Democracy In Britain Research Articles

New Focus on Industrial Democracy in Britain

Industrial democracy in Britain has traditionally operated through the process of collective bargaining, but since 1973 the Trades Union Congress has pursued the objec tive of giving workers' representatives parity on company boards of directors with shareholders' representatives. This approach was adopted in the Labour party's election manifesto for the current Parliament, but the government, somewhat uncertain as to how to implement this objective, has appointed the Bullock Committee to investigate the issue. The com mittee's report is expected to be broadly favorable to the TUC viewpoint, but most employers and some unions want a more flexible approach to worker participation. Any government legislation in the near future is likely to be threatened by time constraints and a declining majority in Parliament, but there is general agreement in all the political parties about the need for some further development in participation, even if not about the precise form that it should take.

Editorial Comments: Industrial Democracy in Britain

Editorial Comments: Industrial Democracy in Britain

The Political Demography of Cambridge 1832-1868

This paper is the first fruit of a study of electoral politics in the Borough of Cambridge between the first and second Reform Bills, in which we are attempting to explore in detail some of the most important general questions about the political history of mid-Victorian Britain.The critical importance of the period between 1832 and 1868 to the transition from aristocratic rule to parliamentary democracy in Britain is not in doubt. In the terms of the most useful comparative study (Lipset and Rokkan 1967) 1832 represented an early, genuine but limited concession by the old elite to bourgeois and working class claims to political influence, a remarkably Whig view. The major works on the politics of the period (esp. Gash 1933 and Hanham 1959) have emphasised the limited nature of the concession while other have thrown doubt on the notion of concession, at all, pointing out the conservative intentions behind the First Reform Bill (Moore 1966, 1976) and the contingent pressures on the actual provisions of the Second (Cowling 1967). Control of Parliament remained largely where it had been before; the decline of aristocratic government was long drawn out; adaptation of the political system followed slowly in the wake of economic and social change. Middle class reform and militant labour were gradually accommodated in the parliamentary system, enlisted in the ranks of the aristocratic parties, which though transformed, even now, moderate, loyal, constitutionalist, bear the marks of their origin. Part of the explanation for the success of gradualism must be sought in the weakness of the labor movement and its failure at the revolutionary moment, which has been illuminated in detail by Foster's studies of industrial towns (1967, 1968, 1974).

The Beliefs of Politicians: Ideology, Conflict, and Democracy in Britain and Italy. Robert Putnam

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewsThe Beliefs of Politicians: Ideology, Conflict, and Democracy in Britain and Italy. Robert Putnam Richard M. MerelmanRichard M. Merelman Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by American Journal of Sociology Volume 82, Number 2Sep., 1976 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/226330 Views: 1Total views on this site Copyright 1976 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

Charles Hall, Early English Socialist

Charles Hall's importance has been recognized by a number of scholars. He has been described by C. R. Fay as “the first of the early socialists”, and by Mark Blaug as “the first socialist critic of the industrial revolution”. According to Max Beer he provided “the first interpretation of the voice of rising Labour”, and Anton Menger regarded him as “the first socialist who saw in rent and interest unjust appropriations of the return of labour, and who explicitly claimed for the worker the undiminished product of his industry”.2Menger, in his bookThe Right to the Whole Produce of Labour(first published in German in 1886), devoted three or four pages to Hall and drew attention to his early formulation of the theory of surplus value. Since then there have been several discussions of Hall's work, but almost without exception they have been quite brief: perhaps the most notable are those provided by H. S. Foxwell in his introduction to the English translation of Menger, and by Beer in hisHistory of British SocialismH. L. Beales, who also wrote a few pages about him in his bookThe Early English Socialists, lamented some twenty years ago that Hall (in common with several other pioneers of socialism and democracy in Britain) had not yet found a biographer. In fact it seems unlikely, owing to the paucity of material, that a biography will ever be possible. But it is nonetheless surprising that Hall has received so little individual attention; and the author of a recent summary of his ideas (again in the context of a general history of socialism) could describe him as “ce précurseur quelque peu oublie”. It appears that an essay may usefully be written drawing together what is known about him and attempting a fuller examination of his writings than has been provided hitherto.

THE PLACE OF MANAGERS IN INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY

The discussion of industrial democracy in Britain has exploded in the last few years, but the result has been to write an agenda which has still to be worked through, not to reveal a consensus which can be written into action at once.

The Beliefs of Politicians: Ideology, Conflict, and Democracy in Britain and Italy. By Robert D. Putnam. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973. Pp. xii, 309. $10.95.)

The Beliefs of Politicians: Ideology, Conflict, and Democracy in Britain and Italy. By Robert D. Putnam. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973. Pp. xii, 309. $10.95.)

The Beliefs of Politicians: Ideology, Conflict, and Democracy in Britain and Italy.

The Beliefs of Politicians: Ideology, Conflict, and Democracy in Britain and Italy.

The Beliefs of Politicians: Ideology, Conflict, and Democracy in Britain and Italy. By Robert D. Putnam. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973. Pp. xii, 309. $10.95.)

The Beliefs of Politicians: Ideology, Conflict, and Democracy in Britain and Italy. By Robert D. Putnam. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973. Pp. xii, 309. $10.95.)

Social Transition in Kendal and Westmorland, c. 1760–1860

ALTHOUGH THE STUDY of urban history is now well established in Britain, the attention of students of urbanism has, on the whole, been directed to the great towns and cities. The country town and its hinterland have been neglected as subjects contributing to the investigation of the deeper complexities of social change and evolution.! Even a cursory survey will show that important sections of the newer middle-class groups subsisted and wielded power in small towns, or, after business success and the accumulation of wealth, moved out to the countryside or to rural suburbs in pursuit of more traditional ways of life and of landed and gentry status. This evolution, and the migrations were associated with another crucially important development, whereby local moneyed elites had to come to terms with the increasing complexities, imperatives and tensions of social leadership, control and local government. It is fairly clear that this experience both accompanied and assisted the development of political democracy in England. The present article is less a piece of local history per se, therefore, than a thematic case-study, whereby the formation of Westmorland middle-class leadership and control is examined in some illustrative, though far from exhaustive, detail. It grew out of the work of a social history research team assembled at the University of Lancaster,2 and it may be thought to demonstrate that a concerted attack on such a theme at several levels can yield valuable results. .

Reviews: The State's Servants: The Civil Service of the English Republic, 1649–1660, The Treasury 1660–1870. The Foundations of Control, Front-Bench Opposition: The Role of the Leader of the Opposition, The Shadow Cabinet and the Shadow Government in British Politics, Backbench Opinion in the House of Commons 1945–55, British Nationalisation 1945–1973, The Politics of Rural Wales: A Study of Cardiganshire, Government

Reviews: The State's Servants: The Civil Service of the English Republic, 1649–1660, The Treasury 1660–1870. The Foundations of Control, Front-Bench Opposition: The Role of the Leader of the Opposition, The Shadow Cabinet and the Shadow Government in British Politics, Backbench Opinion in the House of Commons 1945–55, British Nationalisation 1945–1973, The Politics of Rural Wales: A Study of Cardiganshire, Government

The Beliefs of Politicians: Ideology, Conflict, and Democracy in Britain and Italy.Robert D. Putnam

<i>The Beliefs of Politicians: Ideology, Conflict, and Democracy in Britain and Italy.</i>Robert D. Putnam

Robert D. Putnam. The Beliefs of Politicians: Ideology, Conflict, and Democracy in Britain and Italy. Pp. xii, 309. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1973. $10.95

Robert D. Putnam. The Beliefs of Politicians: Ideology, Conflict, and Democracy in Britain and Italy. Pp. xii, 309. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1973. $10.95

The Beliefs of Politicians: Ideology, Conflict, and Democracy in Britain and Italy, by Robert D. Putnam; Political Alienation and Political Behavior, by David C. Schwartz

The Beliefs of Politicians: Ideology, Conflict, and Democracy in Britain and Italy, <i>by Robert D. Putnam</i>; Political Alienation and Political Behavior, <i>by David C. Schwartz</i>

More Power to the People. Young Fabian Essays on Democracy in Britain. Edited by Brian Lapping and Giles Radice. Longmans. 21s.

More Power to the People. Young Fabian Essays on Democracy in Britain. Edited by Brian Lapping and Giles Radice. Longmans. 21s.

Is it The Same Church? by F. J. Sheed. Sheed and Ward, London and Sydney, 1968. 236 pp. 32s. 6d.

IS IT THE SAME CHURCH? by F. J. Sheed.SECULARIZATION THEOLOGY, by Robert L. Richard, S.J.THE CONSCIENCE OF THE STATE IN NORTH AMERICA, by R. E. Norman.ON NOT LEAVING IT TO THE SNAKE, by Harvey G. GoxCLERICAL CELIBACY UNDER FIRE, by E. Schillebeeckx, O.P.CELIBACY: THE NECESSARY OPTION, edited by George H. Frein.THE FREEDOM OF SEXUAL LOVE, A Christian Concept of Sexuality in Marriage, by Joseph and Lois Bird.A HISTORY OF EASTERN CHRISTIANITY, by Aziz S. Atiya.THE SPIRIT OF THE COUNTER‐REFORMATION, by H. Outram Evennett.A HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM, by Emile G. Léonard.THE LETTERS AND DIARIES OF JOHN NEWMAN. Vol. XVII, Opposition in London and Dublin, October 1855 to March 1857. Edited by C. S. Dessain.MORE POWER TO THE PEOPLE. Young Fabian Essays on Democracy in Britain. Edited by Brian Lapping and Giles Radice.CONJECTURES OF A GUILTY BYSTANDER. Thomas Merton.

The public records: The historian, the national interest and official policy

The passage of the Public Records Act in 1838 is regarded, and rightly regarded, as a landmark not only in historical studies in Britain but also in the evolution of a civilized informed democracy. The recognition by the state of its obligation to collect, preserve and make available the records of its own activities was a logical and necessary complement to its acceptance of the people's right to rule. It was by no accident that the French Revolution resulted in the opening of the French archives. It was by no accident that the Public Records Act was preceded, six years earlier, by the Great Reform Bill. The substitution of responsibility for neglect, of centralization for dispersion, of classification for chaos, of salaried experts for pensioners and perquisite-collectors, of free access for heavy fees this was all part of that urge for reform which justly entitles the 1830's and 1840's to be regarded as the harbingers of ordered democracy in Britain. And though much of this was not explicit in the 1838 Act, it was all latent in it and was by degrees achieved in consequence of it. Thus while, with some justification, emphasis fell on the custody and care of the records, the end of public service and public use was always present. As Lord Langdale, the Master of the Rolls, wrote to Lord John Russell in 1839, The Records have justly been called the Muniments of the Kingdom and the People's Evidence; and they ought to be kept and managed under such arrangements as may afford to the public the greatest facility of using them that is consistent with their safety.

Democracy in England, by Diana Spearman

Democracy in England, <i>by Diana Spearman</i>

The Unservile State: Essays in Liberty and Welfare. Edited by George Watson. (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1957. Pp. 315. $4.75.)Democracy in England. By Diana Spearman. (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1957. Pp. 225. $6.00.)Significant Cases in British Constitutional Law. Edited by C. Gordon Post. (New York: The Liberal Arts Press, 1957. Pp. 245. $1.25.).Government in Great Britain, the Empire,

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook Reviews George Watson Diana Spearman C. Gordon Post The Unservile State: Essays in Liberty and Welfare. George Watson Democracy in England. Diana Spearman Significant Cases in British Constitutional Law. C. Gordon Post Government in Great Britain, the Empire, and the Commonwealth. L. W. White , W. D. Hussey Arthur B. DuganArthur B. Dugan Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Politics Volume 20, Number 3Aug., 1958 Sponsored by the Southern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1017/S0022381600033788 Views: 3Total views on this site PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

The System of Democracy in Britain

The System of Democracy in Britain