Democratic Discourse Research Articles

오사운동 시기 孫文集團의 민권정치론

The May Fourth Movement is a revolutionary epoch-making event in modern Chinese history. Even 100 years later today many scholars have continued to research and reappraise. It was an intellectual revolution that advocated national independence and individual liberation, a significant turning point in modern history, a decisive moment for socialism to take root in China, and became an ideal model for enlightenment movement or political participation. In particular, democracy was a core value that penentrating the May Fourth along with science, and therefore considerable study has been conducted on the relationship between the May Fourth Movement and democratic thought. However, the overall research trends was to emphasize radicalization and disconnection. They argue that democratic discussion and practice during the May Fourth were fundamentally radical or at least moved toward radicalization. Accordingly, this paper examines democratic theory of Sun Yat-sen’s Nationalist group to find their political ideals, as well as review the mainstream of May Fourth understanding.BR First of all, in the case of Sun Yat-sen, the leader of Kuomintang, he led Constitutional Protection Movement, emphasizing the restoration of National Assembly, and the establishment of parliamentary democracy. Even during the May Fourth, when mass political movement broke out, Sun repeatedly suggested complete restoration of National Assembly as an only solution to deal with political turmoil. Kuomintang theorists such as Liao Zhongkai, Zhu Zhixin, Dai Jitao, who developed Sun’s democratic theory also defended parliamentary democracy, while demanded direct civil rights like Initiative, Referendum, Recall. In other words, they aimed for moderate political reform to maintain representative democracy with introducing some elements of direct democracy. On the other hand, Nationalist group took a relatively negative attitude towards radical revolution such as Russian October Revolution. This was clearly different from the so-called people

Digital Ethics and Mindful Circulation: Navigating the Complexities in the Digital Age

In the digital age, characterized by unprecedented connectivity and rapid information exchange, the dynamics of writing, communication, and ethical considerations have undergone profound transformations. This paper aims at exploring why the ethical implications of digital communication are important during circulating and disseminating information in the context of digital ethics. The primary texts for this paper are tweets by former President of United States of America, Donald Trump and some other posts on social media. To support the claim, the researchers use a wide range of scholars such as L. Floridi who focuses on digital ethics and L.E. Gries who discusses “circulation” as a central concept in digital rhetoric. This paper also argues that algorithms and big data applications should prioritize improving human well-being, dignity, rights, and autonomy. For that, the researchers have used Gilli A. et al.’s concept of “human-centered” writing, M.C. Murphy’s insights about the role of social media algorithms, and B. McComiskey’s concept of “post-truth.” This paper concludes that digital technologies and algorithms should shape the ethical landscape of information dissemination thereby emphasizing the importance of ethical frameworks in navigating the complexities of digital communication to safeguard societal values, truthfulness, and democratic discourse amidst the challenges posed by misinformation and capitalist influences.

Bezpieczeństwo i stabilność demokracji w kontekście nowolewicowych koncepcji Ernesto Laclaua i Chantal Mouffe

The article presents the main ideas of Ernesto Laclau’s and Chantal Mouffe’s theory of discourse and theory of radical democracy and analyses their potential influence on the condition of the democratic system. These theories criticize the idea and current practice of liberal democracy which is the main political system of the western modern world. Mouffe and Laclau consider democratic politics as being in a deep crisis and in need of a reform. According to their New Left approach the renewal of democracy should bring the reestablishment of the communication between people and political elites and the appreciation of real ideological conflict that liberal democracy attempts to abolish in favour of consensual politics. However, the New Leftist approach, by itself, seems to generate many threats to the democracy and pluralism including the threat of a far-reaching consolidation of hegemony (hegemonization).

El rediseño del Palacio del Presidente en Kazajistán

Introduction: This paper deals with the renovation process of the President’s Palace in Kazakhstan. Diversity is one of our main features expressing the nationwide experience along with its successes and failures. The spatial quality of some public spaces provided them permanence and "sustainability". The aesthetic values of architectural and urban spaces are often determinant factors for urban environmental quality. In fact, our research strategy combines the study of spatial practice and usage with the analysis of design quality. The rejuvenation of urban spaces is a promising experience contributing socially, economically, and physically to regenerating the local urban environment and leisure activity. Sustainable urban development provides city designers with criteria of social and ecological rationality that are different from those available in the market. Consequently, the concept of sustainability becomes the keystone of the urban development process. Materials and Methods: This paper puts forward a question about the global features of a public park and continues the discussion on keeping a balance between local architecture and the global ‘public park making’ trend the method employed is qualitative interviews, observations, and walking tours with public space users. An amount of data is collected for environmental assessment. Results and Discussion: The renovated park shows the new way public space is oriented. In President's Palace, a new logic of urban publicity was assembled and built into the landscape. we analyzed the social and technical means. New public spaces of this sort promulgate a conception of the public that not only combine with discourses of democratization, citizenship, and self–development and is connected ever more firmly to consumption and commercial. Conclusions: We also do research on the global features of a public park and discuss keeping a balance between local architecture and the global public park-making trend, as well as public facilities and profit, and the role of nature as a universal remedy and tool in reshaping the image of cities.

The virus of polarization: online debates about Covid-19 in Germany

ABSTRACT To what extent do online debates display features of political polarization and in how far does polarization pose a problem for democracy? We zoom in on affective polarization: the formation of societal groups with hostile feelings towards each other, arguing that affective polarization is particularly problematic for democracy if it features elements of political intolerance, which undermines key tenets of even the most conflict-prone theories of democracy. While affective polarization has been on the rise in several countries, Germany has been considered to be a country with low, and even declining levels of affective polarization. But does this still hold true during the Covid-19 pandemic, which saw a rapid rise in conspiracy theories? Based on a qualitative discourse analysis of online debates about Covid-19 on the Facebook platforms of a mainstream and a non-mainstream German media outlet, we find strong traces of affective polarization on both platforms, involving clear indications of political intolerance. Our findings suggest that the democratic discourse is threatened by the nature of online debates about Covid-19, and it is threatened not only by anti-rationalist conspiracists at the ideological extremes but also by the intolerance of more moderate rationalists at the centre of the political spectrum.

The grey zone between individualised goal and actual need: a CHAT analysis of student counselling within VET

ABSTRACT The ambiguous policy-concepts ‘effectivity’ and ‘needs’ were introduced to Finnish VET. This research utilises cultural historical activity theory to analyse how different conflicting motives emerge within student counselling and to discuss the prospective development of VET. Managerialist approaches to accountability and competency-based training form a tension between the needs of persons in counselling on the one hand and effectiveness of counselling in relation to economy on the other. We ask, what types of needs are met within VET and from whose perspective is VET effective? Data include ethnographic observations of counselling sessions (N = 32) and semi-structured interviews (N = 12). The results show the emphasised instrumental value of an individual in society. Measurement of atomistic and individualist achievements and institutional effectivity (accountability) have become important whilst actual needs and relational meaning for persons involved in counselling were obscured, viz. ‘the grey zone.’ Student counselling was skewed to focus on individualised goals and fragmented tasks whilst acknowledgement of human uniqueness and recognition of counselees/students as persons is needed. None of the latter provides measured accountability or direct and tangible competency and thus they become ignored. We call for democratic discussions about the meaning of VET, including persons of its primary concern: practitioners and students.

Theorizing Connective Democracy: A New Way to Bridge Political Divides

ABSTRACT This two-study package theorizes connective democracy as a means of enabling the type of democratic discourse envisioned by deliberative democracy in highly polarized political climates. Using survey data (N = 1,160) and follow-up interviews with survey respondents (n = 56), we theorize connective democracy. We argue that connective democracy offers a less sanitized view of democracy than deliberative democracy where not all types of polarization are equally damaging to democracy. Further, connective democracy prioritizes cross-cutting political conversations and focuses on shared humanity and genuinely listening to divergent points of view. In essence, connective democracy provides a path forward to forge connections between people, thus providing a boundary condition for deliberative democracy. Our findings explore how the public enacts connective democracy, and the role of the professional news media in that enactment. Theoretical implications are discussed in light of recent concerns about affective polarization as well as deliberative democracy’s feasibility.

Abuzywne zapożyczenia konstytucyjne jako „ciemna strona” liberalnej demokracji (artykuł recenzyjny)

Abusive Constitutional Borrowing as a ‘Dark Side’ of Liberal Democracy (A Review) In the book Abusive Constitutional Borrowing. Legal Globalization and the Subversion of Liberal Democracy its authors Rosalind Dixon and David Landau emphasize that legal globalization has its ‘dark side’ since the norms of liberal and democratic constitutionalism can easily be used for anti-democratic purposes. There appears disorientation in both the national and international political arena through the application of norms, which are peculiar to democracies, albeit they constitute potent tools for consolidating power and suppressing opposition. The present era is the time where democratic backsliding and covert autocratization have become the prevalent issues. Some regimes dress their activities under the guise of a liberal and democratic discourse. In lieu of committing military coups, modern policymakers tend to implement more legal forms of anti-democratic change to undermine democracy by using constitutional rights or the courts (judicial review). The characteristic feature of abusive constitutional borrowing is to maximize the achievement of antidemocratic goal. It is a deliberate attack on the democratic minimum core, which consequently leads to a gradual erosion of democracy. Modern democracies have a tendency to move back to autocratization by combining different forms of constitutional abuses, which can be classified as constitutional changes and sub-constitutional ones with a formal or informal character. Moreover, one can also discern various forms of borrowings i.e., superficial, selective, acontextual, and anti-purposive.

“Does Not Allow the Righteous to Remain Careless”: Socialist Revolution in the Conservative- Democratic Discourse of the 19th Century

Considering society to be the main subject of nation-building, the Slavophiles and the Pochvenniks acted as a kind of conservative democrats. In this, their views coincided with the views of publicists of an earlier generation, usually ranked among the supporters of the “official nationality”. Their political outlook was based on anticlass pathos, the desire to form a national identity on the basis of a peculiarly understood Orthodox spirituality. The main objects of criticism of the Slavophil publicists were “aristocratic opposition” and “revolutionary conservatism”: those forms of conservative politics and ideology that provoked revolutionary upheavals and were thus their root cause. Left radicalism was considered by Slavophile publicists as one of the varieties of “despotism of theory over life”. Not recognizing the positive content in it, the Slavophiles considered it a symptom of a disease that struck the national organism. The publication on the pages of Aksakov’s “Rus” of the unfinished cycle of K.K. Tolstoy marked the beginning of a number of publications devoted to the problems of nihilism and written by N.N. Gilyarov-Platonov and N.Ya. Danilevsky. Considerations of Gilyarov-Platonov were developed by his nephew — F.A. Gilyarov. However, his book “15 years of sedition” contained sharp attacks on the authorities and the “Katkovsky direction”. The most serious philosophical study of the problems of nihilism was the numerous works of N.N. Strakhov. Over time, the revolutionary ideology changed. “Pure” nihilism was receding into the past as early as the 1870s; the Narodniks and Marxists themselves considered themselves to be the bearers of a positive program. For their part, the conservatives did not recognize this positive element — and, arguing even with the Marxists, they continued to use the polemical arsenal of the former anti-nihilistic discourse. At the same time, there was no unified approach to Marxism in conservative circles. So, for D.I. Ilovaisky, he is a phenomenon alien to Russia. For S.F. Sharapov, Marxism, on the contrary, was a product of Russian life.

The Trajectory of Contemporary Governance in Lesotho: A Transition towards Coalition Government

This paper examines the success story of the formation of coalition government in Lesotho. Lesotho has since 1970 experienced a chequered history of authoritarian and military rules until 1993 when the country went democratic. Interestingly, within two decades of the country’s multi-party democratic experience, it has experimented with multiple governmental systems viz; in 1993-1998, it adopted First-Past the Post or winner-takes-all model, and then in 2001, it adopted Mixed Member Proportion model, which brought some stability within the unitary parliamentary governance. In 2012 the latter model gave impetus to a new model of coalition government. Unfortunately, however, the three- party coalition government was interrupted in 2014 by a military adventurism which gave rise to the 2015 snap elections that led to another seven-party coalition government. Interestingly, another faction occurred from the seven-party coalition and a vote of no-confidence was passed by the opposition against the ruling coalition, which led to the early 2017 elections. The third coalition governance of four parties was established after the elections and took its term of five years before the elections of October 2022 that established a “trinity” of three parties coalition under the leadership of a prominent businessman. This paper posits that although coalition model has been accepted by the Lesotho people, however, it has come with increasing cost on executive expenditure, as it puts great burden on taxpayers. This paper recommends the inclusion in the democratic discourse (conversation), a blend of the western democratic culture with traditional African culture in administering the affairs of the state since the two are not mutually exclusive.

Two Decades of Journalism Studies: Authorship, Networks and Diversity

Representation and diversity are salient issues in the democratic discourse worldwide and by extension within the field of journalism studies. With the field’s recent introspection into the role of gender and race in academia came a need for empirical data, supporting the efforts of scholars working on improving journalism study’s diversity, both in terms of gender and affiliation nationality. The current study aims at adding to this ongoing research by investigating the diversity among the authors of three major journalism related journals from 2000–2020, by employing automated content analysis and network analysis on a corpus of 2,751 original research articles. The results illustrate how authors’ characteristics impact a fields output. We find historic and ongoing imbalances among authors of different genders and affiliation nationality that have an impact on the field’s knowledge production.

Learning from Experience? COVID-19 Conspiracy Theories and Their Implications for Democratic Discourse

Learning from Experience?COVID-19 Conspiracy Theories and Their Implications for Democratic Discourse Jennifer Hochschild (bio) and David Beavers (bio) in a survey fielded on march 7, 2020, more than three times as many Democrats as Republicans (61 percent and 20 percent, respectively) agreed that the United States was concealing the true scale of SARS-CoV-2 deaths. Republicans were nearly 20 percentage points more likely than Democrats (57 percent and 38 percent, respectively) to agree that the coronavirus is a man-made epidemic. With fewer than 300 confirmed COVID-19 cases in the United States (CDC 2020), pandemic beliefs with no clear basis in fact were already flourishing and were already colored by Americans' partisan lenses. This case points to large questions. Although research shows that "basically all Americans hold conspiracy beliefs" (Smallpage et al. 2020, 264), we do not know enough about adherence to these beliefs and consequences for American politics. The very concept is contested—one person's plausible hypothesis or praise for imaginative thinking is another's conspiracy theory. But at least for those who see conspiracy theories as a threat to democratic governance, definitions share a few features. Karen Douglas and coauthors define [End Page 859] them as "attempts to explain the ultimate causes of significant social and political events and circumstances with claims of secret plots by two or more powerful actors" (Douglas et al. 2019, 4). Joseph Uscinski and his colleagues, who are among the most influential political scientists writing on this topic, similarly define a conspiracy theory as "a proposed explanation of events that cites as a main causal factor a small group of persons (the conspirators) acting in secret for their own benefit, against the common good" (Uscinski, Klofstad, and Atkinson 2016, 58). Such theories are not new to American politics. Richard Hofstadter set their pejorative framework by "borrowing a clinical term for other purposes" in describing conspiracism as a mental illness ([1964] 2008, 3). Although some argue that conspiracy theories should be analyzed neutrally or even favorably in some circumstances (Butter and Knight 2020a), most analysts of democracy agree with Hofstadter in fearing and condemning them. They worry that conspiracy theories are gaining importance in our era of partisan polarization, hyperpartisan media, disdain for norms of civility and facticity among some political elites, and digital networks' capacity to create "a global network of village idiots" (Lenny Pozner, in Kolbert 2019). Adherence to conspiracy theories might even be deadly. Early in the COVID-19 pandemic, exposure to misinformation was associated with increased cases and deaths, most likely by discouraging individuals from wearing masks, socially distancing, and minimizing travel (Ash et al. 2020; Bursztyn et al. 2020). By March 2022, Americans over age 12 who were not vaccinated, sometimes due to acceptance of theories about vaccines' harms to one's body, were 17 times more likely to die from COVID-19 than were those who had received primary vaccines and a booster dose (CDC 2022). Coronavirus-related conspiracy narratives may also undermine democratic discourse and practice. Furious encounters between people with opposing views on COVID-19 are commonplace on- and offline. Patients and their families who deny the disease's existence have spit on and threatened medical staff, and some public health [End Page 860] experts feel under threat (McKay et al. 2020). Belief in a connection between COVID-19 and 5G telecommunications technology was positively associated with state anger and greater justification for violence now or perhaps in the future (Jolley and Paterson 2020). More generally, as one scholar summarizes, "conspiracy theories … have been linked to climate denial, vaccine refusal, political apathy, apathy in the workplace, prejudice, crime, and violence. … Conspiracy theories about COVID-19 are no exception" (Douglas 2021, 271). Despite the fact that some beliefs arguably endanger public health, democratic polities must be cautious about restraining conspiracy narratives. Commitments to freedom of speech and assembly, along with protections for privacy, civil liberty, and freedom from surveillance, make it difficult to balance the need for effective governance and public safety against the imperative of individual freedom. And disagreement about how to attempt the balance itself adds another layer of challenge to democracy. In the survey that we describe and analyze...

Parochialism, propaganda and Public Opinion: Reading Lippmann in Zuboff’s Age of Surveillance Capitalism

By comparing the theoretical assessments of the effects of propaganda on liberal democratic discourse about the role of media in liberal democracy made by Walter Lippmann in Public Opinion in 1922 and Shoshana Zuboff in The Age of Surveillance Capitalism (2019) nearly a century later, this historically grounded article considers the two critics’ analyses of the threat posed by propaganda to the reproduction of free speech in a liberal democracy. The cross-century comparison of their respective critiques of media demonstrates the relevance of Lippmann’s ‘stereotype’ and his frustrated, but still useful, three-part dynamic of public opinion: journalism, the public and the government. For both scholars, the rehabilitation of the public ‘un-commons’ from domination by state and corporate-driven propaganda is paramount.

Historical memory, reimagining the present: The spatial politics of monuments in Thailand and Sri Lanka

We explore the contested politics of space and memorialization in Thailand and Sri Lanka, arguing that when monuments and sites embrace several, and often opposing memories, the question of whose histories are remembered and openly shared or marginalized and excluded becomes critical for understanding social dynamics and political change. Here, we consider how constructed narratives and histories (what is remembered and who is forgotten) have been publicly challenged, contested, and sometimes (re-)negotiated. Of significance in the cultural mediation of memory and monuments are the competing claims to equitable representation and the invariable memorialization of certain forms of representation. A fundamental feature of religio-political ultra-royalism in Thailand and ethno-Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism in Sri Lanka is that the memorialization of either contesting democratic discourses or of the Tamil minority respectively, is marginalized. In this article, we assert the ethical imperative to continually intervene and challenge the crisis of nationalist (re)presentation.

Substituting, Differentiating, Discriminating! Migration and Cognitive Borders in Aging Societies

Both Legislators and demographers have shown concerns about the aging of populations in the global North countries, and, for over two decades, have suggested encouraging migrations to make up for its effects. As a result, qualified and highly qualified migration have boomed, reflecting the global consolidation of migrant labor in technological, scientific and financial sectors. This substitution migration policy, however, is put into question from a knowledge-based economical and political perspective, since, by disregarding the relationship between labor productivity transformations and demographic crisis, it fails to see important processes whereby immigrants are differentially included. Moreover, we want to reject the philanthropic and optimistic views of globalization, as consolidated in formulations such as “brain gain” and “brain circulation”, which emphasize the generalized positive effects of qualified workers’ migration. Instead, we suggest delving into the cognitive injustice of international migration processes, which are part of a greater global social injustice pattern. Indeed, rather than reproducing the discourse of mobility, democracy and human rights, we assert that selective immigration policies effectively consolidate the reproduction of global social inequalities.

Makna Hizb dalam Al-Qur’an: Mengungkap Pesan Moral Al-Qur’an tentang Politik Identitas

The Meaning of Hizb in the Qur'an: Revealing the Moral Message of the Qur'an about Identity Politics This article discusses the moral message of the Qur'anic verses about hizb in relation to identity politics. This study is motivated by the use of the term hizb which is not in line with the moral message of the Koran and tends to be misused for the benefit of power politics. To reveal the moral message of the Koran used qualitative research by making the verses of the Koran about hizb as the object of study. Al-Qur'an verses about hizb are described thematically with the double movement theory approach, Fazlur Rahman. The results of this study indicate that the verses about hizb imply a moral message that is directly related to identity politics, especially the relationship between the existence of human plurality and divine principles. This relationship is formed by the existence of religiosity which supports the maintenance of ethical values. In addition, progressive ideas born from a nation's democracy always rest on ethical and rational truths. Ethical truth directs people consciously to maintain their identity without ignoring rational truth. Meanwhile, rational truth is placed properly in maintaining national unity in the discourse of democracy

DİJİTAL VERİNİN FİNANSALLAŞMASI VE PLATFORM KAPİTALİZMİ

Bu çalışmada finansallaşma olgusu, dijital verinin metalaştığı kapitalizmin güncel biçimlerinden biri olan platform kapitalizmi çerçevesinde tartışılmaktadır. Finansallaşma, literatürde çoğunlukla yeni bir birikim rejimi, şirket yönetimlerinin amaç fonksiyonlarının değişmesi ve gündelik hayatın finansallaşması şeklinde üç farklı yaklaşımla ele alınmaktadır. Bu makalede, bu sınıflandırmaya dördüncü bir ayrım eklemeyi öneriyoruz: dijital finansallaşma. Dijital finansallaşma, bireylerin dijital verileri aracılığıyla gözetimi ve bu yolla kâr elde edilmesine olanak sağlayan melez bir alan yaratmak için dijital ve finansal alanların bütünleşmesini ifade eder. Çalışmanın amacı geleneksel finansallaşma argümanlarının, dijital finansallaşma bağlamında geçerliliğini sorgulamak ve finansallaşma analizini dijital veriyi kapsayacak biçimde genişletmektir. Çalışmanın bulgularına göre, BigTech ve FinTech şirketleri bütünleşik bir dijital-finansal alan oluşturarak dijital veriyi finansallaştırmaktadır. Veriye dayalı finansal kapsayıcılık faaliyetleri, finansın demokratikleşmesi söylemi altında, finansal ürün kullanımını dünya nüfusunun büyük bir kesimine yaymayı amaçlar. Sonuç olarak dijital finansallaşma “bankasız nüfus” dahil olmak üzere geniş kesimlere platformlar aracılığıyla erişim sağlayarak finansallaşmayı genişletmekte ve derinleştirmektedir. Platform kapitalizmi altında geliştirilen iş modellerinin finansallaşma bağlantıları dikkate alındığında, dijital veriye dayalı yeni “sömürü” mekanizmaları oluşabilir

Of farms, legends, and fools: Re-engaging Ghana’s development narrative through social media

As social media democratize participation in the public sphere, new voices are emerging that challenge the status quo of public political discussion in important ways. In particular, social media are allowing ordinary citizens to offer their appraisals of government policy and their diagnoses of the problems besetting development. Through a rhetorical analysis of online videos by selected social commentators, we show how development is framed by today’s Ghanaian youth as an engagement with local and global vistas. Although lacking in nuanced historical and theoretical framing, and espousing an idealized-Western vision of development, our interlocutors play an important role in spurring active youth engagement in democratic discourse and in bringing to the popular stage contemporary national and global discourses surrounding development, identity, and the role of digital media in shaping modern public debate in democratic societies.

Exile to the Equator: Chinese Anti-Colonialism and Nationalism in Southeast Asia, 1939–1946

Abstract This paper discusses and compares the ideas of Chinese leftists in exile, as expressed in their publications and journals and in their anti-colonial activism in collaboration with the overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia from 1939 to 1946. Describing Chinese anti-colonialism and nationalism through a transnational conceptualization and an ethnographic approach, stories that occur “behind the scenes” enhance our ability to decode key words and reveal the complexities of concrete economic and political conflicts from multiple sources that involve migration, ethnicities, and capitalism. The class nature of Chinese anti-colonial internationalism that was forged during and after the Second World War was deeply embedded in the “liberal” discourses of freedom, democracy, equality, liberty, and women’s emancipation. It was also rooted in the mass politics of anti-capitalism, which was global in scope and fine-grained, local, and rooted in everyday life. The Chinese leftist geopolitical configuration of the “nations below the wind” and “the equator” enabled the perception of a proto-global South—South alliance as a world-historical force, with the dual goals of overturning unequal development and achieving an integrated path of anti-colonialism and national independence.

DIGITAL CONSTITUTIONALISM IN THE MODERN INFORMATION SOCIETY

The article is devoted to the analysis of the basic concepts of digital constitutionalism, the characteristics of doctrinal development and areas of research, as well as to cover the problematic issues related to the definition of this phenomenon in the system of modern constitutionalism. It is noted that, despite the rather solid list of the latest analytical works regarding digital constitutionalism, its doctrinal definition is not complete, and there is no clearly recognized definition of this concept. There is now a general consensus among researchers that digital constitutionalism is a set of traditional constitutional values adapted to the new requirements of the digital environment. From the standpoint of digital constitutionalism, society should respond to the shortcomings of digital technologies and provide the ideals, values and principles of modern democratic constitutionalism, support its balance sheet and guarantee system. Digital constitutionalism advocates such fundamental principles as the rule of law, the separation of powers, democracy and the protection of human rights in a qualitatively new context of the information society. At the same time, new constitutional principles emerge in various forms. Not only as amendments to national constitutions, but also as internal rules of online platform, precedent right of national constitutional courts and transnational judicial bodies, but even as legally optional declarations of Internet rights, which are promoted by participants in civil society. This gives grounds to argue that digital constitutionalism is a new direction of modern constitutionalism (New Branch of constiturationalism) while remaining within a democratic legal discourse.
 Thus, it is stated that digital constitutionalism has noted a new phase of development of modern constitutionalism and a new paradigm of constitutional and legal research. Without these factors, it is impossible to ensure the modern constitutional and legal development of states and the improvement of national constitutional legislation.