências docentes em disciplinas e temas da Didática, da Formação de professores/as, do Estágio Supervisionado e da Coordenação Pedagógica. O objetivo geral foi compreender o processo de atuação do/a pedagogo/a no espaço da coordenação pedagógica no que diz respeito à gestão dos processos de formação continuada de professores/as frente às suas diversas práticas. O diálogo entre as referências teóricas foi tecido com os/as autores/as os quais discutem o espaço da coordenação pedagógica, o papel do/a coordenador/a pedagógico/a e a formação continuada e em serviço. Com base nas proposições mencionadas ao longo do texto, apontamos aspectos como: a importância da formação continuada para os/as coordenadores/as pedagógicos/as, a necessidade da construção da identidade do/a coordenador/a, a construção do espaço da coordenação como espaço democrático e o desenvolvimento de um processo de formação reflexivo e crítico.

Towards deliberative democracy through the democratic governance and design of public spaces in the South African capital city, Tshwane

Many political, economic and social transformations have occurred in South Africa since the first democratic elections in 1994. The country has made significant efforts in trying to establish and rebrand its cities as multiracial and multicultural hubs with democratic public spaces. In an ideal city, public space represents and embodies the ideology of deliberate democracy as postulated by Habermas. However, attempts in South Africa to re(design) public spaces also reflect instances of alienation, conflict and anxiety. This article focusses on the governance and design of public space in the capital of South Africa, the City of Tshwane. The analysis highlights the challenges encapsulated in the governance and design of different types of spaces towards enabling opportunities for deliberate democracy in Tshwane. The paper argues that to address these challenges, urban designers and local authority officials need to focus on both the process and product of urban design, through an emphasis on Spatial Democracy; to readdress governance practices, and Democratic Space; to redirect design practices, both of which have a significant impact on the use, misuse and lack of use of public space.

The MTST Politics of Social Rights: Counter-Conducts, Acts of Citizenship and a Radical Struggle Beyond Housing

The Brazilian Movimento dos Trabalhadores sem Teto (MTST)—Homeless Workers’ Movement—is a social movement that struggles for housing and for a radical transformation of capitalistic socio-economic relations. The present paper offers a problematization of the movement’s plea to social rights. They are part of the movement’s discourse and strategy. However, the activists’ objective is more radical: they aim at a complete transformation of the Brazilian economy and society. By first discussing two sets of literatures—Critical Legal Theory and Governmentality Studies—this article illustrates the complexity and the ambivalences of a radical politics of rights. Then, by contrasting my ongoing ethnographic research with the work of James Holston and Lucy Earle, I discuss the relevance of a citizenship framework for the MTST’s struggle. Finally, inspired by Foucault’s concept of counter-conducts, the article argues that the movement’s politics of rights represents an effective tactic to contrast neoliberal governmentality and to create radical democratic spaces of struggle and collective resistance.

PENOLOGI PENGAYOMAN

This study aims to analyze the punishment pattern in the national penal system. This is a consequence of the involvement of science in the penal concept in Indonesia with a focus of research to understand the role of science in addressing the challenges related to policymaking, fostering treatment, as well as prisoner guidance which is carried out by the technical implementation unit (UPT) within the Directorate General of Corrections. Based on the analysis, the method used in this paper is juridical normative with positive legal approaches and descriptive-analytical research. The discussion in this paper states that punishment pattern in Indonesia refers to the principle of protection that functions in providing a sense of security for all parties both perpetrators of crime, victims and especially the community. The principle of punishment in the protection always seeks to see the success of a pattern of treatment within the framework of behavioral change of a person's criminality before the reintegration into society. Leadership and power of correctional institutions in the concept of aegis penology are oriented to the creation of productive and democratic spaces. The success of leadership in a punishment process is also determined by the transparency of the discourses. The presence of science in treatment and guidance aims to prevent fallacy such as a tendency in the generalization of different prisoner characters in the correctional process. Besides, the presence of knowledge in the guidance determines the pattern and appropriate treatment to correctional clients.

Teachers’ learning at schools: developing pedagogical capacity for curriculum design trhough {co-teaching | cogenerative dialogue}

This article aims at discussing development in an experience of engaging teachers and students in the design of the curriculum at a public school. It is grounded on a socio-historical perspective of learning and in (coteaching | cogenerative dialogue) as a theorethical-methodological approach. Data was gathered in a two-year project through interactions meetings at schools and analyzed through critical discourse analysis (transitivity) and conversational analysis. The results of the study point out that having had the opportunity to interact in co-plannings and redesigning the curriculum, new attitudes emerged. Furthermore, participating in more democratic spaces and being able to redesign their own curricula during teaching practicum had effects on how the participants perceive the participation of high school students. It is concluded that developing teachers' pedagogical capacity for curriculum design may influence the degree to which teachers engage in a principled, reform-oriented analysis when creating learning opportunities for students.

‘I always live in a quebrada [favela] and today I am here. So, you can be also here one day’: Exploring pre-service teachers’ perceptions of love for youth from socially vulnerable backgrounds

In recent years, socially critical scholars have argued that love, as a moral basis for socio-critical work, should not be colorblind or power blind and that marginalized populations may understand caring within their sociocultural context, creating spaces for youth and teachers to challenge the racism, sexism, class exploitation and linguicism imposed on their communities. While there is advocacy of love in education and physical education, there is little research that aims to explore how pre-service teachers’ (PSTs’) conceptions change across time. The aim of this study was to explore PSTs’ changing perceptions of love as they worked in an activist sport project with youth from socially vulnerable backgrounds. Participatory action research framed this four-semester research project. Participants included the lead researcher, four PSTs and 110 youth. Data collected included the following: (a) the lead researcher’s field notes; (b) collaborative PSTs’ group meetings; (c) PSTs’ generated artifacts; and (d) PSTs’ focus groups and interviews. Data analysis involved induction and constant comparison. The PSTs understood that love was represented by the following: (a) creating democratic spaces for students to care for each other and their community; (b) trusting and understanding the students, and dreaming possible futures with them; (c) being the best teacher in order to facilitate students’ learning; and (d) making sure all students are included. We concluded that the PSTs’ embodied experiences of oppression and the reflexive experience lived in the activist approach created a space for the PSTs to see themselves in the youth, reconnect with their own identity and develop empathy and love for the diverse youth.

Serviço social e formação permanente: possibilidades de superação de cotidianos de alienação

Resumo O presente artigo apresenta a importância da formação permanente para o serviço social como possibilidade de contribuição para o trabalho profissional numa perspectiva crítica e de afirmação de nosso projeto ético-político. Para tanto, realiza uma discussão acerca da educação na sociedade de classes e o sentido da formação permanente em uma direção contra-hegemônica aos interesses do capital, apresentando uma reflexão sobre seu papel numa perspectiva emancipatória. Retoma os princípios da Política de Educação Permanente do Conjunto Conselho Federal de Serviço Social (CFESS), Conselhos Regionais de Serviço Social (CRESS) (2012), apontando os desafios e possibilidades presentes na efetivação desta política e na construção de espaços democráticos de formação após a graduação, ressaltando sua importância, aqui compreendida sob dois aspectos: a necessária suspensão da cotidianidade para o retorno a esta, de maneira a contribuir criticamente com ações alinhadas ao projeto ético político profissional e, sua potência enquanto estratégia na manutenção da hegemonia de nosso projeto profissional e de formação.

The shrinking democratic space in India: uncivil society and an illiberal state

The shrinking democratic space in India: uncivil society and an illiberal state

INTRINSIK POLITIK RUANG (NKRI): BPUPKI sampai Majelis Konstituante

This paper tries to explain the important picture of the space that was wanted to be created by a common desire, which previously Indonesian people were still locked by colonialism. The space to be created is an independent and independent state, but how is it created? there must be a fierce struggle and debate in producing a country that can be picked dynamically. The author departs from qualitative research, where the data is obtained from library research in the form of descriptive analysis. Stages of data analysis in this study include data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing. The conclusion is that the basic debate and form of the state is the struggle for political space to dominate the country, but the struggle and debate is a necessity because it has already happened before independence Indonesia. So for researchers that the debate and struggle over the political space of the Indonesian State is a result of the accommodation of historical independence at the same time it is very reasonable because the space produced is a democratic space. It's just that it needs to be emphasized that every dynamics should be in accordance with the applicable constitution, not by means of radicalism.

The impact of foreign policy on GE14

ABSTRACT The historic results of the 14th Malaysian general elections (GE14) have largely been attributed to various domestic factors. This paper seeks to address whether foreign policy issues, specifically the rise of China in the Malaysian economy, were a prominent campaign feature in the election. This article argues that while foreign policy issues, including the rise of China in the Malaysian economy, neither featured prominently in GE14 (as it was overshadowed by domestic concerns), nor were the most decisive factor in determining the outcome of the election, the role of foreign affairs in the run-up to GE14 was by no means insignificant. Foreign affairs received much more attention compared to previous elections. Furthermore, as a result of growing democratic space in Malaysia, the Najib administration’s foreign policy which was supposedly highly insulated from public scrutiny became increasingly challenged by domestic political opponents.

Interagency collaboration for graduate employment opportunities in Uganda

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to identify gaps in the structure of organizations that hinder collaboration of organizations involved in the creation of graduate employment opportunities in Uganda.Design/methodology/approachData was collected from staff and leaders of 14 organizations that were purposely selected to represent government, private, and civil society organizations. These organizations were selected based on their mandates, which touch on the employability of university graduates in the country in very direct ways. This was a cross-sectional survey design—based on a self-administered questionnaire, key informant interviews, and documentary analysis.FindingsOrganizations were found to have “Tell”/directive decision-making, high power distance between employees, and jobs were not coded in a way that gives employees freedoms to interact and build collaborative relationships. Finally, rules and regulations were very restrictive, disorienting employee's abilities to collaborate.Research limitations/implicationThis research concentrated on the gaps that exist in the structure of organizations from which the results point to inadequate relational, interactional, inclusive, and democratic space among different stakeholders. It would be useful for future research to examine the extent to which the structure of organizations not only impacts collaboration but also measures the level to which it affects organizational performance.Practical implicationsThe knowledge economy of the twenty-first century demands for collaborative engagements with different stakeholders if they are to survive the competitive business environment. Collaborative engagement helps in the sharing of knowledge, expertise, and resources, development of more coherent services, facilitation of innovation and evaluation, avoiding duplication of work, and minimizing conflicts and competition while creating synergy among partners.Originality/valueUnlike previous studies, which have examined employability of graduates from a supply side perspective, this study investigates organizations from both the supply and demand perspectives and identifies synergy that is as a result of bringing organizations to work together.

The efficacy of translanguaging as pedagogic practice in selected Namibian multilingual primary classrooms

This article aims to explore the initial literacy and epistemic benefits of translanguaging as a pedagogic practice in multilingual Namibia. Using notions of recontextualization and translanguaging and classroom observation and data from documents, the article shows how pre-primary teachers and learners draw on heteroglossic repertoires for literacy development and epistemic access. It is argued that this reframes the classroom, not as a site of monolingual epistemic violence, but as a democratic space for initial literacy and epistemic development. The article concludes with an argument for the legitimization of heteroglossic practices in multilingual Namibian classrooms if effective teaching and learning of initial literacy is the goal of basic education.

Pre-election violence and territorial control: Political dominance and subnational election violence in polarized African electoral systems

Cross-national research on African electoral politics has argued that competition increases the prospects for pre-election violence. However, there is a dearth of systematic research on the effect of political competition on pre-election violence at the subnational level. We theorize that in African democracies characterized by competition at the national level but low subnational competitiveness (polarization), violence is often a manifestation of turf war and a tool to maintain and disrupt political territorial control. Consequently, contrary to expectations derived from the cross-national literature, pre-election violence is more likely in uncompetitive than competitive constituencies. Locally dominant as well as locally weak parties have incentives to perpetrate violence in uncompetitive constituencies. For locally dominant parties, violence is a tool to shrink the democratic space in their strongholds and maintain territorial control. For locally weak parties, violence can disturb the dominance of the opponent and protect their presence in hostile territory. We hypothesize that pre-election violence will be particularly common in opposition strongholds. In such locations, ruling parties can leverage their superior repressive resources to defend their ability to campaign, while the opposition can use their local capacity to reinforce the politics of territoriality. We test our hypotheses with original constituency-level election violence data from the 2016 Zambian elections. Data come from expert surveys of domestic election observers and represent a novel way of measuring low-level variations in election violence. Our analysis shows patterns of pre-election violence consistent with our theory on pre-election violence as a territorial tool.

Culturally inclusive water urban design: a critical history of hydrosocial infrastructures in Southern Sydney, Australia

AbstractHistoric relationships between communities and waterscapes are complex and often explained solely in technical terms. There is a key need to understand how human-centered developments have shifted the use of river spaces over time, and how these changes reflect on the values of rivers and surrounding cultures. In this paper, we develop a critical analysis of the historically changing relationship between urban communities and water infrastructures using the Georges River catchment in Sydney, Australia. Our focus was on bringing together past and current perspectives, engaging with the formation of diverse hydrosocial behaviors entangled with water infrastructures. Using post-settlement historical documents, maps, journals, and newspaper articles, we trace shifts in hydrosocial perspectives over time, mapping six distinct historic phases. In our study, we offer a shift from the main paradigms currently influencing the development of urban water infrastructures, moving away from the dominant technical propositions of systems designed purely for the management and treatment of stormwater. Drawing on our analysis, we propose a new urban water design concept: Culturally Inclusive Water Urban Design (CIWUD). This presents an advancement on current framework to include a consideration of people's connections and uses of urban waterscapes, as well as a shift towards democratic space design.

“Só o Zé Lador se lembra deles”: etos e novas formas de produzir notícia

As novas tecnologias, em particular, as redes sociais têm desempenhado um papel fundamental na disseminação das notícias em ambientes virtuais e interativos. Junto a esse processo, observa-se também uma preocupação crescente dos jornais impressos de concorrerem com esse espaço e imprimirem um tom interativo às suas notícias. Alguns jornais vêm utilizando as novas plataformas para disseminar seus conteúdos e, com isso, alavancar sua audiência para além das páginas impressas. O contrário também pode ser observado, as redes ocupando as folhas de papel. É justamente esse segundo movimento que nos chama a atenção para a análise no presente artigo. Nesse sentido, buscamos investigar a produção de etos que o Jornal Extra (2015) constrói por meio da interação entre leitores e jornal para a elaboração de suas notícias na rubrica “Serviços”. Esta rubrica recebe notícias de seus leitores pelo aplicativo WhatsApp, afirmando que a interação entre ambos é facilitada por esse suporte digital. Nossa análise, foi feita utilizando-se o conceito de etos nos estudos de Maingueneau (1997, 2005, 2008, 2010, 2013). O córpus consta de três notícias publicadas no ano de 2015 e, mostraram que, em princípio, o jornal tenta construir um etos de interação e espaço democrático às críticas sociais enviadas pelo leitor por sua abertura à interação. Entretanto, por trás dessas denúncias, o veículo reivindica para si, através de seu super-heroi, um papel de intermediador de problemas de utilidade pública, esvaziando, desse modo, a potência da organização dos cidadãos para a reivindicação de suas demandas.

Financial Provision and Participation as Catalysts for Women Economic Empowerment in Zimbabwe

One of the pillars aims of the liberations struggle in then Rhodesia was equal opportunities for all with restoration of the economic reigns to the native population who had been marginalized for decades. The marginalization and lack of access was between whites and Blacks and at independence everyone was celebrating independence from colonialism and embracing rights of ownership of the economic means, access to education, national identification cards and an opportunity to vote and exercise democratic rights. It was however observed that within the opened democratic space in the independent Zimbabwe there were gross inequalities between men and women perpetuated by cultural practices supported by a partriachical society where women status was lower than that of man. that needed to be addressed deliberately. Since the turning of the new millennium, the Zimbabwean government has been active in implementing affirmative action programs and gender policies aimed at empowering women economically and socially. Despite a plethora of ways to empower women, challenges still remain in so far as the holistic empowerment of women in the economic arena is concerned. Women constitute 52% of the Zimbabwean population with the majority of them living under the poverty datum line. It is generally considered that access to means of production, resources and household decision making has a direct impact on poverty reduction with participation in the financial sector as an entrympoint for individual and household economic activity. Statistics shows that despite the increase in number of Banks in Zimbabwe, there remains marginalization of the poor the majority of whom are women due to rigid account opening requirements and preconditions for one to access a loan. Access to finance offers the poor an opportunity to engage in economic activities that raise income that can offer opportunities for a better life. Mainstream Banks have been known to exclude the low income as they do not meet the minimum know your customer requirements. Microfinance is banking with the poor, an upside down way of banking. It has been embraced and deployed by many governments across the globe as a tool enhancing financial inclusion and access to finance for the poor and for economic empowerment. This study therefore examined the impact of microfinance to the socio- economic empowerment of women in Zimbabwe by selecting the Women’s Microfinance Bank in Zimbabwe as a case analysis. The Bank was set up by the Government through the Ministry of Women affairs supported by the Central Bank as a tool for financial inclusion responding to the needs of the excluded women. The deprivation of women and poverty within the context of Zimbabwe is the locus of enunciation in this study. The mixed method was adopted where questionnaire and interview guide were administered to beneficiaries of the Women’s microfinance Bank and other selected respondents. The findings from the study revealed that provision of enabling financial services with the appropriate products that respond to the cause of exclusion of certain groups encouraged participation and access to finance thereby contributing immensely to the economic empowerment of women although a lot still needs to be done. The study therefore recommends a deliberate extension of financial services to the grassroots as a deliberate game changer to expand the participation of all. It recommends a deliberate financial provision especially for the Zimbabwe Women’s Microfinance Bank, to extend more banking services and credit facilities to women who are still largely on the bottom of the heap in terms of access to resources. Finally, for more participation in the economic empowerment initiatives from the Bank and any other players, there is need to provide more training programs to women in order to improve their entrepreneurial skills and as an economic empowerment strategy.