Defence Cooperation Research Articles

Collective action problems in planetary defense

In recent years, growing awareness of potential threats posed by near-Earth objects (NEOs) has led to increased interest in developing and implementing planetary defense measures. International cooperation and public support are crucial to ensuring the long-term success of planetary defense initiatives. However, a number of economic, political, legal, and social issues stand in the way of effective large-scale cooperation in pursuing planetary defense. This article examines the major challenges to international cooperation in planetary defense. The article begins by considering the major types of collective action problems facing international collaboration toward planetary defense. The article then examines the way in which adjacent space-related aspects of international affairs influence the arena of planetary defense. The article then analyzes the legal aspects of these cooperation problems, focusing on sources of perceived uncertainty that interfere with effective development of norms for cooperation. The article then proposes various possible strategies for avoiding cooperation problems and increasing collective buy-in. Noteworthy examples include the use of treaties as pre-commitment devices (which parties agree to undertake in order to limit their future options and commit themselves to pre-established lines of conduct) and amendments to existing legal frameworks to decrease perceived uncertainty and promote objective standards of cooperation. The article concludes by reflecting on the importance of promoting a widespread cultural perspective that emphasizes the pursuit of collective planetary welfare over competing national interests.

The Enduring Sino–Russian Strategic Relations of Mutual Dependence—The Attribute of Military Cooperation

ABSTRACT Beijing’s relatively ambiguous response to the Ukraine War has tested how firm the Sino—Russian strategic partnership is. This article aims to decipher the endurance and complexity of Sino-Russian strategic relations by evaluating the nature and dynamics of Sino-Russian defense cooperation amid the worsening international environment against both countries. By examining two Sino-Russian Joint Exercises and analyzing their joint military patrols, exercises, and technological projects, this article argues that the general Sino-Russian military collaboration has been enhanced. Beijing and Moscow have gradually strengthened the combat orientation of their military cooperation to deter the perceived third-party threat, solidify their strategic partnership and against the challenges posed by conflicting interests in the overall bilateral interaction. Both Beijing and Moscow consistently remain vigilant against the risks of abandonment and entrapment, emphasizing the importance of maintaining strategic autonomy and refraining from formal alliances. However, they confront the worst-case scenario of being simultaneously dragged into two separate armed conflicts by a shared adversary. Therefore, align with their own national interests, the ability of Beijing and Moscow to achieve a delicate equilibrium between avoiding entrapment and preventing abandonment will determine the vitality and long-term trajectory of their strategic partnership.

Correction to: Evaluating Japan’s defense cooperation agreements and their transformative potential: upgrading strategic partnerships with Australia and the UK

Correction to: Evaluating Japan’s defense cooperation agreements and their transformative potential: upgrading strategic partnerships with Australia and the UK

Reforming the common security and defense policy in the long term, considering the threat from Russia

This article analyzes the need to reform the Common Security and Defense Policy of the European Union in the long term, with a particular focus on the threat, posed by the russian federation. The growth of russia's aggressiveness and foreign policy ambitions creates the need to strengthen and adapt the security and defense policy of the European Union. A number of decisions, adopted by the European Union as a countermeasure to russian aggression against Ukraine, are analyzed. The article also examines the reasons that led to the need for institutional reform and key aspects of it, including the strengthening of the Union's military capabilities, the development of the cyber security sector and the expansion of cyber defense infrastructure, ensuring an increase in joint financing of the defense sector and cooperation with strategic partners. The importance and necessity of political unity and joint action among the member states of the European Union, strengthening of defense capabilities, defense cooperation, improvement of crisis management mechanisms and provision of mutual assistance between member states for effective response to threats from russia were emphasized. The article calls for intensive cooperation and coordination between the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, as well as for strengthening external partnerships with countries that share common values and have common security interests in the implementation of joint projects and programs in the field of security and defense to ensure stability and security in the region. Reforming the Common Security and Defense Policy is a key factor in ensuring Europe's collective security in the medium and long term, taking into account the needs and challenges of the modern geopolitical environment, and through joint action, the European Union can act as a united front in security solutions and international cooperation

Strategia de securitate pentru regiunea Mării Negre: cooperare, stabilitate și dezvoltare durabilă

The article explores the development of a comprehensive security strategy for the Black Sea region, focusing on multiple aspects of security, including energy security, conflict management, cyber security and defence cooperation. The implementation of such a strategy involves sustainable efforts and close collaboration between the littoral states, international organisations and external partners. On energy security, the article stresses the importance of developing energy infrastructure, diversifying energy sources and promoting energy efficiency. It also highlights the need to strengthen regional cooperation to address challenges such as conflict management, environmental protection and cyber security. Conflict management is another key element of the strategy, with a focus on identifying, monitoring and resolving conflicts through dialogue and negotiation. Cyber security is treated as a global concern, with an emphasis on the need for close cooperation and information sharing to counter evolving cyber threats. Defence cooperation strengthens military capabilities and improves military security.

Security Strategy for the Black Sea Region: Cooperation, Stability and Sustainable Development

The article explores the development of a comprehensive security strategy for the Black Sea region, focusing on multiple aspects of security, including energy security, conflict management, cyber security and defence cooperation. The implementation of such a strategy involves sustainable efforts and close collaboration between the littoral states, international organisations and external partners. On energy security, the article stresses the importance of developing energy infrastructure, diversifying energy sources and promoting energy efficiency. It also highlights the need to strengthen regional cooperation to address challenges such as conflict management, environmental protection and cyber security. Conflict management is another key element of the strategy, with a focus on identifying, monitoring and resolving conflicts through dialogue and negotiation. Cyber security is treated as a global concern, with an emphasis on the need for close cooperation and information sharing to counter evolving cyber threats. Defence cooperation strengthens military capabilities and improves military security.

Crumbling in the face of cost? How cost considerations affect public support for European security and defence cooperation

In surveys, Europeans routinely express high levels of support for a common security and defence policy of the European Union. Do these responses reflect real demands or superficial support that would crumble if the issue was politicised? This article provides new answers to this question. We conducted pre-registered survey experiments with more than 40,000 respondents from 25 European countries in which we randomly varied whether respondents received information about potential costs of two hypothetical cooperative activities: military operations and defence procurement. Support for these activities was systematically lower when costs were mentioned. We conclude that, in the event of politicisation, there is considerable potential for shifts in opinion and that caution is required in deriving a mandate for specific activities from high approval rates for cooperation in general.

Bilateral treaty networks: assessing cooperative spillover in defense and investment

AbstractThe potential for mutual influence or “spillover” between economic and security cooperation is a long-standing area of interest for policymakers and scholars alike. This paper examines how network dynamics affect spillover. We focus on two prominent types of formal bilateral cooperation—defense cooperation agreements (DCAs) and bilateral investment treaties (BITs)—both of which have proliferated dramatically in the post-Cold War international system. We argue that existing theoretical and empirical approaches to economic-security spillover focus too strictly on influences at the bilateral level. As with other forms of international cooperation, BITs and DCAs comprise larger international networks. Governments develop portfolios of BITs or DCAs with distinct structural goals in mind, and they implement specific strategies in pursuing those goals. With BITs, governments follow a network-hierarchy strategy that allows them to influence treaty design and protect their firms. In DCAs, governments instead favor a network-community strategy focused on pooling collective security goods among groups of like-minded collaborators. When these network strategies complement one another, they promote cooperative economic-security spillover. When they conflict, however, they inhibit spillover, such that cooperation in economic or security issues discourages cooperation in the opposing issue area.

EU arms collaboration, procurement, and offsets: the impact of the war in Ukraine

ABSTRACT In the last twenty years, the EU has made increasingly greater efforts to boost defence cooperation among MS. To strengthen the EDTIB and avoid duplication of capabilities, the EU has encouraged “European preference” in arms procurement and MS’ defence collaborative projects, also by seeking to expunge defence offsets from the single market. Against this backdrop, on 24 February 2022, Russia invaded Ukraine. What impact has the war in Ukraine had on EU defence cooperation? Has the war impacted MS in a similar fashion or unevenly, reinforcing defence integration dynamics for some, while kickstarting disintegration for others? Two years on, a thorough analysis of the impact of the war on EU defence cooperation is still missing. This paper fills this gap by exploring three levels of analysis – arms collaboration, arms procurement, and offsets – and by comparing pre-invasion evidence with data from the post-invasion period. The analysis suggests that the Russo-Ukrainian war has negatively impacted EU defence cooperation, potentially increasing both fragmentation and non-EU dependencies. However, although MS’ threat perception and their ability to reap industrial benefits remain important to explain EU defence cooperation, integration or disintegration dynamics do not neatly map onto the geographical or size divides identified by the literature.

South Korea and NATO: from unlikely companions to key partners

Abstract Relations between South Korea and NATO have been deepening at a striking pace recently. Yoon Suk Yeol became the first South Korean president to attend a NATO Summit in 2022 and in the same year, Seoul opened its diplomatic mission to NATO in Brussels. South Korea also became the first east Asian country to join a NATO Centre of Excellence, and started increased consultations with NATO's military staffs. There is a gap in the literature on South Korea–NATO relations which this article aims to fill as it examines the reasons behind the rapidly deepening relations between South Korea and NATO in recent years. To understand the dynamics that triggered the rapid development of South Korea–NATO relations, this article applies Bence Nemeth's theory on defence cooperation which focuses on the interplay of three structural and two situational factors. We argue that the constellation of these factors operating together led the two sides to deepen cooperation organically over almost two decades. Path-dependent processes accrued through prior experiences of collaboration and institutional ‘stickiness’, aided by the positive rapport between leaders in office, allowed the two sides to deepen cooperation when the external environment required it following Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

India’s Defence Cooperation with the GCC: Role for the Indian Navy

The success of India’s ‘Look West’ Policy for promoting ties with the Middle East countries has helped to build upon historical trade and cultural ties and paved the way to progress defence and security cooperation. This could be led by the Indian Navy which has emerged as the regional net security provider and which also played an instrumental role in promoting India’s relations with the Southeast Asian countries under India’s ‘Look East’ Policy of the 1990s. Close maritime security cooperation between the Arab Gulf navies and the Indian Navy could be mutually beneficial and help to improve overall regional maritime security. This article looks at how this could be achieved, overcoming potential challenges along the way.

China’s Defense Cooperation with Latin America and Caribbean: Trends and Limitations

Introduction. China started to develop military-to-military ties and defense-industrial cooperation with Latin America and Caribbean countries in the early 2000s as an element of its strategy of comprehensive cooperation with the region. Defense cooperation was mentioned in the Chinese documents and statements on the policy in the region from the early 2000s. However, China has always considered this defense cooperation to be just a secondary, subordinate element of its overall strategy in the region. Methods. The article is based on Chinese publications, statements, and documents concerning China’s policies in defense cooperation with the region, as well as on Latin American and other Western publications on specific cooperation projects. The author compares the Chinese approach to defense cooperation with Latin America to similar Chinese cooperation policies in other regions, especially in Africa. Analysis.China views defense cooperation with Latin America as a subordinate element of its general strategy of economic and political presence in the region. Cultivating ties with the local military elites of Latin America is especially emphasized, and the exchange of military delegations started in the early 2000s. To boost defense cooperation, China is sometimes ready to provide significant military assistance to the region. China has established permanent mechanisms of defense dialogue with the regional countries in the form of regular forums and conferences. Other important venues of military cooperation include personnel training, joint exercises, and the region’s visits by Chinese warships. China has managed to establish a presence on the arms market in Latin America in the 2000s but has failed to become a major weapons provider in the region. Currently, Chinese arms sales in Latin America are in decline. However, China has achieved major results in the development of dual-use technology cooperation with the LAC countries, especially in the fields of space and internal security. That may create preconditions for faster development of military and military technical cooperation between China and Latin America in the future. So far, the Chinese approach to defense cooperation in the region remains more cautious and gradual compared to cooperation with Africa. China is reluctant to challenge the US red lines here. That may change in the future as China-US relations continue to deteriorate. Authors contributions. Ekaterina Kosevich was responsible for researching and covering the development of political relations between China and Latin America. Vasily Kashin touched on cooperation in defense, the security industry, and dual-use technology.

Strengthening Naval Diplomacy RI-US in Intelligence, Surveillance, Reconnaissance through Cooperation Afloat Readiness and Training 2024

This research discusses the joint exercise between the Indonesian Navy, the US Navy, and the US Marines (USMC), namely Cooperation Afloat Readiness and Training (CARAT) to carry out Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (ISR), littoral warfare, and coastal defence missions. This research uses descriptive qualitative related to Cooperation Afloat Readiness and Training (CARAT). CARAT is implemented bilaterally to enhance the maritime partnership between Indonesia and the US. For Indonesia, building a maritime partnership with the US should focus on bilateral interests as well as regional security. For the US, the CARAT programme in Indonesia can be seen as part of an effort to strengthen its influence in Southeast Asia, including facing China's dominance in the region. Based on the above background, the researcher formulates the problem, namely how to strengthen Indonesia's cooperative relationship with the United States in the face of China's dominance in the Southeast Asian region. Data collection is obtained from literature review by collecting various articles, books, journals, or other sources. The results of this study indicate that to strengthen Indonesia's cooperative relationship with the United States in the face of China's dominance in the Southeast Asian region, is to increase cooperation in the field of security and defence, through Cooperation Afloat Readiness and Training 2024. This will help strengthen Indonesia's defence capacity and also send a signal to China that Indonesia is not easily intimidated. It is also important to continue to build relations with China in a critical but constructive manner, by promoting dialogue and diplomacy to seek points of agreement and achieve stability in the Southeast Asian region as a whole. CARAT activities are an effective strategy in enhancing security stability in the region through maritime defence cooperation. The programme benefits partner countries in building relationships of trust, enhancing defence capabilities and combating maritime threats. To increase the effectiveness of CARAT, it is recommended that partner countries continue to be committed to the programme and maintain good cooperation with the US navy and other countries in the region.

Enabling Factors of Deepening the Visegrád 4 Defence Cooperation

The Visegrád countries occasionally step up as a “political block” through highly visible political declarations and began to practically expand their cooperation to include defence after 2011. This has often been considered a breakthrough achievement, but the long-term strategic prospects, the “depth” of this new formation of sub-regional defence cooperation is scarcely analysed. Based on European lessons learnt, this study offers a novel qualitative analysis focusing on the V4, measuring their cooperation in the light of enabling conditions of successful defence cooperation in the period 1999–2019. Reflecting on significant shortcomings identified, the author argues that much remains to be done if the V4’s ambitious strategic plans on defence, outlined until 2032, are to be realised, particularly regarding political and technical conditions.

China’s Militarisation and the Indian Ocean

What is behind Beijing’s increased assertiveness towards its regional neighbours? Many use the theory of transition of power: that China is becoming a superpower and it challenges the status quo, mostly the United States, and attempts to replace it globally.2 Others tend to believe that China’s real desire is to become a regional hegemon by establishing a China-centred sphere in Asia. Some believe that their only aim is to just simply overcome the “century of humiliation” from its recent past by continuing their economic boom. This paper presents a view that China is trying to reconstruct the status quo, and in order to do that the country needs to establish a China-centred Asia and most importantly a China-centred Indio-Pacific region. In its first section, this paper takes a look at the country’s incredible military modernisation by examining those events and leaders that pushed this development. Then, the section also points out how China plans to reconstruct the regional status quo with the help of its economic power. The second part aims to present the Indian Ocean region’s current status as a “battlefield” between China and India and why does it matter in the first place. Finally, in the third part the paper argues that the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue is the best tool to deter Beijing in the future and it must be strengthened properly by, among other things, a deepened U.S.–India defence cooperation.

The China–Iran strategic deal and CPEC: Navigating the influence of pragmatic balancing in China's relations with Iran and Pakistan

AbstractThis article argues that China is advancing its relations with Iran and Pakistan based on pragmatic balancing, a key component of soft balancing, to safeguard and advance national self‐interest. China's relationship with Pakistan is based on shared interests to counter the Indian hegemony in South Asia and end the Chinese energy security dilemma through an overland route of the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The bilateral relationship has enhanced and expanded over the years, despite steep transformations in regional geopolitics. Meanwhile, abundant Iranian energy reserves and Tehran's willingness to support China against the United States in the Middle East encouraged the Chinese leadership to sign a strategic deal with no significant ramifications for Pakistan and CPEC. The fair‐weather friendship between China and Iran remains limited in scope, often suspending cooperation in various domains, including energy and defense. Nonetheless, an all‐weather friendship between China and Pakistan sustained the collaboration of security, economy, and diplomacy, meticulously representing sincerity and cordiality.Related ArticlesBishwakarma, Jham Kumar, and Zongshan Hu. 2021. “Problems and Prospects for the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).” Politics & Policy 50(1): 154–79. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12443.Singh, Amit, and Amit Sarwal. 2017. “Paraspara, Encounters, and Confluences: India's Soft Power Objective in the Indo‐Pacific Region.” Politics & Policy 45(5): 733–61. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12222.Zaidi, Syed Muhammad Saad. 2020. “American Global Supremacy under Threat? The Chinese Factor.” Politics & Policy 49(2): 502–28. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12402.

Current and Future Challenges to Canada-US Defense Cooperation – North America, the Transatlantic, and Beyond

Current and Future Challenges to Canada-US Defense Cooperation – North America, the Transatlantic, and Beyond

Awkward Partners? The View on The Arctic Dimension of The EU Strategic Autonomy in Denmark and Norway

The article deals with the contradictions between the EU strategic autonomy and the national interests of Denmark and Norway in the Arctic regarding foreign policy priorities, defence cooperation and the "green transition". In national diplomacy Nordic countries want to preserve their own voice and freedom of manoeuvre, also in their relations with Russia and China, while the EU is more interested in keeping and expanding its own Arctic cooperation formats rather than coordinating common diplomatic efforts in the Arctic with Copenhagen or Oslo. European defence cooperation currently does not offer meaningful tools to enhance the Arctic presence of Denmark and Norway, since their largest military modernisation projects are implemented either at the national level or intergovernmentally with select countries. Finally, in the area of climate policy, a long search for compromise is likely to be necessary, as Norway is hesitant to implement EU climate regulations and is in direct opposition to Brussels over deep-sea mining, while Denmark struggles with a powerful farmer lobby that seeks postponements and exemptions from various climate measures.

India's Strategic Considerations With Russia In The Post-Russia-Ukraine War Era

This article examines India's strategic considerations in the aftermath of the Russia crisis, explicitly focusing on India-Russia relations. The article analyses the factors influencing India's approach towards Russia, particularly in defense cooperation while considering the implications of China's rising influence on India's strategic calculations. By conducting a case study of India-Russia relations, the paper investigates the dynamics of defense collaboration, the significance of Russia as a defense partner for India, and the evolving regional security landscape shaped by China's ascent. The research provides insights into India's strategic alignments and decision-making processes in the post-Russia crisis era, considering Russia's new foreign policy emphasizing India and China. Furthermore, the paper examines the encircling impact of China's rising influence in South Asia on India, highlighting India's abstention in the UN General Assembly resolution condemning Russia's invasion of Ukraine as a reflection of its difficult position amidst these geopolitical developments. The findings of this research contribute to the understanding of India's strategic responses and decision-making frameworks in the context of shifting regional dynamics, considering the implications of Russia's foreign policy approach and China's growing power.

Dynamics In India-Russia Strategic Partnership

Congeniality, confidence, and mutual understanding with common interests in the international system are very vibrant in the bilateral relations between India and Russia. However, both states have faced a low level of experience in their relations after the disintegration of the Soviet Union. New steps have been taken to deepen strategic and defense cooperation with the signing of a strategic agreement on October 3, 2000, in New Delhi. They collaborate to create plans for dealing with insurgencies, strengthening technology links, expanding diplomatic relations, mitigating climate catastrophes, and forging a multipolar world. In light of the dynamics of their foreign policies changing due to geopolitical and geoeconomic competition in the new global order, this article examines the strategic partnership between India and Russia. It also analyzes the importance of India-Russia relations in addressing post-pandemic challenges and problems.