Essence Of Democracy Research Articles

Inciting Terrorism on the Internet: The Limits of Tolerating Intolerance

The Internet is a limitless platform for information and data sharing. It is, in addition, however, a low-cost, high-speed dissemination mechanism that facilitates the spreading of hate speech, including violent and virtual threats. Indictment and prosecution for social media posts that transgress from opinion to incitable hate speech are appropriate in limited circumstances. Several real-world examples discussed here help to explore when limitations on Internet-based hate speech are appropriate. In October 2015, twenty thousand Israelis joined a civil lawsuit filed against Facebook in the Supreme Court for the State of New York. Led by the civil rights organization Shurat HaDin, the suit alleges Facebook allows Palestinian extremists to openly recruit and train terrorists to plan violent attacks calling for the murder of Israeli Jews through their Facebook pages. The suit raises important questions, including: When should the government initiate similar suits to impose criminal sanctions for targeted hate speech posted to Facebook? What constitute effective restrictions on social media that also balance society’s need for robust dialogue and free communication, subject to limitations reflecting a need for order and respect among people? There is a lack of resolution in the ongoing free speech discussion, particularly as it relates to social media. This is quickly becoming a critical focal point given the range, power and impact of the Internet. Social media is how and where contentious public issues are played out. Sometimes, the tone is ugly; numerous examples abound of posts that are racist, hurtful, and deeply insulting. Civil discourse is rare; anonymity enables hatred and calls for violence and harm to others, whether individuals or groups. The essence of democracy is guaranteeing—and protecting—civil and political rights. Foremost among these rights is freedom of speech. Liberal, democratic governments recognize the right to free speech. The First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution guarantees the right to free speech. International conventions such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) similarly recognize it. Free speech is essential for vibrant, robust and rigorous debate, disagreement and contention. It reflects a healthy society, facilitating differences of opinion while respecting tolerance of diversity and creativity. Speech can make us uncomfortable, challenge us, and push us out of our comfort zones.

The Consecrated Sohpetbneng Peak (Navel of Heaven) - The Meaning and the Need for Protection, Preservation and Conservation

The Khasis like any other tribe or nation has its own civilization, different, unique and peculiar. Though it is an oral tradition in absence of writings, yet it had been manifested in the permanent objects of nature, this civilization is as old as that of Babylonian, Egyptian and Greek. The present world today with the progress of science and technology can be compared with the Khasi thought in the aspects of his religion (traditional), his social ways of life and the political aspect of regulating his people with a democratic essence of the highest order which the British as late as 1826 only admired without understanding the language. ‘Sohpetbneng’ literally means the navel between heaven and earth. However, in the philosophical thought of our ancestors, the word carries a different connotation. This can be seen and adjudged from the various ways of life of the Khasis as a race or tribe which cannot be effaced from the surface of the universe.The hillock (Lum) ‘Sohpetbneng’ is a divine manifestation of the essence of the Khasi thought which should be protected and preserved as a historical relic before any harm can come to it. The paper will further highlight the importance of the hillock to the Khasi Community and the kind of ritual rites and activities that are being perform on this place till date and the Architectural built components designed and supervised by the author in connection with the ritual rites and activities performed and the need to protect, conserve, preserve and recognized this hillock as one of the Heritage site.

Suárez and the Metaphysics of Democracy

The nature and essence of democracy is a bigger issue today than it has been for a long time. With (clearly and allegedly) populist movements in Western Europe and the US, the question of what constitutes democracy has become a contentious issue, though often treated only implicitly. In this article, the nature and essence of democracy is treated with Francisco Suárez (1548-1617) as a guide. This is done on the background of his general metaphysics. It is concluded that Suárez's political philosophy can be called democratic, as political power comes from and ultimately rests with “the people”, according to him. The right balance between “people”, in the plural, and “the people”, in the singular, cannot be calculated, though. On the background of the treatment of Suárez's political philosophy, some conclusions regarding how best to uphold and strengthen democracy are drawn.

DEMOKRASI DAN MULTI KULTURALISME DALAM KONTESTASI DAKWAH ISLAM

The essence of democracy is justice and equality in all aspects of life, including rights as the individual, citizen, and the God’s creatures. The plurality of God’s creatures is a part of natural law, which is called multiculturalism. Cultural pluralism is not separated from democracy. Democracy is a system of state which is regulated constitutionally and legitimizes all interests and rights of the individuals.

The Constitution of Nepal: On the Touchstone of Constitutionalism and Good Governance

Various types of constitutions can be seen in practice all over the world. However democratic constitution must have guaranteed the constitutionalism and good governance. In Nepal, the constitution is under the observed course. It can be tested on the touchstone of constitutionalism and good governance. The objectives of this article are: to describe the provisions relating to good governance and constitutionalism, to find out the relation between constitutionalism and good governance and to show the variables constitutionalism and good governance as essence of democracy. Descriptive-analytical methodology has been adopted in the process of writing. Qualitative information has been taken from the constitution of Nepal. The constitution of Nepal has adopted some attributes of constitutionalism and good governance. The constitution is in the process of implementation so what types of indicators it will show; it has become the subject of positive expectation for all the people. Constitutionalism and good governance are not only the basic elements of democracy but also the essence of democracy and they are interrelated also. So the constitution will be successful when it will provide the constitutionalism and good governance properly in practice. Journal of Political Science. Vol. 17, 2017, Page: 35-51

Democracy in Pakistan: Problems and Prospects in Making Informed Choices

Democracy is a form of government which supports extensive participation of people in government and also promotes the views of citizens for the smooth functioning of society. The form of Democracy in Pakistan is one of the best and unique democracies in the world but unfortunately its future is bleak due to the non observance of what is actually the true essence of democracy, the informed choices. The main reasons that informed choices are not made is due to the unawareness of the people about the form of democracy in Pakistan, flawed political culture, and legal pluralism.Int. J. Soc. Sc. Manage. Vol. 4, Issue-1: 9-11

POPULIZMAS – GRĖSMĖ ATSTOVAUJAMAJAI DEMOKRATIJAI AR JOS (PA)TAISYMO PRIEMONĖ?

Vakarų Europoje, stiprėjant populistinėms politinėms partijoms, vis dažniau kalbama apie jų keliamą grėsmę atstovaujamajai demokratijai. Paradoksalu, bet tarp populizmo tyrinėtojų akivaizdaus sutarimo, kad populizmas kelia pavojų atstovaujamosios demokratijos principams, nėra. Vieni teoretikai teigia, kad populizmas yra iš esmės priešiškas atstovaujamosios demokratijos principams, tačiau kiti populizmą laiko jeigu ne galinčiu demokratiją taisyti, tai bent jau neatsiejama jos dalimi. Straipsnyje keliamas klausimas, kodėl populizmas vienų jį analizavusių mokslininkų darbuose laikomas nesuderinamu su atstovaujamąja demokratija, o kitų – demokratijos taisymo priemone. Išsiaiškinus, kaip abiejų akademinės diskusijos šalių darbuose apibrėžiamas populizmas ir atstovaujamoji demokratija, analizuojama, koks šių dviejų koncepcijų santykis.

Alternatywne ordynacje wyborcze. Przykład Australii i Irlandii

The essence of democracy is the rule of the sovereign, that is the nation, today understood as all of the state’s citizens. At present, the most common type of governance is representative democracy, exercised by representatives elected from the citizens themselves. Therefore, for the proper functioning of liberal democracy it is difficult to find a more important issue than the procedure for the election of those who govern us. The article presents two alternative electoral systems: an alternative voting system (AV) and the system of Single Transferable Vote (STV).

Public Participation in the General Elections of India: An Overview since 1951

Democratic process of any country is based on the participation of the public to form the government through their elected representatives, and the nation having an electoral system in place to choose their representatives can be termed as a nation living true to its democratic essence, while as, the nation elusive of ground level public participation in forming governments can never be termed as living true to democratic colour. The present study is an attempt to understand the electoral process of India, the public participation in the democratic process of the country, which is already fifteen general elections old, lasted over the period 1951 to 2014. Attempt has been made to understand the areas like, growth of parties over the period of time, seat distribution, reservation of seats, electoral participation, polling stations, performance of major national political parties along with electoral turnout both collectively and on gender basis etc. Existence of the multi party system in India and the growth in parties over a period of time gets equally reflected by the fact that in 1951, 54 parties participated in the electoral process and the number grew up to 466 in 2014, reflecting a growth of over 792%. During all the general elections contested by candidates 77.43% contestants forfeited their deposits with an average of 135 political parties contested each general election. Over 80.45% elected candidates to the parliament during all the general elections held so far, represent national parties.

Penguatan hukum masyarakat di era otonomi daerah

Development cf law within human dan societallfie is influnced by manyfactors, wether inside of the society itself or fivm outside. In National politics oflaw of a country included Indonesia some changes happen and influence application the law. After Indonesian reform, regulation on local autonomy which is broad, tangible, and accountable needs reinforcement of law among society in its application. Itis urgently neccessary according to the principles of that the essence of democracy is form, by, and for the people. Reinforcement ofsocietallaw will be effective if there was effort to empower society by means of atmosphere or climate which enables the development ofpotentials ofit It will be if there is an attempt to protect weak society form being weaker.

O espetáculo esportivo na construção das representações sobre a identidade brasileira: uma análise da abertura dos Jogos Pan‐americanos de 2007 ‐ o “Pan do Brasil”

The aim of the present study was to analyze the representations about Brazilian identity that emerged from the opening ceremony of the XV Pan‐American Games. In order to do so, the documentary “Rio 2007 Pan‐American Games – Opening Ceremony” and news reports published in July, 14th 2007 were used as sources of information. In this event, Brazil's symbolism, translated in elements of its natural and cultural diversity, represent the self‐image of the multiethnic harmony and of the festive ethos of “being Brazilian”, revealing the democratic essence of a nation who leveled with the antagonisms and social hierarchies. This would be the contribution that the Brazilian nation has to offer to the world.

On the essence of democracy and the election system

On the essence of democracy and the election system

Selectivity as the substitution principle the post of head of the subject of the Russian Federation

In article one of the basic principles of replacement of a post of the head of the subject of the Russian Federation is considered. The principle of electivity reflects democratic essence of the organization public authority. The content of the principle of electivity is investigated through analysis of decisions of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation and current legislation.

Bol Ke Labb Aazad Hein Tere Speak for You Must, You are Free to Speak

When Faiz Ahmed Faiz, a revolutionary Urdu poet wrote these lines "Bol ke labb aazad hein tere…" he must have visualized of a free world where every soul is liberated and free to speak her own mind. Similarly, Rabindranath Tagore, the Noble Laureate from Bengal, in his famous work titled, 'Where The Mind is Without Fear' composed imagined a world where mind and soul are independent, think freely, are fearless and liberated from any form of oppression. Emancipation of mind and soul holds utmost significance in these verses and more importantly, these words elicit courageousness and inspire to speak out boldly. However, in the contemporary world, these words are continuously losing their meaning especially in a region like South Asia, which gained independence from colonial rule decades back, yet it remains enchained by its own conservative, patriarchal, narrow and constricted mindset. Repressive regime continued and imposed restrictions in different forms in the free nations. Bans are being imposed and freedom is being curtailed while threatening the very democratic essence and the spirit of diversity laid by the leaders during the freedom struggle within the territory. Although, freedom of speech and expression is a right recognized by the constitutions, yet it is constrained using all forms of limitations like the absence of net neutrality, bans, threats, murders and killing of people who speak in diverse dissenting voices. Dissents are being criminalized and different voices are silenced by the ruling elite using the weapons of censorship, prohibition, erasure, sedition and above all by controlling the mind and bodies of those who are already on margins. However, the persistent battle is being fought by those who are oppressed and subjugated and are striving for 'Yes we can' against those who impose 'Thou Shall we Ban’. This piece looks at this process of imposing restrictions by the dominant elite, the dissent by the subalterns and the marginalized to assert their right to speak and express themselves using different modes, means, languages or expressions and consequently the encounter between the 'oppressor and oppressed' or the 'powerful and powerless'.

THE CONTRADICTION BETWEEN LIBERALISM AND DEMOCRACY IN THE PERSPECTIVE OF POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

The main strategy of this article is to consider liberalism in contrast withdemocracy. Many critics of liberal democracy argue that there is no necessaryrelation between two distinct traditions but only a contingent historicalarticulation. The main ideas of liberalism are the rule of law, the defense ofhuman rights and the respect of individual liberty. Democracy, by contrast,relies on substantial equality, identity between governing and governed, andpopular sovereignty. In other words there is a tension between democratichomogeneity and liberal heterogeneity or pluralism.Mainly because of liberal assumption of an autonomous rights bearingindividual, liberalism is very skeptical on the issue of democracy. Liberalsstress the protection of freedom against potential oppressive democraticmajorities. Equality in the liberal tradition is reduced to equal liberty. Theabstract liberal conception of equality postulates that every person is, as aperson, morally equal to every other person. The substantial democratic conception of equality, however, requires the possibility of inequality, i.e. thepossibility of distinguishing who belongs to the demos and who is exterior toit. Equality is only valuable politically so long as it has substance or concretepolitical context.John Rawls’s theory of political liberalism accents formal and proceduralaspects of liberal democracy. The main cause is that Rawls’s theory is deontological.He draws the distinction between the “right” and the “good” – between a framework of basic rights and liberties, and the conceptions of the good that people may choose to pursue within this framework. Rawls’s priority of the right over the good is presented as the principle of neutrality.But the problem is that political liberalism can provide a consensus onlyamong reasonable persons who are persons who accept the principles ofpolitical liberalism. Thus Rawls’s allegedly neutral public reason is derivedfrom the fundamentals of liberalism or the specific concept of good.Communitarian political philosophy criticizes liberalism for itsatomism, concept of negative liberty and the priority of human rights. Deontological liberalism, it is said, is excessively individualistic, abstract and universalistic. Challenging the liberal commitment to individualism and to human rights, communitarians insist that democratic community cannot be justified without reference to common purposes and ends. To be a citizen is to interpret oneself as a member of the polity. Democratic homogeneity requires the identity between governing and governed. So, democracy rests not on individual rights, but essentially on the general will of the community.The model of deliberative democracy argues that the essence of democracy is deliberation itself, as opposed to voting, interest aggregation, constitutional rights, or self-government. Deliberative democracy concerns the degree to which democratic control is substantive and engaged by competent citizens. The influence of informal public opinion formation, it is claimed, has to be transformed into “communicative power” and accordingly into “administrative power”. But in essence deliberative theory accepts the key tenets of political liberalism. Some deliberative theorists argue that the priority of liberal rights is necessary for deliberative democracy itself.The agonistic model of democracy says that the dimension of antagonism is inherent in human relations. The ineradicability of antagonism, it is argued, is constitutive of the political. The main task of this model is to establish us/them discrimination in a way that is compatible with pluralist democracy. On the one hand, agonistic democracy criticizes neutral and procedural aspects of liberal democracy, on the other hand, both agonistic and liberal models accepts the priority of pluralism and individual rights.In summary, the processes of liberalization and democratization are conceptually contradictory. The ethos of liberalism, especially the ideal of negative liberty, reduces the substantial concept of equality to indifferent equal liberty. The principle of moral equality is gradually transformed to the principle of moral individualism. The deontological liberalism ignores the main democratic question – how to establish the democratic community with both the autonomy of persons and the shared understanding of the good? In this way political liberalism negates the ideal of democracy – the identity between governing and governed.

Assessing Grassroot Participatory Democratic in Nigeria by Daily Trust and Punch Newspapers: 2001 - 2012

Popular participation is the most essential component of democracy. Most importantly absence of political enlightenment and awareness about the essence of democracy in our political developments is quite deficient in Nigerian political psyche. Opportunities for grassroots democratic participation are not provided by many newspapers outlets. These papers do not devote ample attention to issues that border on the interest of common citizens because of lacking of adequate awareness from the media in their coverage and agenda setting function. Two newspapers, Daily Trust and Punch both were papers located polar apart in North and Southern part of the country were studied. The research methodology used was content analysis. The study covered a period of 12 years (2001-2012), appraising them in terms of grassroots participation as per the coverage of the two newspapers. Grassroot participation is underreported by both newspaper. Daily Trust underreported agriculture and education vis-a-vis Punch inspite of the fact that North is acclaimed to be an agricultural area as well as the seeming awareness that North is more disadvantaged than the South educationally. Both of them underreported environmental issues inspite of seeming problem of desert encroachment. The papers recommended that efforts should be made to improve literacy and educating of specialist reporters.

Alain Touraine’s study on politics and democracy

Current article analyzes the influence of Alain Touraine’s ideas and theories on discourse on contemporary sociology and political sociology. How do structural transformations of society, processes of social fragmentation and atomization influence the essence of democracy, public consciousness, interaction between citizens and the state? Such global questions pose difficult tasks for scholars, who need to revise and renew the traditional approaches to be able to respond to challenges of our time. Controversial and deep heritage of Alain Touraine doesn’t give answers to all questions, but it’s able to generate new kinds of discourse in sociological community and this is the reason it’s still valuable.

An Age of Infidels: The Politics of Religious Controversy in the Early United States by Eric R. Schlereth (review)

An Age of Infidels: The Politics of Religious Controversy in the Early United States. By Eric R. Schlereth. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013. Pp. 295. Cloth and E-book, $55.00.)Reviewed by Amanda PorterfieldIn this tightly reasoned and deeply researched book, Eric Schlereth explains how Americans in the early republic transformed and politics together. Focusing on debates over deism in the 1790s and their reappearance in modified form in debates over free inquiry in the 1820s and 1830s, Schlereth shows how Americans used religion in political debate as a generic term defined in opposition to infidelity. Conflict over theological doctrine declined in this process, Schlereth argues, but debate over religion's place in civil society did not. This conflict over the politics of divided Americans from the 1790s through Jefferson's presidency, and shaped the subsequent division between Whigs and Democrats. Though Schlereth does not pursue it further, deep political disagreement about religion's place in American society never disappeared. Thus, in addition to its fine analysis of debates over deism and free inquiry in the early republic, this book offers anyone curious about the vexed relationship between American and politics today a compelling explanation of how that relationship became established.Until recently, Nathan Hatch's Democratization of American Christianity (New Haven, CT, 1989) dominated historical accounts of the relationship between and politics in the early republic. Hatch argued that democratic trends in politics unleashed evangelical expressions of Christian faith that complemented and supported political democracy. Coinciding with the rise of the religious right, many historians built on Hatch's story about the liberating power and democratic essence of American evangelicalism. Schlereth offers a different view. His account of the intertwining of and politics highlights the importance of opponents of Christianity, both as lively advocates for deism and free inquiry, and as menaces-larger than life-in the minds of Christianity's defenders. Schlereth argues that real and imagined, grew apace with evangelical equations between American government and Protestant Christianity.Schlereth begins with constitutional debates over the limits of religious tolerance in the 1780s, arguing that the term infidelity, which had previously been used to designate Jews and Muslims, became important through these debates as a way to castigate deists. In the context of efforts to map the boundaries of religious tolerance with respect to political office and voting rights, new distinctions between and irreligion acquired significance and old distinctions between Christianity and other religions began to blur. Even hostility between Protestants and Catholics softened. Defined against religion developed as a salient political term, and theological distinctions within and among faith traditions-distinctions that had previously been of great import- became less relevant.In one of his most interesting contributions, Schlereth shows how political debates about contributed to making public opinion the arbiter of truth regarding religion. As political debate about focused on the place should have in American society, and on what limits should be placed on religious tolerance, attention shifted from questions about the validity of competing theological doctrines to arguments about religion's moral utility. …

Hacia una categorización del poder mediático: poder representativo, meta-poder y anti-poder

The aim of this article is to propose a categorization of the media, structured from the identification of three overlapping action levels (as representation power, as meta-power, and as anti-power). The aim is to show how the current configuration of globalized media space culminates in a slow corrosion of the very essence of democracy: the public dimension of politics.

Autorytaryzm - dociekanie istoty pojęcia

Authoritarianism - searching the essence of the conceptThe article presents main theoretical approaches to the concepts of totalitarianism and authoritarianism, simultaneously confronting them with the assumptions and essence of democracy. The comparative method was used in the text allowed to show the most significant differences between authoritarianism, totalitarianism and democracy. Highlighting the main differences between authoritarianism and total­itarianism is one of the results of the analysis. Absence of a homogenous ideology, lack of mobilization of society, acceptation the existence of the opposition, the possibility of multi-state leadership, tolerant or affirmative attitude towards the Roman Catholic Church - are significant in the case of authoritarianisms. For every conceptual category typology of the multiple and etymological significance is presented. The article shows the concepts for the definition of authoritarianism and totalitarianism in terms of such theorists like Hannah Arendt, Zbigniew Brzeziński, Juan Linz, Rob­ert A. Dahl.