Democracy Research Articles

Assessement of Nigerias Afrocentric Foreign Policy: A Case Study of President Olusegun Obasanjo's Administration

The emergence of President Olusegun Obasanjo in 1999 as the president of Nigeria marked a significant transition from military rule to democratic rule, the image of the country have been battered in the international arena due to military dictatorship, hence the president have to concentrate on rebuilding the image of Nigeria. Nigeria's Afrocentrism, rooted in its post-independence policy under Prime Minister Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, has consistently placed Africa at the center of its foreign policy. The paper explores Nigeria's Afrocentric foreign policy, focusing on the administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999-2007). This approach emphasizes African unity, emancipation, and development, with Nigeria playing a key role in mediation, conflict resolution, and peacekeeping within the continent. The research aimed to critically examines the effort made by president Obasanjo in area of ensuring democratic rule, Peacekeeping operations, and regional economic integration in Africa. This paper argues that Nigeria’s Afrocentric foreign policy, while altruistic, may require recalibration to better align with national interests, ensuring that such commitments do not disproportionately burden the Nigerian economy. The historical and analytical approach was employed in the presentation and analysis of data, the information goes through rigorous analysis that is data analysis, which is a technique for an objective, systematic and qualitative description of the data acquired. Furthermore, the theory employed in the making of this research is Concentric circle theory which was first brought from sociology, and later adopted in the study of foreign policy. A shift towards a more pragmatic and national interest-focused foreign policy, emphasizing economic growth and development, is recommended for future engagements.

Economic Growth and Democratic Political System in Developing Countries

The relationship between a democratic political system and economic growth has been the focus of debate in recent years. This article is a contribution to the economic analysis of the relationship between democracy and economic growth. Using an econometric illustration of panel data from twenty developing countries, in a period from 2000 to 2021, Fixed-effect, random-effect and GMM model estimates show that a democratic political regime positively affects economic growth in developing countries. This result is explained by the importance of the role of democracy in implementing economic and social reforms, encouraging investment, opening up trade and protecting civil liberties and political powers.

Digitalisation, democracy and the GDPR: The efforts of DPAs to defend democratic principles despite the limitations of the GDPR

Digitalisation, democracy and the GDPR: The efforts of DPAs to defend democratic principles despite the limitations of the GDPR

Different Perspectives on Democracy as an Explanation for the “Populist Radical Right Gender Gap”?

The “radical right gender gap” is an established finding in contemporary research, indicating that women support populist radical right parties (PRRPs) in significantly lower numbers than men. Despite substantial literature dedicated to uncovering the reasons behind this gap, significant questions remain unanswered. This article examines the nature of the radical right gender gap in greater detail, focusing on Switzerland—a country with one of the most established PRRPs in Western Europe, the SVP/SPP (Schweizer Volkspartei/Swiss People’s Party), making it a representative case. A defining feature of PRRPs that sets them apart from other parties is their clear distinction between in-groups and out-groups in society, coupled with the propagation of nativist and anti-pluralist values. While PRRPs emphasize caring for the in-group, they often advocate excluding the out-group from rights and privileges. This article argues that the preferences of PRRPs and female voters are in stark contrast regarding these issues. Building on empirical evidence that women place more importance on certain features of a democratic system than men do, we propose that this discrepancy may help explain the gender gap in support for these parties. Utilizing data from the European Social Survey 2020, which includes detailed questions on various understandings of democracy, we find robust support for our hypotheses within the Swiss context. Compared to men, women consider protecting the rights of minorities and safeguarding all citizens from poverty as especially important for a functioning democracy. These preferences emerge as influential factors contributing to women’s reluctance to support PRRPs.

How political consultants can leverage partisan media combativeness in the U.S.

ABSTRACT The growth of partisan media presents new challenges for political consultants. Informed by social identity theory and truth-default theory, this paper examines how U.S. voters react to politicians in combative news interviews. Experiment 1 (N = 320) establishes that an ingroup politician gains more trust among ingroup voters when interviewed by cross-partisan media accusing the politician of deception than when interviewed more congenially by co-partisan media. Experiment 2 (N = 131) finds that perceived media hostility increases Democrats’ and Republicans’ trust in a politician regardless of whether the interviewer accuses the politician of deception or is congenial. Experiment 3 (N = 126) replicates the findings when a Democrat is accused of deception on Fox News. The study tested a moderated mediation model, finding that Republican and Democratic voters do not react differently in the process. The discussion highlights the practical and theoretical implications of hostile media perceptions and ingroup–outgroup partisan bias in a polarized media environment with conflicting exposure to live fact-checking and deception detection.

Paradox of Criminal Provisions Formulation Regarding Reporting of Political Party Campaign Funds in the 2024 General Election

Political parties as a form of organization whose scope is the political field make it a primary position in modern democracy which is required to be in line with democratic norms and election principles. The characteristics of political parties as legal subjects (subjectum juris) of corporations/public legal entities that can also act in the private sphere that are attached to legal consequences for all actions or deeds, and legal relationships, both in the administrative, civil, and criminal spheres. One of the actions or legal acts of political parties in the Election is the legal obligation to report campaign funds honestly, accountably, and transparently in accordance with the principles of organizing elections as a legal act that has the potential to have administrative and criminal consequences. In several formulations of criminal provisions of the Election Law which are specifically formulated for political parties as legal subjects (subjectum juris) of corporations, although the construction of the articles does not explicitly mention political parties, but refers to the phrase Election Participants which consists of 5 Articles, namely Article 496, Article 525 Paragraph (2), Article 526 Paragraph (2), Article 527, and Article 528 Paragraph (1) of the a quo Law. One of the actions or legal acts of political parties that has the potential to be subject to criminal penalties is the provision of Article 496 of the a quo Law related to election participants who intentionally provide false information in the Election campaign fund report, which constructively-holistically reaps problems in the actions or legal actions of political parties as election participants as well as the problem of deadlocked norms in related articles in the a quo Law.

Political polarization, legitimacy and democratic education

ABSTRACT Political polarization is often argued to be a major threat to democracy. This article examines whether the two different forms of polarization, ideological and affective, may risk some of the core assumptions of democratic legitimacy. The paper argues that ideological polarization is linked with increasingly radical ideological positions being accepted as legitimate contributions to democratic processes, which may lead to the erosion of the democratic culture of society. Affective polarization, in turn, presents a risk to the type of political collaboration that characterizes legitimate democratic processes. The article presents some remarks on how these forms of polarization could be pre-emptively addressed in education: first, by demonstrating to students the practical consequences of neglecting the core democratic principles of toleration (Forst) and reciprocity (Rawls) in society; and second, through forms of political action that engage students’ political emotions in support of democratic principles and way of life in a nonpartisan way.

Social work students’ perspectives on the future of human rights

ABSTRACT This study explores social work students’ perspectives on human rights in their practice, drawing on focus group interviews from universities in Germany, Poland, and the Philippines. Focus group discussions were coded using thematic content analysis based on an inductive approach in which themes emerge from the conversations between participants and the researchers and among themselves. It examines emergent themes on envisioning human rights’ future in social work, highlighting novel application approaches. The research underscores the necessity of incorporating human rights education, emphasizing respect, equality, and dignity, into social work curricula. Students discuss the evolving nature of societal norms and human rights, advocating for adaptive, culturally sensitive approaches to meet demographic and societal changes. The findings suggest a paradigm shift toward a more inclusive perspective that integrates environmental and collective rights, marking a significant move from traditional social work practices. Additionally, the research highlights the international political context, including the rise of authoritarian nationalism, which poses significant challenges to the advancement of human rights globally. This underscores the urgency for social work to act as a counter-movement in defense of human rights and democratic principles.

Authoritarianism and civil society: Legal restrictions on Human Rights CSOs

New types of authoritarian regimes attempt to create the illusion of democracy. They therefore seek to restrict the establishment and activities of CSOs not through outright bans, but through the adoption of laws and regulations designed to systematically and methodically impede the operation of human rights CSOs. This paper, based on empirical research, classifies and analyses the registration and re-registration procedures that restrict the freedom of association of human rights CSOs, as well as the legislation that imposes registration or re-registration requirements on organisations designated as “foreign agents.” Additionally, it assesses the proportion in which democratic and authoritarian regimes use these restrictive mechanisms. The results show that the restrictions examined are predominantly used in authoritarian regimes.

Exploring Intellectual Freedom and Collection Development Policies in School Libraries: Perspectives from US and Kenya.

Information is one of the essentials for decision making and intellectual development, thus it is difficult for democratic societies to exist without access to diverse information (Knox, 2011). Within school libraries, access to information resources should be enhanced through the selection, evaluation, and acquisition of diverse resources in different formats to cater to the different needs of students, support the curriculum and promote their intellectual freedom. The fight for intellectual freedom in schools is not a recent development and the number of challenges and book bans is escalating and anticipated to continue rising in the years ahead (ALA,2022). While issues regarding intellectual freedom and censorship are global affairs, much is known about the US, but this study also focuses on Kenya, two countries with varying approaches on different issues thus addressing a significant research gap on intellectual freedom beyond the US. Employing a mixed methods approach, the study involves semi structured interviews among school librarians (10 from the US and 10 from Kenya) and an analysis of the school’s collection development policies. A qualitative thematic analysis of the data is being carried out to identify school librarians’ perspectives on censorship and advocacy for intellectual freedom through policies. The study aims at creating an awareness of the social reality regarding intellectual freedom between the two contexts. School librarians, administrators and policy makers will be able to restructure existing policies to enhance intellectual freedom for students.

Electoral participation of people with and without disabilities in urban communities in Cameroon and Senegal

Background: The right to participate in political processes is fundamental to democratic governance, economic development and human rights.Objectives: We assessed participation in political processes and also explored factors associated with voting at the most recent election for people with and without disabilities.Method: We conducted cross-sectional survey in four cities in Senegal and three in Cameroon in 2021. Disability was assessed using the Washington Group Short Set of questions. Univariate and multiple regression analyses were conducted to identify the factors associated with voting at the most recent elections.Results: Among 4180 participants in Cameroon and 4171 in Senegal, disability prevalence was 9.77% and 10.89%, respectively. More than half of the participants had voted at the most recent elections in both Cameroon (52.31%) and Senegal (58.27%). Participants with an interest in politics, having all the key documents or registered with a political party were more likely to have voted in both countries. Adjusting for socio-demographic characteristics, people with disabilities were less likely to have voted compared to those without disabilities in Cameroon (odds ratio [OR] = 0.58 [0.40, 0.84]) and in Senegal (OR = 0.36 [0.26, 0.44]).Conclusion: There is an urgent need to address the socio-political and environmental factors that have been identified so as to close the disability gaps in voting and ensure equitable opportunities and levels of political participation between people with and without disabilities.Contribution: This article contributes to the existing knowledge base on the political participation of people with and without disabilities in Cameroon and Senegal.

The (Il)legitimacy of Constitutional Amendments in Africa and Democratic Backsliding

Abstract In many African countries with hegemonic-party or de facto one-party systems, political leaders have historically exploited ostensibly proper constitutional amendments to undermine constitutionalism, a practice raising questions about the legitimacy, or lack thereof, of such amendments. This article argues that amendment legitimacy is contingent on achieving ‘broad consensus’, a concept endorsed by the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. Traditional amendment procedures, such as supermajorities and referendums, while crucial, have proven to be imperfect proxies for ensuring such broad consensus. To more effectively safeguard the core constitutional rules of democratic governance, this article contends that political parties must be recognised as key sites of power division and checks and balances. Accordingly, constitutional amendment procedures should require some level of cross-party approval for key amendments, thus preventing individual political groups, regardless of their dominance, from unilaterally altering fundamental rules of the game. This approach would not only enhance the legitimacy of amendments but also serve as a safeguard against contemporary forms of democratic backsliding, where incumbents exploit formal processes to undermine democratic competition. While this process might make constitutional changes more difficult, it would apply only to a narrow set of fundamental aspects of constitutional democracy. Moreover, it does not necessarily conflict with popular self-governance (and its majoritarian expression), but instead calls for an inclusive re-imagining of majoritarianism.

Abusive constitutionalism in Poland - on the self-delegitimisation of the judiciary

The concept of abusive constitutionalism became widespread in legal scholarship after David Landau's famous publication. The author defines abusive constitutionalism as "the use of constitutional amendment mechanisms to make a state significantly less democratic than it was before" . He refers to actions that make a particular regime "significantly less democratic" . The result, he points out, is to move away from democracy . He pointed to 2013 as examples of this trend - Honduras, Venezuela or Hungary. "De-democratisation" of constitutional mechanisms is also, in my view, relevant from the perspective of the Polish experience, though viewed differently than usually presented in the political debates. It turns out that democratic mechanisms and their implementation are undermined by those judiciary representatives who, simultaneuosly, accuse the authorities introducing solutions in line with democratic principles of violating the rule of law.

Sustainability, play and children´s agency: a comparative study of the Swedish and Turkish preschool curricula

ABSTRACT In this study, we compared how sustainability, children’s agency, and play are addressed in preschool curricula in Sweden and Turkey. Content analysis was used to analyse, interpret, and compare the content. The findings indicated that sustainability is explicitly integrated into the Swedish curriculum but only partly mentioned in the Turkish curriculum. Play is a core part of children’s learning in Sweden, whereas, in Turkey, play is mainly referred to as a method. The Swedish preschool curriculum emphasises democracy as a central aspect, which reflects the dedication to fostering children's agency and their comprehension of rights and participation. The Turkish curriculum, meanwhile – while acknowledging democratic principles, child rights, and participation – does not provide a comprehensive framework for promoting children’s agency. Our qualitative study contributes to knowledge about policies that may lead to practices concerning preschool education in Sweden and Turkey that focus on sustainability, children’s agency, and play.

AI versus AI for democracy: exploring the potential of adversarial machine learning to enhance privacy and deliberative decision-making in elections

AbstractOur democratic systems have been challenged by the proliferation of artificial intelligence (AI) and its pervasive usage in our society. For instance, by analyzing individuals’ social media data, AI algorithms may develop detailed user profiles that capture individuals’ specific interests and susceptibilities. These profiles are leveraged to derive personalized propaganda, with the aim of influencing individuals toward specific political opinions. To address this challenge, the value of privacy can serve as a bridge, as having a sense of privacy can create space for people to reflect on their own political stance prior to making critical decisions, such as voting for an election. In this paper, we explore a novel approach by harnessing the potential of AI to enhance the privacy of social-media data. By leveraging adversarial machine learning, i.e., “AI versus AI,” we aim to fool AI-generated user profiles to help users hold a stake in resisting political profiling and preserve the deliberative nature of their political choices. More specifically, our approach probes the conceptual possibility of infusing people’s social media data with minor alterations that can disturb user profiling, thereby reducing the efficacy of the personalized influences generated by political actors. Our study delineates the boundary of ethical and practical implications associated with this ‘AI versus AI’ approach, highlighting the factors for the AI and ethics community to consider in facilitating deliberative decision-making toward democratic elections.

The dark side of law ‘in context’: ex parte populi law as a new

My strategy is to define the ‘dark side’ of law by contrast, starting from its ‘light side’. It seems to me that the latter can only be defined from what has been called the ‘logicist-positivist paradigm’ that identifies the clarity of law with the certainty of the judicial decision deduced from norms, assumed to have a clear meaning. This paradigm is based on the identity between normative text and norm, which has been commonly considered implausible by legal philosophers, but perhaps we could say by jurists, over the last seventy years. Nevertheless, the paradigm continues to be handed down and considered the framework for reflections on law. I argue, referring to Kuhn’s conception of a paradigm, that this is because the legal-philosophical thought of recent decades has been unable to develop an alternative paradigm, and I suggest that this is because the logicist-positivist paradigm appears inextricably linked to the liberal-democratic structuring of our legal systems: a law-making judge fundamentally denies the rule of the people through the legislature. As a starting point for the elaboration of a new paradigm, I propose a conception of law that is no longer regulative of people’s behaviour, but of public power. In it, the judiciary emerges as the interlocutor to whom one turns to transform the private troubles of marginalised and socially abandoned citizens into legal problems. I argue that this conception is able to recover, in the current context, the fundamental values of ‘democratic societies’.

The Relationship between Global Competitiveness, Corruption, Democratic Systems on Economic Growth ASEAN countries

Corruption is a detrimental act for many people, especially related to the economy. Various groups widely discuss corruption and economic growth from academia, government, and the private sector. This is even more complex when coupled with competitiveness between countries and democratic systems. So this study aims to analyze the influence of global competitiveness, corruption and democracy on economic growth in ASEAN countries. This study used panel data analysis methods in 7 ASEAN countries from 2014-2019. The seven countries are Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines, Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. It is related to economic growth, corruption, and competitiveness in ASEAN countries. The results of this study show that corruption brings mudhorot but has yet to be significant to economic growth. Another interesting finding is that democracy negatively affects global competitiveness and increases economic growth. This research can be one of the government’s policy recommendations by increasing economic growth through strict enforcement against corruption and increasing global competitiveness. To realize economic growth that prospers society requires the role of the government through increasing human and institutional resources to support other competitiveness factors that focus on technological, environmental, and innovation aspects.

Giving Effect to Freedom of Religion through the Advancement of Religion? A New Zealand Charity Law Perspective

Abstract The legal frameworks of the human right to freedom of religion and the charity law doctrine of the advancement of religion sit at opposite ends of the legal scale by virtue, inter alia, of the former being a right that protects against a social injustice and the latter being a discretionary benefit bestowed upon beneficiaries and even that discretionary benefit is governed by stringent charity law principles. Consequently, it may be seen that the discretionary benefits bestowed by the advancement of religion might be at odds to the right to freedom of religion. As a result, this article considers whether the advancement of religion can give effect to the freedom of religion, and if not, whether any such limitations may be justified in a democratic society. Thus, this article explores a number of key legal issues pertaining to religion through the charity law lens from a New Zealand perspective, and in doing so, sheds some light on the relationship between the freedom of religion and the advancement of religion.

Theoretical and Legal Foundations for the Protection of Environmental Rights as Part of Political Rights in Kyrgyzstan

This article examines the theoretical and legal foundations for the protection of environmental rights as integral components of political rights in the Kyrgyz Republic. It explores the evolution of environmental rights within the broader framework of human rights and political freedoms, highlighting their significance in the context of sustainable development and democratic governance. The study analyzes the existing legal frameworks, including constitutional provisions and international agreements, that support the recognition and enforcement of environmental rights in Kyrgyzstan. It also addresses the challenges and opportunities in integrating environmental rights into the political rights discourse, emphasizing the role of civic engagement, public policy, and legal reforms. The findings underscore the importance of strengthening legal mechanisms to ensure the effective protection of environmental rights as fundamental political rights, contributing to the overall enhancement of environmental governance in the Kyrgyz Republic.

Media construction of pseudo-events: Lula da Silva at the Portugal’s parliament during a historic annual celebration

The Carnation Revolution (25th April 1974) has changed the course of Portugal, leading it to transition from an autocratic to a democratic Government. Every year, celebrations are conducted at the national Parliament. In 2023, it counted with another guest: Lula da Silva, Brazil’s ongoing president. Considering the notion of cultural memory and media construction of social reality through media events, this article notes Lula da Silva’s presence and exceptional address was portrayed on newspaper front pages of several journalistic media outlets. Therefore, it aims at understanding meaning and discourse production with Lula da Silva’s visit to Portugal on the 25th April 2023 through media coverage and first page highlight. Lula da Silva is noticed by the front pages under analysis as a controversial, entertaining, and eventful celebrity linked to specific positioned actors that is invited to the Parliament and prompts indirectly and directly discontentment and, at the same time, support. Also, it discusses how such spotlight over Lula da Silva turned that visit and Parliament’s address it into a pseudo-event. Adopting a Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis approach, this research work intends to offer a multimodal eye upon those front pages and critically reflect on populism, coloniality, cultural memory, and journalism.