Essence Of Democracy Research Articles

Суверенитет и активизация человеческого фактора в системе единства публичных властей

The author examines the problems of popular and state sovereignty that determine the democratic essence of the Russian Federation and ensure social and state stability. The modern development of the Russian state presupposes a fair social structure, determined by the active role of the people based on the implementation of the principle of popular sovereignty. State sovereignty is not a principle — a privilege, but a duty of the state to ensure guarantees of the rights of its citizens. The popular character of Russian statehood is determined not by “transferred democracy” — “participation in elections”, but by the embodiment of the idea of a state based on the implementation of popular sovereignty. At the same time, attention is focused on the need to move from the bottom up — from small politics at the municipal level to big politics of the state as a whole.

Kepedulian Mahasiswa UPI Terhadap Perkembangan Pemilu Indonesia Tahun 2024

This paper aims to reveal the paradigm in fostering public awareness in democracy, the extent and form of plurality and democracy of Indonesian society in the future. Discusses the concept of the Sila Kerakyatan as the basis for the Indonesian political system led by wisdom in deliberation and representation, and its implications for the level of voter participation in the electoral process. The method used is descriptive analysis with a qualitative approach that provides an overview of problem solving based on critical analysis and the author's interpretation, based on literature that the author gets from various sources and references. The findings obtained Growing public awareness in instilling democratic values, can be done by (a) Opening a democratic class this program aims to introduce, foster habituation to democracy. Education of democratic awareness from an early age can and must continue to be carried out by various groups, the essence of democracy at the individual level is internalized, so efforts to uphold democracy in structural and cultural currents can be realized. (b) Organizing character education, building a democratic society is a necessity that must be carried out by a country that adheres to a democratic system. Democracy is not understood as a way of managing government but as democratization.

The Anti-Social Triad of Grievance Politics: An Integrated Model of Reactionism, Ressentiment, and Collective Narcissism

In this article, we undertake a comprehensive examination of reactionism, ressentiment, and collective narcissism, collectively termed as the “ anti-social triad of grievance politics.” Although these constructs are conceptually distinct, they are psycholoically intricately linked. Reactionism denotes a backward-facing political orientation, ressentiment signifies a chronic and embittered emotional mechanism, and collective narcissism reflects a precarious and wounded psychological state. Together, they constitute a potent blend of anti-social sentiments within grievance politics, yet their interconnectedness is overlooked when they are studied in isolation. Our study pioneers in establishing original connections between reactionism, ressentiment, and collective narcissism, providing empirical evidence of their coexistence and interactions. We introduce a novel scale to measure reactionism and explore its associations with existing measures of ressentiment and collective narcissism, as well as their associations with values, authoritarianism, and populism. By elucidating the tight interplay among these phenomena, we offer valuable insights into their implications for responses to social change and the essence of democracy.

The deficiency of democratic principles in the evolution of the inflexible structure of albanian society during the 1990s uprisings: An examination through the lens of Rancière

This paper presents an exploration of democracy, a recurrent theme in political discourse, particularly amid socio-economic shifts in Europe and political transitions in Albania. Although the complexities of this subject, the paper was conceived, acknowledging the challenge of navigating subjective interpretations. The paper does not aim to assert absolute truths but rather offers an alternative perspective on the 1990s events in Albania. The thesis posits that the political movement of that era lacked democratic essence and was politically manipulated. Drawing heavily from Jacques Rancière's conceptual framework of democracy, the paper argues that the movements of the 1990s did not align with Rancière's notion of a "field of battle", but rather transpired at the negotiation table. Moreover, the actors lacked consciousness of their roles, did not pursue socio-political equality, and remained oblivious to institutional change. Ultimately, the paper suggests that this lack of awareness allowed the oligarchy to exploit the movement to perpetuate power without altering its fundamental composition.

Local Government Administration and the Challenges of Bureaucratic Professionalism in Nigeria: A Study of Transition Committee in Local Government Councils in Anambra State (2015 to 2022)

The democratic essence of governance is expressed and most often experienced at the grass root. The instrument of government that conveys this is the local government through sound bureaucratic experts. But it appears that the introduction of the Transition Committee has encouraged the rescinding of bureaucratic professionalism in local government administration in Nigeria. This paper becomes imperatively tasked with ascertaining the impact of Transition Committee on bureaucratic professionalism in local government councils in Anambra State. Following this, two research questions were adopted to guide the study. First, does the introduction of Transition Committee down played bureaucratic professionalism in local government administration in Anambra State? Secondly, what factors attributed to Transition Committee are responsible for low performance of local government administration in Anambra State? Data were primarily sourced and complimented with secondary source precisely academic journals and government gazettes. Bureaucratic theory was used as relevant tool of analysis. From the study, it was discovered that majority of the members of Transition Committee in local government councils are people of poor academic qualifications with little or no bureaucratic knowledge. These personalities exhibit administrative rascality in their dealings with career civil servants and bureaucratic ignorance in the discharge of their functions. These have adversely affected bureaucratic professionalism in local government administration in Anambra State. Hence, the study recommends total administrative and financial independence in the local government councils by abrogating transition committee in local government.

Democracy, Economic Development, and the Separation of Powers in the 1973 Constitution Pakistan: A Critical Analysis

This article examines the links between democracy, economic development, and the separation of powers-with a focus on the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan. Under the 1973 Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, there is a separation between the judicial, legislative, and executive organs of the state, yet there is evidence that the separation exists more on paper and less in reality. The interference of one institution in another’s functions is not only constitutionally unwarranted but is also against the essence of democracy. The prime minister of Pakistan is allowed by the constitution to exercise all executive powers in the name of the president and to oversee legislation in the country. Due to political party discipline, legislative assembly members cannot delay any legislation proposed by their party leader. It shows there is a close link between the executive and the legislature that seemingly goes against the theory and practice of the strict separation of powers. The judicial history of Pakistan shows the paramountcy of the executive over the judiciary. Nevertheless, the judiciary, through judicial activism, including judicial review and suo moto measures of the Supreme Court, has also affected the distribution of powers between the executive, legislature, and judiciary in Pakistan.

MEDIA LAW IN THE COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA: CURRENT TRENDS IN DEVELOPMENT

In the modern era, the not at all new maxim that information rules the world is getting a new, this time “digital-platform” confirmation of its truth. With the emergence of global online platforms in the 1990s, the categories of “freedom of speech”, “freedom of mass information" and “freedom of self-expression”, while gradually changing the technological formats of their embodiment and implementation, keep their democratic essence and role in the processes of personal, public and state development unchanged.
 As humankind enters its next information cycle, roughly covering the first decades of the 21st century, institutional and regulatory potential of the historically “youngest” information and communication freedom — the freedom of web-based (online) information and communication — is gradually taking shape, gaining institutional and regulatory potential. Like its antecedents (freedom of speech, press, radio and television broadcasting), it requires a certain upgrade of its social regulatory mechanisms as it “matures” and enters into the life of global, national and regional societies.
 It is the context of the implementation of this kind of innovation on the example of a specific country — Australia — that determines the basic subject of this article, its main essential component. Specific and topical manifestations of this essence are analyzed by the authors of this article using examples of legal and other regulatory systems in the Australian media sphere. For example, one of the subjects of analysis is the question of how is Australia coping with the challenge of updating its social regulatory mechanisms in the media sphere. And, as a logical consequence of the former, is there any position in Australia's relevant experience that is worthy of reception in other legal and ethical orders?
 Focusing on these issues the authors review some of the most interesting decisions taken by the Australian government over the past decade. The authors also analyse the current law and other regulatory mechanisms and instruments in Australia aimed at regulating the mass media public relations in this country as well as the main trends of their development. In particular, such as pioneer (Australia is a recognised pioneer in this sphere of legal regulation!) changes in the regulation of digital media platforms on the example of Google and Facebook (from October 28, 2021 — Meta Platforms, Inc. in Russia, admitted as extremist organization by the Moscow Tverskoi Court), and quite specific modifications of Australian national defamation law.

Importance of reasoning in the financing of churches from public funds or the case of the Hungarian Evangelical Fellowship with the legislator (2011-2019)

The following analysis is about a unique, out-dragged, henceforth unsolved legal bargaining between small churches and the parliament in Hungary. Is the majority principle based on firm enough grounds so that to differentiate among religions? Why should the ruling majority be required to take into consideration religious groups that are marginal, or that they dislike, on an equality basis while distributing public funds? This paper suggests that the conceptual critique of the new deliberately differentiating, illiberal Church law of 2011 is that it allows unhinged exclusive and arbitrary decision-making for the legislation. Although majority principle should be the essence of democracy, its unconstrained version creates such anomalies in the democratic institutions which could well be survived but would alter the system into a non-democratic regime. First generation fundamental rights are therefore to be protected not by the democratic institutions even in a democracy but by the rule of law (liberalism).

아테네 폴리스와 주민자치

The ancient Athenian polis is the prototype of democracy. Athens found the essence of democracy in the rule of the people, and had direct democracy and lottery systems as institutional devices to realize it. This Athenian democracy is called a prototype democracy. prototype democracy is only possible in small political communities. On the other hand, most democratic countries today adopt representative democracy. Representative democracy regards the essence of democracy not as the rule of the people but as the election by people. This change in meaning about the essence of democracy was made by medieval Scholar scholars such as Thomas Aquinas. Representative democracy has enabled democracy at a large national level. However, there is a problem that the rule of the people is transformed into the rule of the elite. Even if representative democracy is inevitable at a large national level, prototype democracy may be possible at a small unit such as eup, myeon, and dong. The institutionalization of residents autonomy is one of the ways. Before that, we look at the case of Athens, where Prototype democracy blossomed brilliantly in the most complete form in history. Athens’ democracy has never developed in a short period of time. Athens was an early aristocratic society. However, from around the 7th century B.C., commoners began a long march toward democracy against the aristocracy. After Solon’s democratic reform and Claystenes’ democratic establishment, Pericles finally completed democracy around the 5th century B.C. The political systems of Athens include ekklesia, boule, heliastai, and the administrator, which are quite elaborately institutionalized. Athens’ political system was also a product of long-standing accumulated changes and reforms. Korea’s residents autonomy has neither identity nor substance. However, the selection of members of the residents’ association by lottery and the general meeting of residents, which are being carried out in the pilot project of the residents‘’ association, contain seeds of new possibilities. This is because the selection of members of the residents’ association by lottery, which is a lottery system, corresponds to the selection of members of boule, and the general meeting of residents, which is a direct democracy, corresponds to ekklesia. Therefore, it is necessary to establish the identity of residents autonomy by using prototype democracy as the ideological basis of residents autonomy, and to develop the residents’ association into a practical residents autonomy organization in Eup, Myeon, and Dong through institutionalization of residents autonomy. In that case, Korea can move toward a true democratic republic where the election by people and the rule of the people are realized at the same time, with representative democracy at the national and local governments levels and prototype democracy at the eup, myeon, and dong levels.

MENGGUGAT PENUNJUKKAN PENJABAT (Pj) KEPALA DAERAH TANPA PEMILIHAN:

This study explains the question of what are the implications of appointing acting regional heads for the principles of democracy in Indonesia? To explain this problem, the study uses the theory of popular sovereignty as one of the main principles in democracy. This research uses the method used in writing this study is library research which contains ideas and concepts that are substantial with research problems. The results of the study show that the appointment of acting Regional Heads returns the centralization of power to the central government by ignoring the principle of popular sovereignty as the essence of democracy. Concretely, the appointment of acting Regional Heads raises three forms of setbacks in democracy, namely, the return to centralization of power in the hands of the central government, the erosion of people's participation, the justification for abolishing regional elections, and the decline of the essence of people's sovereignty. This appointment mechanism certainly provides political advantages for the government and its supporters for the benefit of 2024, both in elections and regional elections. This condition increasingly provides an opportunity for the central government to control the process of implementing the 2024 elections and local elections.

Promicanje skrbničke demokracije kao projekta socijalnog inženjeringa političko intelektualnoga pokreta

Although the widely-accepted definition of democracy ensures governing people for the people by the people, it has been reinterpreted by the Turkish left, and it has been noted that real democracy can only be sustained via a socialist revolution. Yön Journal has gained a critical place in reinterpreting the classical definition of democracy and pioneered the construction of a socijalist ideology blended with the principles of Kemalism and nationalism. Realizing the key role of Yön Journal in Turkey’s road to democracy, this study aimed to explore how the essence of democracy was considered within the journal and what identifying characteristics the concept of democracy had within the framework of Yön Journal. In line with this purpose, grounded theory was adopted as the research methodology, and all authored and anonymous articles in 222 issues of the journal were examined through the constant comparative method and hermeneutic approach. The results revealed that Yöncüler attributed a tutelary feature to the quintessence of democracy. Correspondingly, it was concluded that the socialist ideology adopted in Yön Journal pursued a tutelary democracy, and Yöncüler did not build tutelary ideology only on the inadequacy of the people, but also on the need for a leading cadre.

The EU’s Enlargement Strategy at a Crossroads? Redirecting the Debate Toward Acquisition-based Integrative Models

There have been many recurring initiatives for an alternative EU-oriented enlargement process that could provide the Western Balkan region with a credible EU perspective. Several models have been developed conceptually and discussed in a variety of academic, policy and political spheres as potential replacements for the conventional EU model employed in the previous expansion waves. The majority of the proposed alternative models for EU accession of the Western Balkans are non-invasive in nature and essentially align with the one used in the past enlargement waves. Each new proposal adds a differentiated value to the current model, and typically highlights the significance of candidate states’ reform agendas based on the Copenhagen criteria, but with some flexible, specifically targeted, and/or phased approaches to the accession process designed to eliminate the ever-intensifying “integrational fatigue”. This essay intends to purposefully “radicalize” the ongoing discussions on the Western Balkans’ weariness towards the current EU’s enlargement policy by offering a new approach to the normative reconceptualization of the entire process. The model advocated in this essay proposes a “merger and acquisition” (M&A) design as a substitute for the so-called “accreditation-based” integration methodology the EU is presently using in its current enlargement strategy. The proposed model fundamentally questions the democratic essence of the approach that drives the ongoing EU enlargement procedures, reshapes the existing debates on alternative methodologies, and questions some of their fundamental ontological dimensions.

Implementasi Nilai-Nilai Demokrasi pada UKM Unit Kegiatan Kerohanian Islam Universitas Negeri Surabaya

This study aims to determine the implementation of democracy in the Student Activity Unit of the Islamic Spiritual Activity Unit, State University of Surabaya. In this organization not only examines the religion of Islam but also applies the values ​​of democracy applied in the Indonesian state. Democracy implies the meaning of power which is essentially the people who hold the highest mandate in democracy. The essence of democracy is of the people, by the people and for the people. Judging from the meaning of the word democracy, it is clear that the people play an important role. However, in practice it can be understood and implemented differently, even development is very uncontrolled. In the UKKI UNESA organization, it should be in line with the values ​​that exist in democracy and the creation of freedom and deliberation to reach consensus. The research method used is qualitative. Data collection techniques used are interviews, observation, and documentation. Informants in this study were the general chairman, functionaries, and members. The conclusion of this study is that the implementation of democratic values ​​in the organization of the Islamic Spiritual Activity Unit is in line with the principles of Pancasila democratic values ​​which refers to Cipto's theory in journal (Aulawi, A., & Srinawati : 2019), although it is not perfect yet. The results of this study are expected to be useful and contribute to balancing thoughts on the application of democratic values ​​and can add to the treasures of thoughts for writers and readers in general regarding democratic values.
 Keyword: Democracy, Organization, Discussion

Hybrid Political Regime: The Problem оf Positioning

Introduction. This is not the first time a scientific attempt to position a hybrid political regime in the article has made, again unsuccessful due to the contradictory nature of this regime, pronounced national specifics of combining democratic and authoritarian components, decades of delays in transforming hybrid regimes towards democracies. The methodological basis on which the study is based is a systematic analysis combined with an interdisciplinary approach. The application of this interdisciplinary approach shows that the mixed political regime was called a “hybrid” not by chance - it also has a heterosis effect. Autocratic leaders and parties were well aware that military regimes and personal dictatorships looked too authoritarian and could face sanctions from the international community, so they sought ways to legitimize their autocratic advantages in order to remain in power for a long time. The most effective approach for essentially authoritarian governments has been to fill the hybrid regime with the appearance of democracy, avoiding or distorting, depleting the very essence of democracy. By gaining an externally presentable democratic configuration, an authoritarian regime can pretend to respect rights and freedoms by actually cutting or obstructing their enjoyment. Hybrid regimes can be stable, long-lasting and competitive – while meeting the demands of elites and the needs of society, setting an example of social compromise. The concept of a hybrid regime still has no theoretical basis, which would make it possible to distinguish its identity and clearly distinguish it from other types of political regimes. Conclusions. The study of types of political regimes, the development of the theory of hybrid political regime and the application of interdisciplinary approach gives grounds to define hybrid regime as a separate type of political regime, more stable and durable than pure democratic and undemocratic forms due to its hybrid nature (heterotic effect) and unique national combination of democratic and authoritarian elements. Key words: political regime, democracy, authoritarianism, hybrid political regime

The current influence of social media on democratic debate, political parties and electioneering

This article provides an overview on how digital social media influences the debate and some of the major democratic organizations — namely political parties and electioneering campaigns. Its specific objectives are: i) to expose the debate about the democratic essence (or not) of the internet; ii) to analyze risk factors for democracy brought about by the digitization of social communications; iii) to study the transformations brought by the Internet to political parties and electoral campaigns. Results: i) what will define if there will still be the possibility of some democratic degree in the use of the internet will be the predominance of the forces (consumerist or communitarian) that build it; ii) immediacy, lack of moderation, lack of search for conformity and balance, anti-democratic technological strategies and technological colonialism expose the democratic debate to great risks of degradation; iii) participatoryism and disintermediation are ideological features of the new digitized parties that, at heart, hide a centralization around charismatic figures without a stable and fully definable electoral platform. It has a hypothetical-deductive method of procedure, qualitative approach, and bibliographic-documentary research technique.

DEMOKRASI DALAM TEOSOFI IBN RUSYD TERHADAP TEORI PLATO

Abstract
 This study discusses the concept of principles regarding Ibn Rushd's politics he calls his thoughts with the term "al-Jumhuriyyah wa al-ahkaam"which means Republic and law. Political thought is an integration of 'science and' charity. In this context, Ibn Rushd put forward more independence and freedom. However, according to him, independence and freedom are not without regulatory actions, but independence and freedom according to religious principles. in the perspective of Ibn Rushd, is a mirror of democracy (as-siyasah al-jamiah). Like the thoughts of the previous philosophers who reconciled between religion and philosophy. According to Ibn Rushd, reason and religion are not something that need to be contradicted and therefore, it is important for reason and religion to work together to uphold the principles of democracy (as-siyasah al-jamiah) in a country. The establishment of a free mind (as-siyasah al-jamiah) is a distinctive feature of Ibn Rushd's political democracy. The upholding of the minds of the largest group is called the majority (the majority), the establishment of the minds of the small groups is called the minority, and the establishment of free thoughts from everyone is the essence of democracy (as-siyasah al-jamiah). Therefore, the democratic state (as-siyasah al-jamiah) desired by Ibn Rushd is a state of ratio and religion, a state of knowledge and belief, a worldly and spiritual state.

Rising Election Costs, Dwindling Election Quality: Elections as the Predicament of Democracy in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic

Abstract Since Nigeria’s return to competitive multiparty democracy elections have been held regularly. However, the costs of conducting the elections have been increasing such that Nigeria’s elections have been described as the most expensive in Africa and one of the most expensive in the world. Despite their huge costs, the quality of elections continues to dwindle thus most of the elections have been regarded as flawed. This article examines the paradox of increasing elections cost and the dwindling quality of elections in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. It argues that the rising cost of elections borne out of the desire to conduct quality elections has impacted negatively on the country’s electoral processes. While elections cost keeps increasing, elections quality continues to ebb such that elections held since 1999 have lost their democratic essence. The article further contends that experiences of poorly conducted elections have eroded the trust of the people in the nation’s electoral process which is inimical to democratic sustenance. The article is qualitative and descriptive drawing data from annual reports of INEC, reports of local and international election observers and extant secondary literature.

Analisis Pasangan Calon Tunggal Dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Kota Pematang Siantar Tahun 2020

The purpose of this study was to analyze a single candidate pair in the regional head election of Pematang Siantar City in 2020. The purpose of this study was to explain why there was a single candidate pair in Pematang Siantar City. The legality of the Constitutional Court Decision number 100/PUU-XII/2015 is a legal force to uphold the meaning of democracy in political contestation, in this case regional head elections. Besides that, the essence of democracy which promises freedom to be elected and to vote is an additional power to bring up a single candidate pair. The failure to regenerate political parties is another trigger for the emergence of a single candidate pair in the post-conflict local election. Not only in Pematang Siantar City but also throughout Indonesia. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative with interview instruments involving political party administrators and political observers in Pematang Siantar City in addition to references to single candidate pairs. The weak cadre of political parties with the presence of wholesale parties makes incumbents not get support in Pematang Siantar City. The legal power of the Constitutional Court's decision and the meaning of democracy to be elected and voted made the single candidate pair in Pematang Siantar City win the post-conflict local election against an empty box.

Wpływ unormowań konstytucyjnych Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej i Republiki Litewskiej na partycypację kobiet w sferze publicznej

The article analyses the constitutional norm on gender equality referred to in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997 and the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania (Lietuvos Respublikos Konstitucija) of 1992. The author tries to answer the question of how the principle of gender equality is enshrined in the two most important normative acts for both countries, which have the highest legal force in the system of legal sources. The scope of research interests therefore includes the issue of constitutional regulations and their impact on the participation of women in the governments of both surveyed countries, their national parliaments, and the European Parliament. The current democratic deficit can be viewed from the point of view of underrepresentation of women in political structures. The participation of women increases the legitimacy of democratic institutions and contributes to reducing gender inequalities in public life. Building awareness of the role of public institutions in the field of equal opportunities regardless of gender corresponds to the principle of social justice, according to which women and men should have equal access to high offices, including the national and European parliaments. Equality and justice are the core values and essence of democracy. A feature of particular importance is gender equality. A reliable basis for defining it is provided by the constitution, therefore the article presents how its provisions may have an impact on women’s participation in the political sphere.

Politico-Legal Review of the Revised-Bill of the Corruption Eradication Commission and Omnibus Law

The paper aims to prove that political compromise may create legal antagonisms, paradoxes and strengthen the influence of elite-oligarchy. The paper is based on the theory that the concept of consensus in the context of the political system is closely related to the Indonesian cultural democracy. However, in the implementation, there is an underlying principle of checks and balances as a systemic guarantee, so that democracy is not merely a tool of ‘killing ground of freedom’ to manipulate the essence of democracy itself, in particular, by the dominant forces of the elite and the oligarchy. Through the socio-historical method (empirical approach), this paper examined the emergence of the phenomenon of antagonism and paradox of regulatory formulation, such as the revision of the Bill for Eradicating Corruption which weakens anti-corruption institutions, Corruption Eradication Commission, to the creation of Omnibus Law, which is considered to make labors structurally marginalized. The investigation discovered that those legal products are distorted and should be originally created to achieve the benefit and interest of society at large. In contrast, they are falsified and manipulated under the banner of ‘consensus’ democracy steered by the limited elite-oligarchy of the Political Parties.