Defence Cooperation Research Articles

Navigating strategic waters: India-US foundational defence agreements and the quest for strategic autonomy

ABSTRACT This paper examines the evolving strategic partnership between India and the United States, particularly through the lens of foundational defence agreements. Focusing on key agreements such as the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA), Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA), and the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA), the study evaluates their implications for defence collaboration and India’s strategic autonomy. The analysis highlights how these agreements have strengthened both bilateral security cooperation and regional collaboration within the Indo-Pacific, while also opening avenues for new areas of defence cooperation and spurring new initiatives in India-US ties. The paper discusses how Modi's pragmatic reinterpretation of strategic autonomy aligns with India's national interests amidst escalating geopolitical challenges, particularly from China. By deepening the India-US strategic partnership and bolstering India's defence capabilities, these agreements are reshaping regional security dynamics in the Indo-Pacific. Adopting a customised realist model tailored for this study, the paper highlights Prime Minister Narendra Modi's role in strengthening the bilateral relationship and expanding India's strategic options, alongside structural factors, such as the rise of an assertive China, which have shaped India-US security ties and led to the signing of foundational agreements.

U.S.–India defense cooperation: progress, motivation and constraints

AbstractDefense cooperation is an important pillar of the strategic partnership between the United States and India. Since the Modi government came to power in 2014, the defense cooperation between the United States and India has entered the fast lane. The two countries have made breakthroughs on multiple fronts, such as the signing of foundational agreements, the transfer of sensitive technologies, the joint research and development of advanced military equipment, and interoperability exercises. The deepening of defense cooperation reflects the two countries’ strategic convergence based on their respective national interests. Nevertheless, the structural gaps concerning their ideology, strategic goals, and industrial capability will pose limits on their cooperation. Therefore, it is unlikely that the United States and India will become a military alliance in the full sense, but rather the two sides will more likely adopt a quasi-alliance. Defense cooperation between the United States and India has become increasingly focused on targeting China, creating real challenges for China's national security.

Defense Policy: A Look at Bilateral Cooperation

Indonesia's friendship with Russia has existed for more than seven decades. As a country with the second largest military force in the world, Russia has always been willing to assist Indonesia in realizing the country's defence and security. The article aims to review Indonesia's cooperative relationship with Russia, especially in defence. Using the literature study method, an understanding is produced that to realize the independence of defence equipment, the Indonesian government needs to increase defence cooperation with the Russian government. At least several reasons are behind it. First, historically, Indonesia's relationship with Russia has been very close. Russia positions Indonesia as a strategic partner. This condition allows Russia to not easily impose an embargo on weapons and weapon parts to Indonesia. Second, from an economic perspective, the price of weapons sold by Russia is relatively cheaper with the same quality and reliability, even more so than weapons from other country manufacturers. And third, there is a Russian commitment to transfer technology to support the independence of Indonesia's defence equipment

THE GEOPOLITICAL AWAKENING OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AGAINST THE BACKDROP OF THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR

The article analyses the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian war on the geopolitical transformation of the European Union (EU). It examines the key changes in the EU's security, energy and international relations strategy, as well as the development of its strategic autonomy and role in supporting Ukraine. The study is based on the analysis of scientific sources and political articles related to the EU's foreign policy and security mechanisms. A comparative analysis of the EU's decisions on sanctions, energy security and military assistance to Ukraine is used. Expert assessments of the geopolitical situation and economic consequences of the war are also taken into account. The article contributes to understanding the role of the Russian-Ukrainian war as a catalyst for the EU's political and strategic awakening. In particular, it highlights the development of the EU's strategic autonomy in response to its energy dependence on Russia and the growth of defence cooperation between member states. The author also explores how the war has contributed to the consolidation of European identity and the strengthening of the desire for global leadership in the face of current international challenges. The author notes that the Russian-Ukrainian war has accelerated changes in the EU's approach to foreign and security policy. The EU has strengthened its strategic autonomy, increased economic sanctions against Russia and mobilised resources to support Ukraine. At the same time, the war has shown the need to develop energy resources independent of external suppliers and to increase the EU's internal defence capabilities. Ukraine's integration into the European space has become an important strategic direction of the EU's policy. An important aspect has been the strengthening of European defence cooperation, which demonstrates the EU's desire for greater independence in security matters. Ukraine's integration into the European space is becoming one of the key directions of the EU's foreign policy, which may accelerate the process of Ukraine's accession to the Union in the future. The author also draws attention to the fact that the issue of strengthening the EU's defence capabilities affects the problem of the international security system, which today, as a result of the Russian-Ukrainian war, is undergoing the greatest transformations since the Second World War.

THE INTERESTS OF THE UK FOREIGN POLICY IN THE CONTEXT OF THE FORMATION OF THE AUKUS INTERSTATE ASSOCIATION

The article is devoted to the study of the evolution of the UK's foreign policy in the period after its withdrawal from the European Union (post-Brexit period) in the context of the country's participation in the formation of the AUKUS (an abbreviation of the English names of Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States). The research methodology was formed by the principles of historicism, systematicity, and objectivity, general scientific methods of logic, comparative analysis, special historical methods of historiographic analysis, historical-systemic, chronological, historical-genetic, retrospective analysis, and comparative-historical methods of scientific knowledge. It is noted that the creation of the interstate association AUKUS in 2021 was a resonant event in the world of international politics. The agreements provide for the development of systemic military-political cooperation between the three states at the strategic level in the long term with the primacy of the US-British alliance, which will potentially have a significant impact on the configuration of the international security system, especially in the context of current attempts to revise it It is stated that the relatively recently launched international security project AUKUS has already become one of the examples of active foreign policy activities of the British governments in the post-Brexit period, which is fully consistent with the Global Britain strategy. By participating in AUKUS, the British side not only contributes to global security and strengthens its military presence in one of the key regions of world politics, protects its own geopolitical and economic interests, but also guarantees the development of high-tech knowledge-intensive industries for the long term. The project of comprehensive sectoral military and defence cooperation proposed by the United States (with the support of two allied states) reflects an attempt to maintain American and British influence in the Indo-Pacific region and globally in the face of the growing conflict with China. With the resumption of the US policy of isolationism and protectionism, and possible financial problems of the UK as the second most important partner, the AUKUS project faces uncertain prospects. Ukraine's international prospects also depend on the success or failure of the AUKUS project.

Evolution of Baltic Security: Analysis of Threats and Strategic Responses

This article explores the evolution of security in the Baltic region, focusing first on Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, and analysing the key challenges posed by the Russian Federation since the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the subsequent security measures taken by NATO through the Enhanced Forward Presence (eFP) mission. It details the strategic responses of the Baltic states, highlighting their military modernisation, defence cooperation with NATO and growing reliance on multinational exercises. The article also examines the role of Poland as a key player in NATO's eastern flank defence and the integration of Finland and Sweden into NATO, emphasising their contribution to strengthening the Baltic and Arctic security architecture. The analysis concludes with an examination of the multiple threats that characterise the region's security environment, underlining the importance of coherent multinational defence strategies.

Exploring the Viability and Implications of a NATO-like Defense Cooperation Among Turkic States

This paper explores the viability of a NATO-like defense cooperation among the Turkic states. While several challenges such as divergent security perceptions, differing foreign policy orientations, and the institutions’ limited capacities must be overcome, there are also several catalysts that could provide impetus for new security cooperation arrangements. Türkiye’s military capabilities as the only member of NATO in the region is particularly important. Furthermore, an ongoing imbalance in Armenia’s favor, supports the establishment of a security cooperation framework among the Turkic states. The developments in Ukraine and Crimea point to the necessity of a collective defense arrangement amid an increasingly insecure environment for the Turkic states. While initially beneficial, the OSCE has gradually and mostly lost its credibility in the southern Caucasus. The unequal implementation of its own principles and tactics employed in conflict resolution have inevitably led to a loss of trust from the parties involved. Meanwhile, it has ceased to analyze arms control developments in the region, despite UN Security Council Resolutions recognizing their regional dimension. Furthermore, the inadequate response to Armenia’s non-compliance with the above resolution damaged the OSCE’s credibility. Today, the Turkic states are left with few operational security cooperation options. The UN is far too inefficient and does not even have the legal framework to resolve any post-Soviet disputes. The CIS, which exists in the Caucasus in both political and military forms, lacks regional capacity and legitimacy. The GUAM organization created in 1997 at the instigation of the US and the West to pacify the edges of “the Russian World,” has been rendered operationally void. Overall, this paper explores cooperation strategies, assesses key institutional and political challenges, and discusses implications and future developments exploring the viability of a NATO-like defense cooperation among the Turkic states.

‘Pooling and Sharing’ and ‘Permanent Structured Cooperation’ as the Current EU’s Defense and Security Integration Modes

ABSTRACT When an urgent response in international relations is needed, the EU institutions and Member States’ governments face a deficiency of effective and practical mechanisms in security cooperation. Developing autonomous programs and concepts that address this dilemma, preventing duplication of endeavors and investments, and maximizing cost-effectiveness by broadening military-political consultations on all issues of common concern is challenging. This article analyses the path and logic of EU security integration in the recent decade. In this context, the origins and goals of the pooling and sharing concept are essential to analyze the continuity of security integration, where the Council’s introduction of Permanent Structured Cooperation in defense and security is an important step forward. Therefore, this article will investigate whether and how P&S and PESCO have been related and complemented, even though both differ in the prism of aims, logic, decision-making processes, and funding. Due to budgetary throwbacks in recent decades and the war in Ukraine intensified after February 2022, EU Member States’ governments might evaluate their approach to the level of engagement in common security programs.

Nigeria-Türkiye Relations: A Multifaceted Partnership in the 21st Century

This analysis examines the partnership between Nigeria and Türkiye, two nations with substantial diplomatic relations since 1960, though their historical ties go back much further. Their relationship appearscrucial in the transformation of both nations.This analysisconsiders the main aspects of their cooperation and the implications of this partnership for the future. Considering the economic cooperation, their joint strategic partnerships have promoted bilateral trade. Türkiye’s increasing economic presence in Nigeria seems linked to its strategic aim to become a key development partner in Africa. Another critical dimension is the defense cooperation, with Türkiye as an important security partner. Military and technological assistance along with training in response to the security challenges Nigeria faces highlights Türkiye’s strategic significance. The humanitarian and socio-cultural aspects facilitate their relationship development further. Turkish education initiatives and humanitarian endeavors strengthen ties and support Türkiye’s foreign policy aimed at ensuring stability and growth in Africa. With some trade imbalances and possible overreliance on Turkish military technologies, the countries have to develop an effective strategy to address the challenges and ensure a viable presence in the current multipolar world.

Defence sector and military cooperation between Turkey and the Central Asian Republics: limitations and prospects amidst intensified regional and global rivalry

ABSTRACT Recent Turkey-Central Asian Republic integration attempts are notable. Regular visits, Turkic World summits, economic steps to build a cooperative development bank, defense procurement, and regional policy collaboration have driven this trend. China's Bridge and Road Initiative, NATO's exit from Afghanistan, the Taliban's ascent, and the Russian elite's use of the “Russkiy Mir” after the Russo-Ukrainian War make the “Turkic world” geopolitically vital. Global and regional power struggles will make the region's natural resources and strategic location more important in coming decades. Turkey-Central Asia defense cooperation may also shape the region. This study aims to determine if Turkey-region defense cooperation improves Turkic integration. The states utilize regional military ties and diverse tools for regional and global objectives. The probe will begin with “Turkic integration” and recent Turkish defense industry achievements, then regional defense ties. Finally, a comparative analysis will reveal regional integration constraints and potential, focusing on defense cooperation.

Позиции Республики Корея и Японии по институционализации военно-политического сотрудничества в Азиатско-Тихоокеанском регионе

The article analyzes the current stance of the Republic of Korea (ROK) and Japan on the institutionalization of defense cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region, provides the assessment of the prospects for the US-ROK-Japan triangle institutionalization, as well as the assessment of the prospects for the possible accession of Japan and South Korea to the AUKUS agreement. Drawing from the strategic documents of Tokyo and Seoul in the field of security, as well as joint statements and other official information materials of the United States and its partners in the Asia-Pacific region, the author comes to the conclusion that the announced "Trilateral Security Cooperation Framework" of the United States – South Korea – Japan will be poorly formalized, and the main area of cooperation within this framework will be the exchange of intelligence data and monitoring of the military activity of the DPRK. The Memorandum of Cooperation concluded in July 2024 has primarily an ideological significance and is intended to create a precedent for formalizing military cooperation in a trilateral format. The potential entry of the ROK and Japan into AUKUS also has its problems. Through the license-free AUKUS arms trade ecosystem, Japan potentially can be able to develop its own defense industry and gain a foothold as an arms exporter. On the contrary, for South Korea, which is already an established exporter of military equipment and weapons, this would be a potential risk and the possibility of losing its acquired positions in Australia and other markets. Nevertheless, the prospect for both parties joining AUKUS is real, and cooperation within this multilateral format can also be of a weakly formalized nature, reduced to work on a number of joint projects, mainly in high-tech areas with the ultimate goal of developing common technological and legal standards.

REGIONAL COOPERATION IN CENTRAL EUROPE: A SYSTEMATIC REVIEW

The paper systematically reviews ten years of academic literature published from 2014 to 2023 and indexed in the Scopus database to establish the current state-of-the-art on how Central European regional groups operate. The review includes 52 publications on six regional cooperation formats: the Central European Defence Cooperation, the Slavkov/Austerlitz Triangle, the Salzburg Forum, the Three Seas Initiative, the Visegrád Group and the Bucharest Nine. The paper finds that regional cooperation research is very concentrated on selected aspects of Visegrád cooperation and follows poor methodological reporting practices. The majority of studies analyse the V4 in relation to migration and foreign policy issues, whereas research on cooperation dynamics in other policy areas and within other active regional groups is marginal. After identifying promising future research directions, the paper calls for greater methodological and topical diversity in Central European regional cooperation research.

Pak-France Relations During 21st Century: Strategic Alliances and Bilateral Cooperation

This research aims to critically analyse the bilateral relations between France and Pakistan during the 21st century. It emphasizes political, economic, social, cultural and military relationships between the two countries. Its purposes are to demonstrate the political ideologies and foreign policy objectives that influence Pakistan-France relations, to examine the nature of economic ties between Pakistan and France, to analyse the patterns of trade and investment that changed over time, to evaluate the Pakistan-France collaboration on military and security matters, and other key areas of cooperation, and to elucidate Pakistan-France political relations, the influence of pressure groups(political and religious) on their relationship, and to imposing allegations on France as a result of religious disparity in Pakistan. This study concludes that Pakistan and France are having high time collaborations in various sectors with a particular focus on working together in the fields of nuclear technology, defence cooperation, and resolving global security issues.

BENELUX COUNTRIES’ SECURITY STRATEGIES: BETWEEN EUROPEANISM AND ATLANTICISM

In the article, transformation of the foreign policy and security strategies of the Benelux countries – Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg – is analyzed against the exacerbating conflict in Ukraine. Using the comparative historical method, we outline the evolution of strategic trends of Europeanism – seeking deeper integration within the European institutional framework – and Atlanticism – pursuing a general strategic orientation towards the United States – in the three countries. As smaller-sized countries, they initially combined Europeanism and «moderate» Atlanticism, which left them some space for foreign policy maneuver. Since the 1990s, the Dutch foreign policy more closely follows the Atlanticist paradigm, while those of Belgium and Luxembourg are characterized more by Europeanism. The analysis of the EU strategic autonomy debate as a case study has shown that Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg seek the greatest possible economic benefits from the autonomy initiatives. Besides, the balance between the strategic trends remains; Belgium and Luxembourg positively view deeper EU defense cooperation, while the Netherlands mostly sees security guarantees in Euro-Atlantic cooperation. The current state in European security has thus not fundamentally changed the Benelux countries’ approaches to balancing Europeanism and Atlanticism that have been characteristic for them since the 1990s. Besides, for Belgium, support for deeper integration has become a key identity feature, while the Netherlands relies on special relations with the United States and ad hoc coalitions in the EU; Luxembourg’s foreign policy can be described to follow a free rider strategy.

Peluang dan Tantangan Indonesia-Australia Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Pasca Terbentuknya Kerja Sama Pertahanan Trilateral AUKUS

Indonesia and Australia are neighboring countries with fluctuate bilateral relations. In 2018, they formed Indonesia-Australia Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (IA-CSP) to enhance their partnerships in strategic sectors for the stability of regional security in the Indo-Pacific. However, the problem came up in 2021 when Australia established trilateral defense cooperation AUKUS with the United Kingdom and the United States. This cooperation facilitates Australia to have nuclear-powered submarines to strengthen its military power. This cooperation has raised the eyebrows of Indonesia as it is against IA-CSP’s pillars, particularly pillar on securing the two countries and the region’s shared interest, and pillar on contributing to Indo-Pacific stability and prosperity. Therefore, Indonesia regretted Australia’s participation in AUKUS because the former deemed the latter to have violated its commitment on IA-CSP. This research aims to analyze IA-CSP’s opportunities and challenges post-establishment of AUKUS. It used a qualitative method, with interviews and literature review in place to collect data. The authors used regional security complex theory and strategic partnership concept for analysis. This research found that AUKUS does not disrupt the implementation of IA-CSP because the cooperation instead provides opportunities that Indonesia can utilize for its national interest. However, AUKUS poses challenges that Indonesia needs to tackle.

Cooperation In Defense in the Southern Cone: Defense as an Integrating Element in Relations between Brazil and Argentina

Cooperation In Defense in the Southern Cone: Defense as an Integrating Element in Relations between Brazil and Argentina

Network Context and the Effectiveness of International Agreements

Abstract Why do some international agreements yield more cooperation than others? I argue that the network context of agreements conditions their effectiveness. I focus on bilateral defense cooperation agreements (DCAs), which promote defense activities like joint military exercises, peacekeeping, arms trade, and the sharing of classified information. Because DCAs emphasize ongoing cooperative actions, they offer an ideal setting to assess treaty effectiveness. The analysis shows that when agreements are embedded in transitive “friend of friend” relations, characterized by extensive ties to common third parties, they generate higher levels of cooperation. I argue that this network effect is the result of policy convergence. When states share ties with common third parties, their own policies become more closely aligned, and this alignment in turn reduces the costs and increases the benefits of cooperative actions. The theory and findings developed here apply to a wide array of cooperative interactions across multiple issue areas. The effectiveness of international agreements depends on network context.

Well-controlled mucosal exudation of plasma proteins in airways with intact and regenerating epithelium.

Superficial, systemic microcirculations, distinct from the pulmonary circulation, supply the mucosae of human nasal and conducting airways. Non-injurious, inflammatory challenges of the airway mucosa cause extravasation without overt mucosal oedema. Instead, likely reflecting minimal increases in basolateral hydrostatic pressure, circulating proteins/peptides of all sizes are transmitted paracellularly across the juxtaposed epithelial barrier. Thus, small volumes of extravasated, unfiltered bulk plasma appear on the mucosal surface at nasal and bronchial sites of challenge. Importantly, the plasma-exuding mucosa maintains barrier integrity against penetrability of inhaled molecules. Thus, one-way epithelial penetrability, strict localization, and well-controlled magnitude and duration are basic characteristics of the plasma exudation response in human intact airways. Invivo experiments in human-like airways demonstrate that local plasma exudation is also induced by non-sanguineous removal of epithelium over an intact basement membrane. This humoral response results in a protective, repair-promoting barrier kept together by a fibrin-fibronectin net. Plasma exudation stops once the provisional barrier is substituted by a new cellular cover consisting of speedily migrating repair cells, which may emanate from all types of epithelial cells bordering the denuded patch. Exuded plasma on the surface of human airways reflects physiological microvascular-epithelial cooperation in first line mucosal defense at sites of intact and regenerating epithelium.

Cooperação em segurança e defesa cibernética e a proteção das democracias sul-americanas

The last decade has shown the global society, especially South American society, the great challenges that democracies will face in the 21st century. Among the various threats observed in cyberspace are the so-called disinformation campaigns and hybrid interference. As a result, this new digital means of information socialization has caused serious damage to the democratic pillars of states, as disinformation and false information have become a feature of political debate. Based on this, the article seeks to analyze how South American countries are building cooperation in cybersecurity and cyber defense between 2012 and 2020, and what the implications are for the protection of democracy and the rule of law. It is argued that, due to the transnational dynamics of the digital world and the wide reach of its actions and consequences, the search for a solution to these demands goes through a process of deepening state cooperation, in which the foreign policy strategies of states are fundamental for building an effective response to this type of threat to democracy at the international level. From this perspective, we understand the interdependence between States in this sphere and adopt a cooperative conception to reflect on the obstacles South American countries face.

If we cooperate together, we intervene together: Defense cooperation agreements and support to conflict parties

As governments increasingly turn to defense cooperation agreements (DCAs) to institutionalize defense relations, there is little scholarly knowledge of the impact of these agreements in civil wars. Are DCA partners more likely to militarily intervene in civil conflicts together compared with countries without DCAs? While studies show that formal alliance commitments impact the likelihood of parties participating in foreign interventions, DCAs have received little attention in the literature even though DCAs between partner states are signed frequently and subject to change. This study argues that partners in DCAs are likely to provide external military support to the same conflict parties. Our theoretical model suggests that DCAs provide an arena for socialization where governments and military organizations that are DCA partners have repeated interactions. As a result of socialization, their foreign policy goals increasingly align, including their approach to military intervention in foreign conflicts. With access to similar weapons material, military training, and information, DCAs facilitate joint interventions between partner states. Examining the probability of intervention in civil conflicts during the period of 1980–2009, we find that countries that are DCA partners are more likely to provide military assistance to the same warring parties compared with countries without DCAs.