Notion Of Democracy Research Articles

Who will Save the Redheads? Towards an Anti-Bully Theory of Judicial Review and Protection of Democracy

This article analyses three main tensions situated at the heart of democratic erosion processes around the world: the conflict between substantive and formal notions of democracy; a conflict between believers and non-believers that courts can save democracy; and the tension between strategic and legal considerations that courts consider when facing pressure from political branches. At its core, the article argues that courts have an important role in protecting democracy against constitutional reforms eroding the constitutional order, and that courts should stand firm against pressure and do their best to protect democracy.

Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (F) Pakistan: From Political Conservatism to Modernity 2002-2018

This study evaluates JUI-F Pakistans role concerning the significant changes in its political strategy and ideology from 2002 to 2018. Muslim societies as a whole, apart from few exceptions, were alien to the perfect and contemporary notion of democracy. The colonial governments and their political system, ruled over the Muslim majority nations during the colonial era, are one of the primary factors for the antidemocracy strategy. For different social, political and religious reasons, JUI-F Pakistan has undergone inevitable political changes and ideological transformations. Major events in the ancient and modern demonstrate its political shift. While some of Deobands academics still favor radical groups and promote their cause like JUI-S but in this situation, JUI-F Pakistan is an exception. The partys general political function may not be fully and ideally democratic, but occurrences demonstrate their in-depth knowledge of continuing political changes and ground-based realities at regional and international level.

Food for thought: The trajectories of democratic peace-building citizenship education

Abstract The notions of democracy, peace-building and citizenship are all contested and multifaceted in the literature in terms of their meaning and their application in schools and other learning settings. This article is an attempt to explore the trajectories of democracy, peace-building and citizenship education in conflict zones, societies transitioning out of violent conflict and relatively democratic societies. After delving into the intersectionality of democracy, peace-building and citizenship education, the article highlights essential theoretical and practical peace-building citizenship approaches including education for humanization, human rights education, culturally relevant pedagogy and pedagogy of hope. In addition the author theorizes the components essential for the attainability of democratic peace-building citizenship education.

Fighting Hoax and Hate Speech by Strengthening The Spirit of Pancasila in Preventing Disintegration of The Nation

The notion of democracy is used by most of the countries in the world as a foundation in managing the country, it is also the choice of Indonesia after the reformation period in 1998 as stated in the amendment of the 1945 Constitution. Through democracy, people can control the government administration so that the government does not act arbitrarily. With democracy, people are also given the opportunity to participate in all aspects of development, guaranteed the freedom of association / assembly to express opinions on various matters in the government administration in accordance with the constitutional corridor. In practice, after 2 (two) decades of reformation, freedom in democracy has become an act that exceeds the limit. In the national life order in Indonesia today, there have been various hoaxes (false information), utterances of hatred on social media, anarchic behavior occurring in various places, even radicalism movements which allegedly want to destroy the ideology of Pancasila and replace it with other ideologies. In this study, there are two problems that will be discussed, namely legal policy in the prohibition of hoaxes and hate speech and the ideology of Pancasila in the prevention of hoaxes and hate speeches. Legal policies in the prohibition of hoax and hate speech are regulated in Article 28 paragraph (1) of Law Number 11 Year 2008 concerning Information and Electronic Transactions. Prohibition of hoaxes and hate speeches is also carried out in various laws and regulations in other countries. Hoaxes and hate speeches threaten the integrity of Indonesia. Therefore, to guard and care for the Republic of Indonesia to remain based on the ideology of Pancasila, the nation's commitment to defend Pancasila as a state ideology must be able to actualize the noble values contained in the principles of Pancasila in life as well as possible and committed to fight hoax, utterances of hatred, anarchic actions and radicalism by strengthening the spirit of Pancasila for every Indonesian person and encouraging various government agencies to uphold the concept of the rule of law in preventing the disintegration of the nation.

Demokracja a liberalizm – uwagi z perspektywy XXI w.

<p>Punktem wyjścia w niniejszym opracowaniu jest stwierdzenie faktu, że termin „liberalizm” nabiera pejoratywnego charakteru; w wypowiedziach polityków i publicystów pojawiają się określenia typu „zgniły” „upadły” czy „skompromitowany” liberalizm. Przyczyną tego zjawiska jest utożsamienie terminu „liberalizm” z nieograniczoną gospodarką wolnorynkową albo z absolutną, niemal anarchistyczną wolnością jednostki. To zjawisko nasiliło się szczególnie za sprawą szkoły chicagowskiej i libertarianizmu, czego najbardziej wymownym przykładem jest książka <em>Demokracja – bóg, który zawiódł</em>. Druga przyczyna to niewątpliwie stosunek klasycznych liberałów do demokracji. Liberałowie walczyli wprawdzie o powszechne prawa wyborcze (także dla kobiet), ale ich naczelnym zadaniem i ideałem było postawienie granic temu, co Jan Jakub Rousseau określił jako „nieograniczoną, suwerenną i niepozbywalną władzą ludu (narodu)”. Stąd określenie „demokracja liberalna” zawierało konkretną treść, taką jak prawa jednostki, rządy prawa, podział władzy. Jesteśmy aktualnie świadkami wzrostu popularności ideału Rousseau, mówi się przecież o „suwerennej demokracji”, woli narodu. To każe jednak pamiętać, że właśnie rządy autorytarne i totalitarne posługiwały się taką retoryką, mówiąc o demokracji jako o wyrazie woli narodu i nie przewidując żadnych dla tej woli ograniczeń. Czy to oznacza kres idei liberalnych? Historia poucza nas, że liberalizm stawał się ważną ideologią zawsze w momentach kryzysowych, jak np. w II Cesarstwie Francuskim, jak również po upadku III Rzeszy, dyktatury Francisco Franco i komunizmu. Można sądzić, że nie tyle liberalizm jako teoria ekonomiczna, ile liberalizm jako ograniczenie władzy absolutnej – nawet jeśli władza ta pochodzi z demokratycznych wyborów – będzie nadal spełniać tę funkcję.</p>

Populism in Europe: What Scholarship Tells Us

Trust in democratic institutions to resolve conflicts fairly is at odds with the populist notion of democracy as the expression of the unified will of the one true people.

The ALBA constitutional project and political representation

Abstract After the Cold War era, significant constitutional changes took place in Latin America. One distinct trend is the neo-Bolivarian constitutionalism, which has taken place in the ALBA countries, including the constitutional replacements of Venezuela (1999), Ecuador (2008), and Bolivia (2009). Many scholars have rightly criticized these constitutional experiments arguing that they have helped to deteriorate a liberal notion of democracy. This essay approaches a question that complements those criticisms from a different perspective: how the ALBA countries have resorted to varied notions of political representation. The authors use the classic work of Pitkin to identify the different sorts of political representation involved in the ALBA constitutional experiments, finding a combination of symbolic and descriptive representation. The former is linked to the figure of the president as a caudillo that centralizes political power, whereas the latter is fostered by both the president and the contents of the new constitutions related to the original peoples. As a result, the empowering purpose of constitutionalism has been preferred over its constraining purpose.

‘Becoming co-operative’ – challenges and insights: repositioning school engagement as a collective endeavour

ABSTRACTThis article explores how a school’s decision to become co-operative affects its engagement relationships with students and parents. The findings stem from a wider study exploring approaches to engagement in a recently converted co-operative academy, a large secondary school in a northern English city. The article surfaces the possibilities and tensions that occur as the school seeks to reposition itself in the English education marketplace, with a co-operative model that explicitly sets out to promote mutualisation, not privatisation; ‘we’ rather than ‘me’. The process of becoming co-operative is examined by exploring the underlying purposes of the school’s engagement with students and parents and the relationships that emerge as a result. The study surfaces the issues faced as a co-operative school seeks to enact thicker, ‘collective forms’ of democratic engagement against a backdrop of English education policy based on individualistic notions of democracy as freedom of choice. The findings point to the need for a different policy understanding of school engagement, an understanding that suggests engagement is about the process of developing more equitable, collaborative relationships with stakeholders and rests on the repositioning of students, parents and community members – from ‘choosers’ and ‘consumers’ to a collective public in education.

Privileging participation in the Pacific: Researcher reflections

This researcher reflection examines the challenges faced in using participatory action research (PAR) as a methodology when researching social work in Fiji. PAR allows for disadvantaged groups to engage in research and social action as a means to address inequity. However, PAR relies on people’s ability and desire to participate in this process of change. The epistemological roots of PAR are well suited to Western notions of democracy and power, conflicting with how society operates within Fiji. This reflection examines some of the challenges faced in conducting PAR due to this cultural clash. In conducting this research, the researcher was forced to engage in deep and, at times, confronting, reflections about identity and positionality as both a critical social worker and researcher. By using a PAR approach as the starting point for research design and implementation, the research not only failed to empower Fijian social workers but at times replicated a form of neo-colonialism.

Revisiting Frank H. Knight's 'The Ethics of Competition'

James M. Buchanan revisited his mentor’s famous 1923 essay “The Ethics of Competition” in an essay written for the centenary celebration of Frank Knight’s birth in 1985. Buchanan’s paper focused on the first section of Knight’s essay, and outlined why it provided an inadequate criticism of a competitive market economy. Essentially, the essay was flawed by what Buchanan understood to be a methodological ambiguity which formed the basis for Knight’s ethical critique. A year later, in Buchanan’s Nobel Lecture, he made no reference to Knight, despite have widely acknowledged in other ways his general indebtedness to Knight’s appreciation for competitive markets in forming his own approach to public choice. After reviewing the structure of Buchanan’s criticism, the paper turns to examine what Knight did with his views on ethics, economics, and social/political organization after the mid-1920s. Knight’s Weberian turn led him to abandon the “successive approximation” method he had argued in favor of in Risk, Uncertainty and Profit (1921), and instead seek an economics that provided general insights from an ideal type analysis of market interaction, combined with a) a comparative social and political institutional analysis; and b) a comparative study of ethical systems to evaluate which was appropriate to the problems of a liberal, democratic society. At the end, a brief look at Buchanan’s movement toward Knight on methodological issues after his Nobel Lecture is examined. Buchanan’s changes come from a new appreciation for increasing cost and social ideas and norms, as well as his growing appreciation for Knight’s notion of democracy as “government by discussion.”

Sistema nacional de convivencia escolar y democracia agonística: una perspectiva para el abordaje del conflicto en las instituciones escolares.

El texto que se presenta analiza la noción de democracia que subyace en las respuestas que el Estado Colombiano ha construido para mitigar y prevenir situaciones que generan conflicto al interior de las instituciones escolares, teniendo como referente que existen diversos tipos de conflictos entre los diversos actores que interactúan en la escuela y que de manera cotidiana exigen respuestas de las instituciones. Para ello se toma como referente la propuesta del modelo de democracia agonística, como una visión que permite comprender la teleología de la ley que regula el Sistema Nacional de Convivencia escolar, por la especial valoración que se da al conflicto. Para ello se hace una aproximación teórica, así como un análisis de la ley, sin desconocer las dificultades de su implementación. Con base en este análisis se presentan algunas conclusiones. El análisis parte de una revisión teórica, cualitativa a partir del análisis de fuentes documentales desde una perspectiva hermenéutica.

Post-liberal and Post-populist Democracy: Rethinking Democratic Representation

The triumph of democracy over its authoritarian adversaries inaugurated a novel political scenario in the democratized world increasingly characterized by the confrontation between “liberal” and “populist” forms of democracy. Each model is predicated on a specific reading of what democracy is and each, respectively, proposes strategies to realize their democratic ideal. In a way, liberal and populist conceptions of democracy reflect each other’s shortcomings: liberals accuse populists of authoritarianism and lack of respect for established institutions, while populists regard liberal arrangements as intrinsically elitist and conservative. The outcome is an apparent theoretical and political standoff between two antagonistic visions of what democracy should be. A central argument of this article is that despite their differences, populism and liberalism share some common assumptions regarding the workings and nature of democracy. They both rely upon variants of an electoral approach to democratic representation. To overcome the apparent standoff between those two allegedly contrasting visions of democracy requires breaking with some of their shared assumptions to develop a stronger understanding of what democratic accountability means. That notion should move beyond: (a) a purely electoral understanding to democratic representation; and (b) a notion of accountability as limited government. In brief, a democratic notion of accountability should be predicated on both post-liberal and post-populist presuppositions.

HUMAN RIGHTS AND LAW ENFORCEMENT

Humans born into the world have declared their rights and natural rights as gifts from the Almighty, God and every State must recognize them as legal subjects who must always be respected and protected to realize human values ​​well. Therefore; no one can or can act negatively, including the state or even the authorities or the government. Conceptually, a country that is expected to realize it is only a legal state that is considered legitimate and adheres to the notion of democracy, namely democracy will become a rule and law. The realization of the rule of law is to take action against perpetrators who are proven to have committed crimes and human rights violations. This paper explains that there are still many cases of gross violations of human rights that have not been clearly revealed and the perpetrators have not been given appropriate punishment, by giving sanctions to the perpetrators, so that law enforcement is not realized. The embodiment of the rule of law is that it can capture cases of gross violators of human rights and convict the perpetrators in accordance with the laws that apply in accordance with the characteristics of the rule of law. The problem is whether law enforcement has been realized especially in human rights violations and can be resolved through negotiation, conciliation and mediation.

Human Rights and Law Enforcement

Humans born into the world have declared their rights and naturalrights as gifts from the Almighty, God and every State must recognize them aslegal subjects who must always be respected and protected to realize human valueswell. Therefore; no one can or can act negatively, including the state or even theauthorities or the government. Conceptually, a country that is expected to realizeit is only a legal state that is considered legitimate and adheres to the notion ofdemocracy, namely democracy will become a rule and law. The realization of therule of law is to take action against perpetrators who are proven to have committedcrimes and human rights violations. This paper explains that there are still manycases of gross violations of human rights that have not been clearly revealed andthe perpetrators have not been given appropriate punishment, by giving sanctionsto the perpetrators, so that law enforcement is not realized. The embodiment ofthe rule of law is that it can capture cases of gross violators of human rights andconvict the perpetrators in accordance with the laws that apply in accordance withthe characteristics of the rule of law. The problem is whether law enforcement hasbeen realized especially in human rights violations and can be resolved throughnegotiation, conciliation and mediation.

Party democracy and its enemies: Italy, 1945–1992

The gap between the narratives of democracy and the practices of power has been a significant source of delegitimation for the post-1945 Italian political system. The system was unable to achieve a solid and principled legitimation by meeting the requirements of a widely accepted and historically rooted notion of democracy, and had to resort to a fragile de facto legitimacy based on the absence of more desirable alternatives. This can partly account for the collapse of the Republican political system in 1992/1993 and the political instability of Italy in the last quarter century. The first section of the article presents the three most relevant narratives of democracy of the Republic’s early years: liberal, progressive, and participatory democracy. The second section argues that in the early 1960s, when the political system finally reached a reasonable level of stability, it was as an ‘Italian-style’ party democracy that did not fully meet the criteria of any of the three original narratives, which were in fact used to delegitimise it. By the late 1970s, all could see how dysfunctional party democracy was, and criticising it became a discursive resource that no political force could refrain from exploiting—including those who were in government. The third section considers how those critiques were inspired, yet again, by variations of the three original narratives. The epilogue throws a quick glance at the post-1994 period.

Bolivarianismo en la encrucijada. Análisis de la ascensión y crisis del chavismo desde sus conceptos

Resumen: El artículo analiza la ascensión y crisis del chavismo a partir de sus ideas y principales conceptos políticos. Asume centralidad la historia reciente del desarrollo y apropiación oficial del concepto de “bolivarianismo”. Adicionalmente, se presenta cómo el concepto secundario de “socialismo del siglo XXI” emergió en el contexto venezolano, en tensa relación con la anterior noción de bolivarianismo; y cómo la noción de democracia fue articulada de manera muy particular con esos conceptos. Se propone como hipótesis que esa apropiación forma parte de una tradición ya larga de las izquierdas en las periferias, que buscan nacionalizarse y presentarse como parte de una historia nacional que para ellas tendría en su origen pretensos elementos igualitaristas, progresistas, revolucionarios. Esas allegadas tradiciones enmarcadas en el pasado local, en lo “propio”, podrían según ellas servir de base para la proyección de una sociedad distinta en el futuro.

A contradição gestão democrática x administração burocrática da escola: apontamentos para o debate

This work seeks to undertake an analysis about the problem of educational management, seeking to unveil the current scenario of the debate about the contradiction between democratic management and bureaucratic administration of the school. For the methodological treatment, content analysis was used. In addition, it will be from the bibliographic research that was constituted a state of the art that will seek to situate in which level the academic debate is dealing with the researched topic. It was observed that the theme of educational management and its notes do not oppose the notion of democracy in the way of administering a school, since the concept of administration used in the content of the analyzed articles considers that administration is configured as the rational use of resources to accomplish their ends, insofar as these ends are configured as the pedagogical process, that is, teaching and learning.

Localizing Dewey's Notions of Democracy and Education: A Journey across Configurations in Latin America.

This paper explores the reception of Dewey's ideas on democracy and education in Latin America from the beginning of the twentieth century through the "long 1960s" (1958-1974). The analysis is framed by a dynamic interplay between the local, regional, and supranational. To bring empirical specificity to Dewey's "translations," the author discusses Dewey's uptake in two political settings, in 1920s Chile and post-revolutionary Mexico, and two cases of Christian adaptation of Dewey's theories. The long 1960s signaled an epistemic shift in conceptions of education and social transformation. Dewey was not embraced while Paulo Freire and Ivan Illich became the referents.

РОЛЬ МІЖНАРОДНИХ ОРГАНІЗАЦІЙ ЗІСПОСТЕРЕЖЕННЯ ЗАВИБОРАМИ У ГАРАНТУВАННІ ДОТРИМАННЯ ПРАВ ЛЮДИНИ

The purpose of this research is to investigate the role of international organizations in elections observation as an instrument of ensuring human rights. The objectives are to analyze the notions of democracy and human rights, democratization trends worldwide, current threats to human rights related to elections procedures and the role of international organizations as entities safeguarding human rights in the globalized world. In order to investigate this problem the researcher utilized such scientific methods as deduction and induction, historical and comparative method and the case study one. Historical and comparative methods were used to trace the evolution of international organizations’’ activities with regard to elections observation and compare various organizations’ pertinent processes and procedures. Case study method was used to collect and analyze qualitative data about international organizations’ activity related to elections observation and to define their role in ensuring human rights, in particular, freedom of expression. The notions of democracy and human rights, democratization trends worldwide, current threats to human rights related to elections procedures and the role of international organizations as entities safeguarding human rights in the globalized world were analyzed. As a result, it can be stated that in the increasingly globalized world there are various democratization trends. There are different visions and models of democracy, yet no single one can be considered optimal. It can be noted that international organizations play a significant role in elections observation as an instrument of ensuring human rights. The dynamic rhythm of global development helps to promote plurality of ideas, political ideologies and ethical values. It can be concluded that in this increasingly interconnected world democracy has the function of a mediator promoting understanding among countries, first of all, through the United Nations. Democracy as a type of political regime, i. e. type of relationship between the country leadership and the people cannot function effectively without active social groups and civil society organizations. The political context has to promote freedom of speech, independent media, rule of law, effective judiciary system and overall respect for human rights. Freedom of expression and political choices are among fundamental human rights guaranteed by democratic national and international laws. International organizations are among the most noteworthy entities on the world arena safeguarding human rights and free expression of people’s political will. International organizations are working actively in order to tackle current threats to human rights, in particular, freedom of expression and freedom of political will. To this end, the international and national organizations provide comprehensive electoral support. The United Nations, the European Union, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and the Council of Europe are actively engaged in providing electoral support and assist in holding objective and just elections worldwide, especially in transitioning countries. They play a key role in providing electoral support in accordance with the international organizations’ mission, bolstering democracy and safeguarding human rights. The role of international organizations in the globalized world as human rights protector continues to be vital and indispensable.

РОЛЬ МІЖНАРОДНИХ ОРГАНІЗАЦІЙ ЗІСПОСТЕРЕЖЕННЯ ЗАВИБОРАМИ У ГАРАНТУВАННІ ДОТРИМАННЯ ПРАВ ЛЮДИНИ

The purpose of this research is to investigate the role of international organizations in elections observation as an instrument of ensuring human rights. The objectives are to analyze the notions of democracy and human rights, democratization trends worldwide, current threats to human rights related to elections procedures and the role of international organizations as entities safeguarding human rights in the globalized world. In order to investigate this problem the researcher utilized such scientific methods as deduction and induction, historical and comparative method and the case study one. Historical and comparative methods were used to trace the evolution of international organizations’’ activities with regard to elections observation and compare various organizations’ pertinent processes and procedures. Case study method was used to collect and analyze qualitative data about international organizations’ activity related to elections observation and to define their role in ensuring human rights, in particular, freedom of expression. The notions of democracy and human rights, democratization trends worldwide, current threats to human rights related to elections procedures and the role of international organizations as entities safeguarding human rights in the globalized world were analyzed. As a result, it can be stated that in the increasingly globalized world there are various democratization trends. There are different visions and models of democracy, yet no single one can be considered optimal. It can be noted that international organizations play a significant role in elections observation as an instrument of ensuring human rights. The dynamic rhythm of global development helps to promote plurality of ideas, political ideologies and ethical values. It can be concluded that in this increasingly interconnected world democracy has the function of a mediator promoting understanding among countries, first of all, through the United Nations. Democracy as a type of political regime, i. e. type of relationship between the country leadership and the people cannot function effectively without active social groups and civil society organizations. The political context has to promote freedom of speech, independent media, rule of law, effective judiciary system and overall respect for human rights. Freedom of expression and political choices are among fundamental human rights guaranteed by democratic national and international laws. International organizations are among the most noteworthy entities on the world arena safeguarding human rights and free expression of people’s political will. International organizations are working actively in order to tackle current threats to human rights, in particular, freedom of expression and freedom of political will. To this end, the international and national organizations provide comprehensive electoral support. The United Nations, the European Union, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and the Council of Europe are actively engaged in providing electoral support and assist in holding objective and just elections worldwide, especially in transitioning countries. They play a key role in providing electoral support in accordance with the international organizations’ mission, bolstering democracy and safeguarding human rights. The role of international organizations in the globalized world as human rights protector continues to be vital and indispensable.