Meaning Of Democracy Research Articles

A Genealogy of Digital Platform Regulation

In this Chapter, I connect two parallel genealogies into one larger story. I develop a genealogy of the disagreements that have emerged around the notion of digital platform power and the conflicting regulatory proposals these disagreements have led to. I do so by tracing these debates’ roots in earlier 1990s debates about Internet regulation: contestations around the meaning of freedom, law, power and democracy in digital spaces. In particular, I isolate three paradigmatic views, or moments, in early Internet regulation discourse. First, anarcho-libertarian views portray the Internet as an autonomous and utopian sphere of free social interaction immune from external interferences from the state or the law. Second, liberal views include a number of different perspectives. Most notably, Joel Reidenberg and Lawrence Lessig developed the idea that code is law, that law and behavior-modifying regulation exist in digital environments, but that they manifest in different ways, most effectively through architectural and material means. Finally, a small group of critical thinkers questioned prevalent (anarcho-libertarian and liberal) understandings of cyberspace, showing that many of these views eluded the way power and commercial logics manifested and in practice governed the Internet. I ask how these three views or moments have influenced and led to a symmetric spectrum of views on how to regulate digital platforms, their power and how to promote freedom and emancipation in digital spaces. The move from an Internet of networks to an Internet of platforms represents a significant shift: from a hybrid decentralized environment where freedom seemed the norm, to a centralized and privately controlled space where the default is enclosure and digital life is dependent on a few commercial actors. In spite of this shift, the three paradigmatic views I identify with regard to platform governance remain surprisingly aligned with earlier 1990s visions. In the digital platform context, anarcho-libertarianism has retreated and morphed into a libertarian aversion to regulation as well as a series of market optimist perspectives; liberal views continue to expand, forming a vast liberal and neoliberal terrain of contestation that has absorbed large parts of anarcho-libertarian ideologies and critical tendencies in directions that include proposals for platform self-regulation, fiduciary obligations, data protection, competition and utility regulation. Finally, the terrain of critique remains fertile and is key to advancing the overall discourse on platform governance, with questions of power and surveillance capitalism now viewed as central. In mapping these perspectives, my method is genealogical. The term “genealogy” was first used by Friedrich Nietzsche in the sense I intend it here and was subsequently borrowed and re-adapted by a number of critical scholars and philosophers, importantly Michel Foucault. I adopt a genealogical method to unveil a story about the ways in which conceptions of freedom, law and power have evolved and mutated in response to new infrastructural and material digital conditions. Complacency about freedom and faith in competitive marketplaces and individual preferences has significantly conditioned and allowed the concentrated arbitrary and opaque manifestations of digital power in existence today. To avoid similar trajectories in the future, a genealogical perspective is in order.

РЕФЕРЕНДУМ: ІНСТИТУТ ДЕМОКРАТІЇ ЧИ ЗАСІБ ПОЛІТИЧНОГО МАНІПУЛЮВАННЯ?

The purpose of the study is to reveal the strengths and weaknesses of the constitutional and legal institute of the referendum as a means of direct democracy. The political and legal method of research was used, which consists in the analysis of political and legal norms and political factors, that influences their formation and practical use. The main results and conclusions of the study. The institute of referendum as a system of constitutional and legal norms is analyzed from the point of view of both its democracy and the potential possibilities of its use as a means of political manipulation. The weaknesses of the institute of referendum are highlighted, examples of its use in Ukraine as a way to achieve opportunistic political goals are analyzed. Let us pay attention to the significant narrowing by the new Law of Ukraine «On an all-Ukrainian Referendum» of the rights and possibilities of the citizens of Ukraine to hold a referendum. It is concluded that in independent Ukraine the constitutional and legal institute of the referendum is used not so much for expression of the will of the Ukrainian people, also to directly solve the most important issues of state and public life, but as a way of political manipulation, achieving the political goals desired by the authorities.

Implementation of the strategy of sustainable development in the model of critical theory of society and education system

The call for democratic reconstruction of education should contribute to the development of the acquisition and use of knowledge and thought of as a response to emerging technologies and trends in globalization. In particular, be aware that nowadays some unfair terms communities, individuals are privileged in having access to technology, a high-tech skills and cultural capital than the less privileged communities. One way to overcome this abyss of a whole complex of new classes of inequalities, gender, race, education is restructuring so that all students have access to new technologies and new knowledge in the system democratized education and training process. Hegelian dialectics can help the efficiency of the relationship between students and teachers today in a situation where there is a lack of cultural, social experience as well as the specific subjectivity between groups, nations and generations. Teachers, students, and citizens must recognize this potential conflict and consolidate work to overcome these conflicts, making these actions more productive. Overall, the democratization of education can be enhanced in part by increasing elaboration and interactive forms of education, including such as distance education, the development of collective educational websites, online discussions and a scientific online community, shared internet research projects. But the restructuring of education also requires targeted public, values education, literacy cultivation. For teaching and learning books and printed materials based on multimedia and Internet materials should be considered as an additional, rather than as the primary means of democratization of education.

Shifting the Meaning of Democracy: Race, Politics, and Culture in the United States and Brazil by Jessica Lynn Graham

Reviewed by: Shifting the Meaning of Democracy: Race, Politics, and Culture in the United States and Brazil by Jessica Lynn Graham Travis Knoll Shifting the Meaning of Democracy: Race, Politics, and Culture in the United States and Brazil. By Jessica Lynn Graham. Oakland: University of California Press, 2019, p. 392, $29.95. This richly sourced and concisely written expansive diplomatic and cultural history brings the growing scholarship on Black internationalism (Keisha Blain 2018, 2021; Sarah Azaransky 2017) in conversation with the vast national literatures on race relations in two countries with the world's largest African diasporas. Graham's traces "the co-constitutive emergence of racially inclusive nationalisms as Brazilian and US state doctrine" (2) during the presidencies of Getúlio Vargas and Franklin Roosevelt. These doctrines responded to Communist and fascist efforts to undermine liberal democracy as incapable of delivering for its citizens. She divides fascist, Communist, and liberal democratic treatments of race into four categories: racial realism, racial denial, racial dissuasion, and racial obstructionism (8). Communist competition drives the first chapter, beginning with the Third Communist International (1919-1943), or the Comintern's, efforts to bring U.S. and Brazilian Blacks into worldwide struggles, especially in Asia (43). The Comintern exploited the new racial rhetoric ushered in by the New Deal even as it clashed with rival organizations like with Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association, which preached self-sufficiency and conservative bourgeois values. While US communists made racial struggle a cornerstone of their anti-imperialist agenda, the Comintern had to pressure the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) to admit Brazil had a racial problem, something it only did after stiff competition from Brazilian Integral Action (AIB) and Arlindo Veiga dos Santos' Brazilian Black Front (FNB). The second chapter lays out how Getúlio Vargas' Estado Novo and US government officials made racial plurality central to their anti-Communist efforts. Graham counters traditional scholarship that says the United States incorporated racial democracy in the 2000s, centers important right-wing actors, and shows elements of the Vargas regime highlighting racial plurality in a more forceful and confident manner than its US counterpart. The United States' response to Communism's assertion of a more racially equal society suffered from divisions embodied by the struggle between New York Rep. Hamilton Fish, who acknowledged racial inequality, and Texas Rep. Martin Dies, who denied it. Blacks in turn sought to cast the Ku Klux Klan and other rightist domestic terror groups as more dangerous than either German fascism or the Soviet Union. Architects of the Estado Novo, such as Francisco Campos, sought to frame democracy as stability, the state's defense of itself (90-91), through cultural events like the Estado Novo Exposition and books like Brazil is Good (92-93). [End Page 583] Chapter Three explains how pre-war fascists Plínio Salgado and African-American Lawrence Dennis claimed the democratic mantle and contested US definitions of democracy. As portrayed in works such as the National Socialist Handbook for Law and Legislation (1934/5) and Hitler Speaks (1939), US-style democracy was a sham that neither provided order nor lived up to the multi-racial ideas for which the system ostensibly advocated. The Nazis believed that this contradiction would lead Brazil into their camp, but Brazilian Integral Action (AIB) was put off by the Nazis' racial exclusivity and instead mixed Italian fascist ideas with homegrown discourses of racial harmony. This racially plural fascism influenced Black activists like Veiga dos Santos (and, in his early years, Abdias de Nascimento). Dennis longed for a modified version of US fascism which would embrace efficient government, discard racial superiority, and reject imperialistic ambitions. Other Brazilian and US Blacks such as Júlio Romão, Joel Augustus Rogers, and Adam Clayton Powell dissented from these fascist organizations but lamented that the sad example of race relations in liberal democracies was a poor counterpoint to fascist pretentions. Chapter Four covers the use of New Deal-era radio programs such as Harold Ickes' Radio Education Project and the Estado Novo's support for samba schools to juxtapose democracy's racial tolerance with fascism's racial chauvinism. Though centering Blacks, these programs often celebrated formal abolition while absolving the two...

ELECTRONIC-VOTING (E-VOTING) POLICY IN CONSISTENT GENERAL ELECTIONS TOWARDS A DEMOCRACY SYSTEM IN INDONESIA

Indonesia as a democratic country has entered the era of the millennium in the implementation of general elections simultaneously, it is necessary to utilize computer technology using the Electronic-Voting (E-Voting) method. Several regions in Indonesia have used the E-Voting method as a means of democracy which is applied at the hamlet and village head election levels. Village Head election policy with E-Voting as a new means of democracy through a touch of the monitor screen and E-Verification through voters' E-KTP. For example: Pemalang Regency (Ujunggede Village), Jembrana Regency in Bali (Mendoyo Dangin Tukad Village). Elections through e-voting must be designed as best as possible to realize the principles of direct elections, namely direct, general, free, secret (overflow) and honest and fair (fair) in direct elections. Electronic voting systems (e-voting) must be taken seriously and ensure transparency, certainty, security, accountability, and accuracy. In addition to technology readiness, of course, it must be supported by the readiness of the community in implementing this e-voting system in the future. The government's unpreparedness and lack of socialization of e-voting can also be a factor triggering failure in implementing this system.

“For me democracy is …” meanings of democracy from a phenomenological perspective

Meanings of democracy are far more complex than results of standardized survey research imply. They are diverse and intertwined with other individual concepts and subjective experiences. In terms of phenomenological adequacy, they are important first order constructions that can be used for building second order typologies and explanations for political action. Survey-based quantitative research has clear limits in terms of gathering such first order constructions, even if one wants to integrate them. Drawing from a phenomenological perspective of methodology and experience from 389 qualitative interviews conducted in the state of Baden-Württemberg, Germany, we argue that research on meanings of democracy might rather use open, qualitative assessments and consider four methodological aspects. First, we need to have a theoretical and methodological basis for analyzing “everyday philosophies” and root our concepts in these first order constructions. Phenomenology and the concept of lifeworld offer such a guideline. Second, we should not oversimplify analysis. People differ greatly in how they define democracy, and this should be reflected in research. Third, we advocate a qualitative multi-dimensional analysis that separates democracy, politics and actual use of democracy. This can be used to develop a typology of individual, but collectively shared, political lifeworlds. Finally, we argue that insights from this kind of research could be used to compliment standard survey instruments and contribute to developing and frequently testing a comprehensive instrument to assess the meanings of democracy in a more holistic way and to control our scientific second-order constructions of democracy.

Challenges in conceptualizing and measuring meanings and understandings of democracy

Research on meanings and understandings of democracy is growing. But besides useful theoretical and empirical insights, this research produces open questions concerning the conceptualization and the measurement of meanings of democracy. This special section—and especially this introductory paper and the different contributions—reflect on several key challenges and thereby go beyond the debate about advantages and disadvantages of open and closed questions measuring meanings of democracy in surveys. Both conceptualization and measurement have different challenges which researchers should take into account when developing research designs, specifically by doing cross-cultural comparisons. Other challenges are connected to the debate on universalism versus relativism and the usage of various terms, which are often not clearly defined. This paper offers an analytical framework to distinguish between meanings and understandings of democracy, thereby integrating comparative political theory and empirical democracy research through inductive and deductive approaches. And it gives an overview of the contributions of this special section. In sum, research on meanings and understandings of democracy is needed to gain a better picture of political cultures around the world.

Democracy in context: using a\xa0distributional semantic model to study differences in the usage of democracy across languages and countries

Cross-cultural survey research rests upon the assumption that if survey features are kept constant, data will remain comparable across languages, cultures and countries. Yet translating concepts across languages, cultures and political contexts is complicated by linguistic, cultural, normative or institutional discrepancies. Such discrepancies are particularly relevant for complex political concepts such as democracy, where the literature on political support has revealed significant cross-cultural differences in people’s attitudes toward democracy. Recognizing that language, culture and other socio-political variables affect survey results has often been equated with giving up on comparative research and many survey researchers have consequently chosen to simply ignore the issue of comparability and measurement equivalence across languages, cultures and countries. This paper contributes to the debate, using a distributional semantic lexicon, which is a statistical model measuring co-occurrence statistics in large text data. The method is motivated by structuralist meaning theory, stating that words with similar meanings tend to occur in similar contexts, and that contexts shape and define the meanings of words. Compared to other methodological approaches aimed at identifying and measuring cross-cultural discrepancies, this approach enables us to systematically analyze how the concept of democracy is used in its natural habitat. Collecting geo-tagged language data from news and social online source documents this paper descriptively explores varieties in meanings of democracy across a substantial number of languages and countries, and maps ways in which democracy is used among online populations and regions worldwide.

Shifting the Meaning of Democracy: Race, Politics, and Culture in the United States and Brazil. By Jessica Lynn Graham (Berkeley, University of California Press, 2019) 392 pp. $85.00 cloth $39.95 paper

This important study “analyzes the…emergence of racially inclusive nationalisms” as dominant state narratives in Brazil and the United States between 1930 and 1945. Graham looks at how this shift occurred and the way that it related to concepts of democracy and to the relations between the two countries, especially during World War II. Graham refers to articulations of inclusive race-based nationalism as “racial democracy,” which she applies to both Brazil and the United States in this period (6–7). This study focuses almost entirely on political narrative and its relationship to the political and economic context of the time. Graham does not analyze the actual conditions related to race in either country but only the political narratives of the time and how they related to each country and to the war.Both countries used these ideas to ward off charges of being undemocratic, though in different ways. The Brazilian narrative claimed that “racial harmony” and the centrality of African-derived culture made their dictatorship under Getulio Vargas “democratic.” At the same time, the U.S. narrative suggested that its political democracy essentially legitimated its tortured race relations. Brazil and the United States worked together to legitimize each other’s racial and democratic images to strengthen their wartime alliance. They collaborated on cultural productions and supported non-action-oriented forms of racial democracy. Brazil’s demarginalization of black culture, which was part of the shift to racially inclusive nationalism, was reflected, for example, in the perception of samba as “nefarious” or witchy to a view of it as a “national treasure” legitimated by the Vargas administration. Similarly, in the United States, jazz, which mainstream society in 1922 might have slighted as “so-called music,” by the 1940s had become “the best of authentic U.S. musical culture and … project[ed] an image of a racially harmonious nation.”Graham argues convincingly that the picture of racial democracy that emerges from this study is a doctrine that “was—and is contingent upon place and time” (262); both countries based their narratives on a denial of real circumstances with regard to race and democracy. She believes that this approach to national narrative continued in both countries during the Cold War, and in Brazil was used to legitimate the military dictatorship from 1964 to 1985 (262). These doctrines also had the effect of identifying black activists in both countries as threats to national security. In Brazil, authorities depicted shanty towns as hotbeds of communism, and Sen. Joseph McCarthy’s Committee on Anti-American Activities similarly accused U.S. black activists of communism. Demarginalization may have resulted in black culture becoming more visible and some black artists becoming more prosperous, but, as Graham points out, most often through the mediation of such white entertainers as Carmen Miranda or Elvis Presley.This study’s presentation of the issues of race and democracy in the United States and Brazil carefully places the issues, and how they were viewed in each country, in dramatic historical perspective.

Measuring meanings of democracy\u2014methods of differentiation

The question of the contested nature of the concept of democracy is neither in doubt within the political science debate, nor new. What is new, however, is the attention paid to the knowledge of competing ideas of democracy in literature. The development of concepts of the “D-word” beyond Eurocentric hegemony was accompanied by a critical review of methodological approaches. Against the background of these methodological challenges, the requirements for more differentiated or mixed methodological approaches are discussed in the literature. In this article, a combined approach of the repertory grid and the semantic differential methods is proposed to enrich the innovative methodological dynamics of investigating the meaning of democracy. The article gives an introduction to the repertory grid method and illustrates, with a case study, how the Singaporean middle-class views democracy. These repertory grid face-to-face interviews serve as a starting point for the creation of valid polarity profiles for the semantic differential method—a method which, like the repertory grid, is used to measure the connotative or affective meaning of objects, but in a quantitative design so that representativeness can be achieved. Through this approach, the constructivist approach of repertory grid is partly combined with positivistic survey research, and thus the approach is inductive with deductive research.

PENGATURAN DALAM UNDANG-UNDANG HAK POLITIK MANTAN TERPIDANA KASUS TINDAK PIDANA KORUPSI SEBAGAI CALON ANGGOTA LEGISLATIF PADA PEMILIHAN UMUM TAHUN 2019

General election is a means of democracy that is used to elect people's representatives to sit as legislative members in the MPR, DPR, DPD and DPRD. The election was conducted in accordance with Article 2 paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution. The 2019 election was also attended by former convicted corruption cases. This is in accordance with PKPU rules Number 20 of 2018. With this decision, an extra-judicial polemic arises which is appropriate and important to be studied more specifically and academically. The formulation of the problem in this research is, How to regulate the political rights of former convicted corruption cases as legislative candidates in the 2019 general election? What are the implications of regulating the political rights of former convicts of corruption as a candidate for legislative members in the 2019 General Elections on Human Rights? The specification of this research is normative juridical research, which is a form of research that aims to describe the applicable laws and regulations, linked to legal theories and practice of positive law enforcement, which will later be linked to the problems examined in this scientific paper. Based on the results of the analysis, answers can be obtained: 1) The Political Rights Regulation of Former Convicted Corruption Crime Cases as Legislative Candidates in the General Election Year contradicts a higher law because based on the mandate of article 4 paragraph (3) Number 20 of 2018 concerning Election Commission Regulations General as well as article 240 paragraph (1) letter (g) of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. Article 28 letter d of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. 2) Implications of regulating the political rights of former convicted corruption cases as candidates for legislative members in the 2019 general election against human rights, revocation of political rights for convicted corruption cases by human rights law activists (HAM) is of the view that deprivation of political rights is a violation of human rights. This is still debatable, because every sentence is basically a violation of human rights, but the violation is allowed, as long as it is based on the law.

A grande fraude

Resenha de:<br />Graham, Jessica Lynn. <em>Shifting the Meaning of Democracy: Race, Politics, and Culture in the United States and Brazil</em>. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2019. 365p.

The Aesthetics of Retrieval: Beautiful Data, Glitch Art and Popular Culture

At a time when the meaning of democracy is challenged by the power of algorithms and the politics of misinformation what has become apparent is that the valorisation of data is the defining characteristic of contemporary digital capitalism. In the marketing of ‘Big Data’ different forms of visualisation (dataviz) are employed to support the claim that a series of perfect signals can be abstracted from the background noise of the world’s incessant uploading of information. At the same time, ‘glitch’ artists and musicians have developed techniques which deliberately disrupt digital signals, randomly re-assorting ordered sequences to privilege noise over signal and aestheticize error. This paper will examine glitch as an artform which deconstructs the aesthetics of dataviz at the same time as it exposes what must remain hidden for it to retain value. It will propose a critical technique through which glitch artefacts in popular culture can be employed to explore the oppositional politics of posthuman subjects.

The Meanings of Democracy among Mass Publics

In this paper, we illustrate that composite views about democracy vary significantly within and across national populations. Using World Values Survey data, we use latent class analysis to demonstrate that composite views of democracy display only modest consensus across country contexts. Although the features of procedural democracy are widely viewed as a cornerstone of democracy, their perceived importance and the way that they interact with substantive features varies considerably across and within democratic countries. These findings encourage caution when analyzing cross-national mass opinion about democracy. In particular, latent variable modeling using pooled survey data should pay careful attention to the unique permutations that democracy takes in the minds of citizens.

THE PARADOXES OF DEMOCRACY

The paper on the paradoxes of democracy adresses the inversions and contradictions of democratic norms and democratic reality. The main issues examined in the paper are the autonomy of political will, aporia of democratic majority, imunisation of democracy, polarisation of freedom and equality, crisis of representation, inversion of conntent and procedure and the political determinants of democracy. The empirical and political reality of democracy is in opposition to the original meaning of democracy as a norm and a value.

Decoding Xieshang Minzhu in Chinese Politics: Chinese vs. Western Conceptions of Deliberative Democracy

This article explores the significance of xieshang minzhu, the Chinese term for deliberative democracy. As this term is also closely connected to the political tradition of the Communist Party of China (CPC), its use has caused confusion in Chinese contexts. Specifically, the CPC has transformed the meaning of deliberative democracy to comply with the party line. Based on a review of official documents from the years 1987 to 2018, I argue that the CPC controls the interpretation of deliberative democracy in China by monopolizing the meaning of xieshang minzhu. This discursive strategy serves two purposes. On one hand, the official documents have prescribed a specific genealogy of xieshang minzhu within the CPC’s political tradition; on the other hand, by consistently claiming that China does not copy anything from the West but only learns useful lessons from human civilizations in general, the CPC creates a safeguard against Western influences.

Teaching Democracy: Tools and Methods in the Secondary Education

Political and Social scientists, since the end of the 20th century, have been concerned about youth’s
 “withdrawal” from participating in public life. This paper addresses the issue of teaching Civic
 Education and presents new didactic and interactive tools that can be used in the educational
 process. Introducing the meaning of Democracy to students takes place in compulsory education but
 during Secondary Education is taught extensively with the aim of creating responsible and
 interactive citizens. Therefore, students are exercised in democratic procedures during courses,
 interactive learning and by electing students’ board into school premises in order to motivate
 political participation and political understanding. However, an individual is not considered as a
 citizen only on the election day. To this end, thematic workshops were designed and implemented
 by using the principle of deliberation in schools in the area of Thessaloniki (Greece), in the context of
 the course "Contemporary World, Citizen and Democracy" in Secondary Education. The workshops
 focused on the familiarization with the Greek and European Parliament functions into the school
 communities by interactive and experiential learning. At the end of this approach, a survey was
 conducted to students concerning their opinion about deliberation and electoral procedures. In that
 terms, we aim to develop a structured and interactive Civic Education curriculum that will help
 shape active and responsible citizens. Our teaching practice is based on mathematical skills and
 statistical concepts to cultivate further the concepts of democracy and representation

Teaching Democracy: Tools and Methods in the Secondary Education

Political and Social scientists, since the end of the 20th century, have been concerned about youth’s “withdrawal” from participating in public life. This paper addresses the issue of teaching Civic Education and presents new didactic and interactive tools that can be used in the educational process. Introducing the meaning of Democracy to students takes place in compulsory education but during Secondary Education is taught extensively with the aim of creating responsible and interactive citizens. Therefore, students are exercised in democratic procedures during courses, interactive learning and by electing students’ board into school premises in order to motivate political participation and political understanding. However, an individual is not considered as a citizen only on the election day. To this end, thematic workshops were designed and implemented by using the principle of deliberation in schools in the area of Thessaloniki (Greece), in the context of the course "Contemporary World, Citizen and Democracy" in Secondary Education. The workshops focused on the familiarization with the Greek and European Parliament functions into the school communities by interactive and experiential learning. At the end of this approach, a survey was conducted to students concerning their opinion about deliberation and electoral procedures. In that terms, we aim to develop a structured and interactive Civic Education curriculum that will help shape active and responsible citizens. Our teaching practice is based on mathematical skills and statistical concepts to cultivate further the concepts of democracy and representation.

A Demcracia entre Golpes e os Dilemas da Esquerda (1975-1976)

Em face da política de distensão anunciada pela alta cúpula do poder executivo brasileiro a partir de 1974 e diante do fracasso da luta armada, ganhou urgência entre as organizações de esquerda a reavaliação das formas de enfrentamento da ditadura e, para a maioria delas, do significado da democracia para aqueles que continuavam a lutar pelo socialismo. Este artigo analisa o debate aberto no interior da Tendência Proletária (TP), uma articulação que organizações e militantes de esquerda brasileiros tentaram construir em meados da década de 1970 e que teve na revista Brasil Socialista sua expressão pública mais conhecida. A ácida polêmica, cuja intensidade levou à ruptura da composição inicial da TP, mobilizou um rico repertório de argumentos a partir dos quais é possível observar as distintas abordagens do tema da democracia na esquerda marxista, bem como algumas questões a respeito da fragilidade duradoura da democracia no Brasil.

Writing and Democracy in the Early United States

Writing and Democracy in the Early United States