Democracy Research Articles

X-raying Human Rights Violations by Government Agencies in Nigeria's Democratic System of Government

Respect for human rights is diminishing within Nigeria's democracy, with the political elite often acting with impunity and ignoring the rule of law. Gender discrimination and exclusion of marginalized citizens persist in politics. This study investigated human rights violations by government agencies in Nigeria, with the aim of enhancing understanding of the situation and proposing policy recommendations for promoting human rights. The study employed a descriptive survey research design, with 150 individuals randomly selected from government agencies in Lagos state. Data was collected through in-depth interviews, with the analysis focusing on patterns in conversations, text, and activities. The findings reveal the emotional and systemic impacts of government agencies' human rights violations, calling for sweeping reforms and enhanced accountability. Respondents also stress the complexity of accountability challenges and advocate for a collaborative approach. They offer valuable strategies, including government reforms, civil society involvement, education and awareness, learning from successful examples, and using media and digital platforms to promote human rights and accountability. The study concluded that the findings underscore the urgent need for comprehensive and collaborative efforts to address the multifaceted challenges of human rights violations in Nigeria. This requires the involvement of all stakeholders, including the government, civil society organizations, and the media. Sweeping reforms and enhanced accountability mechanisms are essential to ensure justice and the protection of human rights for all Nigerians. This study provides a valuable overview of human rights violations by government agencies in Nigeria's democratic system of government. The findings highlight the need for urgent action to address the root causes of these violations and to ensure accountability for perpetrators. The study's recommendations offer a roadmap for promoting human rights and strengthening democracy in Nigeria.

Embodiment of Economic Democracy Aspects in National Banking Law

This research discusses the embodiment of aspects of economic democracy in Indonesian national banking law. Economic democracy is defined as a system in which the distribution of wealth and economic opportunity is done fairly and equitably. This research evaluates the extent to which the principles of economic democracy, such as fair access to banking services, financial inclusion, and consumer protection, are implemented in national banking regulations and policies. The method used in this research is qualitative analysis with a normative juridical approach, which involves the study of legal documents and related regulations. The results show that although there are some efforts to integrate the principles of economic democracy in national banking law, there are still gaps in its practical implementation. Recommendations are given to strengthen regulations and policies to be more aligned with the objectives of economic democracy, so that economic benefits can be felt by all levels of society.

The Elephant(s) in the Newsroom: A Mixed Methods Study on the Use of News Agency Material

ABSTRACT News agencies remain one of the most important sources of journalistic reporting. It is all the more astonishing that, with a few exceptions, they still represent a major blind spot in journalism research. Using a mixed method approach of quantitative content analysis and qualitative interviews with practitioners from media outlets and news agencies, this study investigates how and how much online media outlets of different media types located in the German federal state of North Rhine-Westphalia use material from different news agencies. The study also examines the differences in subject areas and geographical reference areas and explores the rationale behind how and how much news agency material is used. The study confirms the very high and, partially, even increasing relevance of news agencies in media markets in the present and the foreseeable future. It also asks critical questions about the implications for journalism and democratic societies as a whole.

Using Kantian Ethics in Dissolving Disputes over Management and Distribution of Natural Resources in Tanzania

The broad range of the managements of the natural resources in Tanzania has resulted into the creation of complex organizations and systems which has led to the exploitation of the workers depending on these resources for livelihood. These are various groups of actors such as insurgents’ groups, minority groups, and corrupt democratically elected leaders. Obviously, these leads to internal mistrust and commotion within a state rendered in calmness and contrary to peaceful coexistence. As a researcher the bottom line of these constrains needs holistic education and realization to combat the eminent crisis at hand. Each person has a role to play for the peaceful living in a society with great goals and opportunities. The dignity and integrity of each person is a very important and at stake. My research analysis indicates how Kantian ethics will tackle the above mentioned constrains for the peaceful coexistence in the society. For Kant, every human being has a right and obligation for every moral action. In any democratic society where laws and statutes are adhered to the issues of natural resources must be accounted for with the aim of common good. Using Immanuel Kant’s dictum on categorical imperative, these transformations in the management of the natural resources in Tanzania can be effectively be achieved.

LITURATERRA [Entrevista: 2024, 3] A política contra o destino: o modo de pensar as alternativas

Brazilian philosopher Roberto Mangabeira Unger, a professor at Harvard University (USA) for over forty years, presents and discusses his perspective on politics in this interview. In it, he discusses elements of his social and political theory, one of the highlights of which is his treatment of institutional issues in an original way that differs from conventional institutionalism. He begins by defining the distinction between right and left in contemporary circumstances. It defines the possible types of politics. He deals with the fundamental concepts of his theory of institutional alternatives, explaining the nature of his experimentalist proposal. It approaches the organization of powers with a different emphasis from the dominant reflection on political institutions, always uncritically focused on the issue of stability, and proposes that the main objective of politics is to provide structural transformations. It argues that the democratic regime should have its center of gravity focused on majorities and not minorities. And he suggests that the central cause of the current crisis in democratic societies is of a programmatic nature: we have not yet been able to clear away the rubble of bankrupt social democracy. The general theme discussed was a new institutional model that would enable liberal societies to overcome the dead end in which they find themselves. The interview took place on May 22, 2022, in the district of Araras, in the municipality of Petrópolis (RJ).

Assessement of Nigerias Afrocentric Foreign Policy: A Case Study of President Olusegun Obasanjo's Administration

The emergence of President Olusegun Obasanjo in 1999 as the president of Nigeria marked a significant transition from military rule to democratic rule, the image of the country have been battered in the international arena due to military dictatorship, hence the president have to concentrate on rebuilding the image of Nigeria. Nigeria's Afrocentrism, rooted in its post-independence policy under Prime Minister Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, has consistently placed Africa at the center of its foreign policy. The paper explores Nigeria's Afrocentric foreign policy, focusing on the administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999-2007). This approach emphasizes African unity, emancipation, and development, with Nigeria playing a key role in mediation, conflict resolution, and peacekeeping within the continent. The research aimed to critically examines the effort made by president Obasanjo in area of ensuring democratic rule, Peacekeeping operations, and regional economic integration in Africa. This paper argues that Nigeria’s Afrocentric foreign policy, while altruistic, may require recalibration to better align with national interests, ensuring that such commitments do not disproportionately burden the Nigerian economy. The historical and analytical approach was employed in the presentation and analysis of data, the information goes through rigorous analysis that is data analysis, which is a technique for an objective, systematic and qualitative description of the data acquired. Furthermore, the theory employed in the making of this research is Concentric circle theory which was first brought from sociology, and later adopted in the study of foreign policy. A shift towards a more pragmatic and national interest-focused foreign policy, emphasizing economic growth and development, is recommended for future engagements.

Economic Growth and Democratic Political System in Developing Countries

The relationship between a democratic political system and economic growth has been the focus of debate in recent years. This article is a contribution to the economic analysis of the relationship between democracy and economic growth. Using an econometric illustration of panel data from twenty developing countries, in a period from 2000 to 2021, Fixed-effect, random-effect and GMM model estimates show that a democratic political regime positively affects economic growth in developing countries. This result is explained by the importance of the role of democracy in implementing economic and social reforms, encouraging investment, opening up trade and protecting civil liberties and political powers.

Digitalisation, democracy and the GDPR: The efforts of DPAs to defend democratic principles despite the limitations of the GDPR

Digitalisation, democracy and the GDPR: The efforts of DPAs to defend democratic principles despite the limitations of the GDPR

Norms of Democracy, Staged Democrats, and Supply of Exclusionary Ideology

Existing literature sees attitudinal support for liberal democratic values as a crucial way to prevent the success of illiberal actors and their policies. But recent studies show that democratic support can coexist with lack of punishment for backsliding practices. To reconcile these findings, I argue that social norms generate incentives to declare that one opposes illiberal actors even if one does not—what I call staged democrats. Staged democrats are not a stable safeguard against illiberal politicians, because information shocks can reveal that they do not sincerely oppose illiberalism. Studying Switzerland, where referendums provide information on the sincere preferences of citizens, I collect data on referendum results, public opinion surveys, and party positions. My analyses show that if referendums reveal that the positions of far-right parties are more popular than expected, those parties become more exclusionary. Attitudes only prevent illiberal policy if they are sincerely held.

Different Perspectives on Democracy as an Explanation for the “Populist Radical Right Gender Gap”?

The “radical right gender gap” is an established finding in contemporary research, indicating that women support populist radical right parties (PRRPs) in significantly lower numbers than men. Despite substantial literature dedicated to uncovering the reasons behind this gap, significant questions remain unanswered. This article examines the nature of the radical right gender gap in greater detail, focusing on Switzerland—a country with one of the most established PRRPs in Western Europe, the SVP/SPP (Schweizer Volkspartei/Swiss People’s Party), making it a representative case. A defining feature of PRRPs that sets them apart from other parties is their clear distinction between in-groups and out-groups in society, coupled with the propagation of nativist and anti-pluralist values. While PRRPs emphasize caring for the in-group, they often advocate excluding the out-group from rights and privileges. This article argues that the preferences of PRRPs and female voters are in stark contrast regarding these issues. Building on empirical evidence that women place more importance on certain features of a democratic system than men do, we propose that this discrepancy may help explain the gender gap in support for these parties. Utilizing data from the European Social Survey 2020, which includes detailed questions on various understandings of democracy, we find robust support for our hypotheses within the Swiss context. Compared to men, women consider protecting the rights of minorities and safeguarding all citizens from poverty as especially important for a functioning democracy. These preferences emerge as influential factors contributing to women’s reluctance to support PRRPs.

How political consultants can leverage partisan media combativeness in the U.S.

ABSTRACT The growth of partisan media presents new challenges for political consultants. Informed by social identity theory and truth-default theory, this paper examines how U.S. voters react to politicians in combative news interviews. Experiment 1 (N = 320) establishes that an ingroup politician gains more trust among ingroup voters when interviewed by cross-partisan media accusing the politician of deception than when interviewed more congenially by co-partisan media. Experiment 2 (N = 131) finds that perceived media hostility increases Democrats’ and Republicans’ trust in a politician regardless of whether the interviewer accuses the politician of deception or is congenial. Experiment 3 (N = 126) replicates the findings when a Democrat is accused of deception on Fox News. The study tested a moderated mediation model, finding that Republican and Democratic voters do not react differently in the process. The discussion highlights the practical and theoretical implications of hostile media perceptions and ingroup–outgroup partisan bias in a polarized media environment with conflicting exposure to live fact-checking and deception detection.

Paradox of Criminal Provisions Formulation Regarding Reporting of Political Party Campaign Funds in the 2024 General Election

Political parties as a form of organization whose scope is the political field make it a primary position in modern democracy which is required to be in line with democratic norms and election principles. The characteristics of political parties as legal subjects (subjectum juris) of corporations/public legal entities that can also act in the private sphere that are attached to legal consequences for all actions or deeds, and legal relationships, both in the administrative, civil, and criminal spheres. One of the actions or legal acts of political parties in the Election is the legal obligation to report campaign funds honestly, accountably, and transparently in accordance with the principles of organizing elections as a legal act that has the potential to have administrative and criminal consequences. In several formulations of criminal provisions of the Election Law which are specifically formulated for political parties as legal subjects (subjectum juris) of corporations, although the construction of the articles does not explicitly mention political parties, but refers to the phrase Election Participants which consists of 5 Articles, namely Article 496, Article 525 Paragraph (2), Article 526 Paragraph (2), Article 527, and Article 528 Paragraph (1) of the a quo Law. One of the actions or legal acts of political parties that has the potential to be subject to criminal penalties is the provision of Article 496 of the a quo Law related to election participants who intentionally provide false information in the Election campaign fund report, which constructively-holistically reaps problems in the actions or legal actions of political parties as election participants as well as the problem of deadlocked norms in related articles in the a quo Law.

Political polarization, legitimacy and democratic education

ABSTRACT Political polarization is often argued to be a major threat to democracy. This article examines whether the two different forms of polarization, ideological and affective, may risk some of the core assumptions of democratic legitimacy. The paper argues that ideological polarization is linked with increasingly radical ideological positions being accepted as legitimate contributions to democratic processes, which may lead to the erosion of the democratic culture of society. Affective polarization, in turn, presents a risk to the type of political collaboration that characterizes legitimate democratic processes. The article presents some remarks on how these forms of polarization could be pre-emptively addressed in education: first, by demonstrating to students the practical consequences of neglecting the core democratic principles of toleration (Forst) and reciprocity (Rawls) in society; and second, through forms of political action that engage students’ political emotions in support of democratic principles and way of life in a nonpartisan way.

Social work students’ perspectives on the future of human rights

ABSTRACT This study explores social work students’ perspectives on human rights in their practice, drawing on focus group interviews from universities in Germany, Poland, and the Philippines. Focus group discussions were coded using thematic content analysis based on an inductive approach in which themes emerge from the conversations between participants and the researchers and among themselves. It examines emergent themes on envisioning human rights’ future in social work, highlighting novel application approaches. The research underscores the necessity of incorporating human rights education, emphasizing respect, equality, and dignity, into social work curricula. Students discuss the evolving nature of societal norms and human rights, advocating for adaptive, culturally sensitive approaches to meet demographic and societal changes. The findings suggest a paradigm shift toward a more inclusive perspective that integrates environmental and collective rights, marking a significant move from traditional social work practices. Additionally, the research highlights the international political context, including the rise of authoritarian nationalism, which poses significant challenges to the advancement of human rights globally. This underscores the urgency for social work to act as a counter-movement in defense of human rights and democratic principles.

Authoritarianism and civil society: Legal restrictions on Human Rights CSOs

New types of authoritarian regimes attempt to create the illusion of democracy. They therefore seek to restrict the establishment and activities of CSOs not through outright bans, but through the adoption of laws and regulations designed to systematically and methodically impede the operation of human rights CSOs. This paper, based on empirical research, classifies and analyses the registration and re-registration procedures that restrict the freedom of association of human rights CSOs, as well as the legislation that imposes registration or re-registration requirements on organisations designated as “foreign agents.” Additionally, it assesses the proportion in which democratic and authoritarian regimes use these restrictive mechanisms. The results show that the restrictions examined are predominantly used in authoritarian regimes.

Exploring Intellectual Freedom and Collection Development Policies in School Libraries: Perspectives from US and Kenya.

Information is one of the essentials for decision making and intellectual development, thus it is difficult for democratic societies to exist without access to diverse information (Knox, 2011). Within school libraries, access to information resources should be enhanced through the selection, evaluation, and acquisition of diverse resources in different formats to cater to the different needs of students, support the curriculum and promote their intellectual freedom. The fight for intellectual freedom in schools is not a recent development and the number of challenges and book bans is escalating and anticipated to continue rising in the years ahead (ALA,2022). While issues regarding intellectual freedom and censorship are global affairs, much is known about the US, but this study also focuses on Kenya, two countries with varying approaches on different issues thus addressing a significant research gap on intellectual freedom beyond the US. Employing a mixed methods approach, the study involves semi structured interviews among school librarians (10 from the US and 10 from Kenya) and an analysis of the school’s collection development policies. A qualitative thematic analysis of the data is being carried out to identify school librarians’ perspectives on censorship and advocacy for intellectual freedom through policies. The study aims at creating an awareness of the social reality regarding intellectual freedom between the two contexts. School librarians, administrators and policy makers will be able to restructure existing policies to enhance intellectual freedom for students.

Electoral participation of people with and without disabilities in urban communities in Cameroon and Senegal.

The right to participate in political processes is fundamental to democratic governance, economic development and human rights. We assessed participation in political processes and also explored factors associated with voting at the most recent election for people with and without disabilities. We conducted cross-sectional survey in four cities in Senegal and three in Cameroon in 2021. Disability was assessed using the Washington Group Short Set of questions. Univariate and multiple regression analyses were conducted to identify the factors associated with voting at the most recent elections. Among 4180 participants in Cameroon and 4171 in Senegal, disability prevalence was 9.77% and 10.89%, respectively. More than half of the participants had voted at the most recent elections in both Cameroon (52.31%) and Senegal (58.27%). Participants with an interest in politics, having all the key documents or registered with a political party were more likely to have voted in both countries. Adjusting for socio-demographic characteristics, people with disabilities were less likely to have voted compared to those without disabilities in Cameroon (odds ratio [OR] = 0.58 [0.40, 0.84]) and in Senegal (OR = 0.36 [0.26, 0.44]). There is an urgent need to address the socio-political and environmental factors that have been identified so as to close the disability gaps in voting and ensure equitable opportunities and levels of political participation between people with and without disabilities. This article contributes to the existing knowledge base on the political participation of people with and without disabilities in Cameroon and Senegal.

The (Il)legitimacy of Constitutional Amendments in Africa and Democratic Backsliding

Abstract In many African countries with hegemonic-party or de facto one-party systems, political leaders have historically exploited ostensibly proper constitutional amendments to undermine constitutionalism, a practice raising questions about the legitimacy, or lack thereof, of such amendments. This article argues that amendment legitimacy is contingent on achieving ‘broad consensus’, a concept endorsed by the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. Traditional amendment procedures, such as supermajorities and referendums, while crucial, have proven to be imperfect proxies for ensuring such broad consensus. To more effectively safeguard the core constitutional rules of democratic governance, this article contends that political parties must be recognised as key sites of power division and checks and balances. Accordingly, constitutional amendment procedures should require some level of cross-party approval for key amendments, thus preventing individual political groups, regardless of their dominance, from unilaterally altering fundamental rules of the game. This approach would not only enhance the legitimacy of amendments but also serve as a safeguard against contemporary forms of democratic backsliding, where incumbents exploit formal processes to undermine democratic competition. While this process might make constitutional changes more difficult, it would apply only to a narrow set of fundamental aspects of constitutional democracy. Moreover, it does not necessarily conflict with popular self-governance (and its majoritarian expression), but instead calls for an inclusive re-imagining of majoritarianism.

Abusive constitutionalism in Poland - on the self-delegitimisation of the judiciary

The concept of abusive constitutionalism became widespread in legal scholarship after David Landau's famous publication. The author defines abusive constitutionalism as "the use of constitutional amendment mechanisms to make a state significantly less democratic than it was before" . He refers to actions that make a particular regime "significantly less democratic" . The result, he points out, is to move away from democracy . He pointed to 2013 as examples of this trend - Honduras, Venezuela or Hungary. "De-democratisation" of constitutional mechanisms is also, in my view, relevant from the perspective of the Polish experience, though viewed differently than usually presented in the political debates. It turns out that democratic mechanisms and their implementation are undermined by those judiciary representatives who, simultaneuosly, accuse the authorities introducing solutions in line with democratic principles of violating the rule of law.

Sustainability, play and children´s agency: a comparative study of the Swedish and Turkish preschool curricula

ABSTRACT In this study, we compared how sustainability, children’s agency, and play are addressed in preschool curricula in Sweden and Turkey. Content analysis was used to analyse, interpret, and compare the content. The findings indicated that sustainability is explicitly integrated into the Swedish curriculum but only partly mentioned in the Turkish curriculum. Play is a core part of children’s learning in Sweden, whereas, in Turkey, play is mainly referred to as a method. The Swedish preschool curriculum emphasises democracy as a central aspect, which reflects the dedication to fostering children's agency and their comprehension of rights and participation. The Turkish curriculum, meanwhile – while acknowledging democratic principles, child rights, and participation – does not provide a comprehensive framework for promoting children’s agency. Our qualitative study contributes to knowledge about policies that may lead to practices concerning preschool education in Sweden and Turkey that focus on sustainability, children’s agency, and play.