Defeat Of Russia Research Articles

THE ESSENCE AND SCOPE OF UKRAINE'S VICTORY IN THE CONTEXT OF RUSSIA’S TOTAL WAR AGAINST THE UKRAINIAN STATE

The purpose of this article is to clarify the essence and scope of Ukraine's victory in the context of Russia's total war against the Ukrainian state. A system-situational approach, historical analysis, and modeling methods were employed to address the research questions. The article demonstrates that a military victory in the physical realm becomes less significant than its representation in virtual space, where it can be shaped through propaganda in the public consciousness. The factors influencing the dynamics of scientific and official discourse regarding perceptions of victory in modern warfare are identified. It has been established that the essence of Ukraine's victory in the total Russian-Ukrainian war is as follows: in the military context – the defeat of Russia and Ukraine's achievement of the political and military-strategic objectives of its national and just war; in the political context – subordinating Russia to the goals and objectives of Ukraine's diplomatic and strategic efforts aimed at restoring its territorial integrity; and in the praxeological context – Ukraine's achievement of a peace superior to that which existed before the war. Ukraine's victory in the total Russian-Ukrainian war, in substantive terms, consists of: in the military context – the defeat of Russian armed forces and the cessation of hostilities within Ukraine's borders; in the political context – the restoration of Ukraine’s territorial integrity; and in the international political context – achieving victory with guarantees of state sovereignty, territorial integrity, and the inviolability of borders from NATO and the EU, as well as securing peace without Russia's geopolitical dominance, a peace based on the rule of international law rather than the rule of force.

РОССИЯ В ПРЕДСТАВЛЕНИЯХ БЛИЖНЕВОСТОЧНЫХ ГРЕКОВ (СЕР. XIX - НАЧ. ХХ ВВ.)

In view of the increasing importance of the Middle East direction in Russian foreign policy, it seems relevant to study the history of ideas about Russia and attitudes towards it in the region. The article examines the evolution of the image of Russia in the Greek environment of the late Ottoman period. Traditionally, Orthodox Greeks, counting on Russian patronage to protect their rights and help in the liberation struggle, acted as allies of Russia in the fight against the Ottoman Empire. However, the acquisition by the Greeks of their own national statehood, the growth of national movements in the region and the defeat of Russia in the Crimean War contributed to the revision of the previous positive image of our country, which was gradually subject to peyorization and demonization.

Делегітимація «русcкого миру»: альтернативи безальтернативності

The defeat of russia on the battlefield must be accompanied by the delegitimization of the “russian world”, that is, the loss of attractiveness for the russians themselves of the concept of the supremacy of everything Russian over everything non-russian. Cultivating russia’s greatness as a key task of “russian world” is one of the main reasons for the current Russian armed aggression against Ukraine, but also for Russia’s aggressive foreign policy in the world in general. The purpose of this article is to clarify the main features of the delegitimization of the “russian world” in the regime of social education. To do this, the definition of “russian world” as a special symbolic system, which the modern russian political regime is trying to adjust from the standpoint of aggressive russian geopolitical subjectivity, has been previously clarified. This leads to the performative selfdenial of the “russian world”, which can be traced at the level of the accumulation of symbolic capital, the establishment of political elites (the authorities and the opposition), as well as at the level of the development of civil society. Social learning involves the search at the level of civil society for new forms of communicative self-organization at various levels of collective formation. A way out for such performative self-denial is possible only through the ways of social learning, the search for a change in one’s own identity, and not through attempts at autistic self-affirmation characteristic of the modern russian political regime, as well as the destruction of all political and cultural alternatives to the stateapproved canon. Social education is a way of soft and non-violent delegitimization of the “russian world”, in contrast to rebellion and revolutions, which in russia traditionally only lead to the emergence of even more brutal forms of state dictatorship. The monologic nature of the russian political space provokes the reation of new forms of social consensus outside the russian political system – in the sphere of culture, counterculture, and subcultures.

Многосторонний стратегический диалог: дилеммы и препятствия

In the foreign policy section of the President V. Putin’s Address to the Federal Assembly on February 21, 2023, the most conspicuous was the new subject – the suspension of Russia’s participation in the New START Treaty. Among the reasons provided as justification of this decision was the absence of limitations on the nuclear forces of the two U.S. NATO allies – the Great Britain and France. Most probably, the main reason for the decision of the Russian leadership on the New START was political in nature – countering the policy of the U.S. and its allies, aimed at the defeat of Russia in the military conflict in Ukraine. At the same time, the suspension of the New START is prone with the break of the treaty-based strategic relationship of the two nuclear superpowers and the collapse of the whole regime of nuclear arms control. Still, provided improvement of the international politics: peaceful settlement of the military conflict in Ukraine, moving of the West and Russia away from the overwhelming confrontation – the resumption of the strategic limitation dialogue between the U.S. and Russia is possible. However, the subject of involving the Great Britain and France in arms control will stay on the agenda. Thirty years ago, the sum of their forces was about 4% of the strategic forces of each of the two superpowers, whereas now it is close to 35% due to the reductions of the U.S. and Russian strategic arms since 1991. Resolving this problem would require innovative application of legal norms and the use of the experience and precedents elaborated during half a century of strategic negotiations.

Note from the Editor

Note from the Editor Sem Vermeersch, Editor-in-chief This issue of the Seoul Journal of Korean Studies opens with a theme issue on "Hallyu Storytelling in the Americas." It is the outcome of a panel organized by Wonjung MIN for the fourteenth Kyujanggak International Symposium on Korean Studies (Nov. 4–6, 2021). Together with Dal Yong JIN, Professor Min introduces the fruits of this panel in a guest editors' introduction, so I do not need to add anything here on the contents of the four articles from the panel that made it to publication. It is exciting to see the development of critical Hallyu studies as a distinct field within Korean Studies, and I look forward to the future results of Symposium panels in these pages. This issue also includes four other articles. The first of these is by Maurizio RIOTTO, who has carved out his own niche in Korean Studies: Namely, the exploration of ancient connections between Korea and the West. Earlier, in Volume 33, no. 1 (2020) he explored the similarities between the legend of King Gyeongmun's donkey ears and the famous King Midas. Here he turns his attention to the legend of Aryeong, the consort of Pak Hyeokgeose, one of the progenitors of Silla. According to the Samguk yusa version of her legend, she was born from the left side of a dragon and had the beak of a hen rather than a mouth—hence the term "hen-dragon" (gyeryong). However, the author shows that this element of the legend may have derived from stories about the basilisk, a mythical animal already found in Greco-Roman sources with possible earlier antecedents, that somehow made their way to Silla. The second article, by Dylan MOTIN, questions traditional explanations of Korea's loss of sovereignty in the early twentieth century. Rather than blaming this on the failure to modernize, the author uses international relations theory to explain how a weak state such as Joseon Korea sought to shift the burden of its protection to a foreign ally. This strategy, which the author refers to as "buck passing," was successful for much of the initial period of the forced opening of Korea in the second half of the nineteenth century. However, after the defeat of Russia in the Russo-Japanese War, there was no one left to pass the buck to. The [End Page v] author points to the shifting geopolitical situation of early twentieth-century Europe, where the rise of Germany preoccupied all the other Western powers, as a reason for the eventual failure of this strategy. The third article also seeks new methodologies to explain a long-standing point of debate, namely, how was it possible that Hahoe alone managed to preserve its traditional buildings and environment where the rest of Korea's traditional villages were erased? The authors, Chong Min KIM, Tae Gyun PARK, and Ju YIM, turn to game theory to explain how and why the actors involved make decisions in the debate over whether or not to preserve the village. The authors divide the people concerned into market-oriented and tradition-oriented agents, and postulate a theoretical framework that explains the crucial tipping points in favor of preservation during the transition period from traditional to modern society. Finally, Eunhee PARK looks at the way the Vietnam War impacted the "home front." While the horrors and trauma of the war were not openly discussed in media or literature, the underlying tensions were projected onto the women who stayed behind. While the men who return from the war reveal little of the psychological impact of the war, they return to find their partners had not been faithful. This stereotypical image of the unfaithful wife offers them a chance at redemption, yet it obliterates the agency and subjectivity of women in their media and literary representations. This will be the last "Note from the Editor" I write. From the next issue, Professor John DiMoia (History Department, Seoul National University) will take over as editor-in-chief. I started writing these notes when assuming editorship for Volume 30 (2017). I am not certain why, but, perhaps inspired by the example of the Journal of Asian Studies, it...

“The White Tsar-Warrior”: Perception of the Russian Empire and its Ruler by the Peoples of Asia and Africa in the Late Nineteenth – Early Twentieth Century

Strengthening of the ties between different parts of the world, intensification of the colonial policy of Western powers increased in the late nineteenth – early twentieth century the interest of the peoples of Asia and Africa to Russia and its ruler. The latter was often perceived in the mythologized way, as a defender of all the weak and oppressed who relied on colossal military power and spiritual unity with his people. The formation of such image was facilitated by the stories of Russian diplomats and travelers, and by the trips of the people from distant countries to the “empire of tsars”. The strengthening of the ties with the peoples of Asia and Africa was also stimulated by the widespread ideas in the Russian society that Russia had a moral debt, an obligation to help the oppressed. The defeat of Russia in the war against Japan and the socio-political upheavals associated with the revolution of 1905–1907 dealt a heavy blow to such ideas and the policy pursued by Russia.

Tadeusz Matuszewicz – twórca czy grabarz Konfederacji Generalnej Królestwa Polskiego?

The day before of Franco-Russian 1812 war, on June 28th the Seym of the Duchy of Warsaw established the General Confederation of the Kingdom of Poland, which restored the Kingdom of Poland. Tadeusz Matuszewicz, the Minister of Revenue and the Treasury, expressed the already famous words: “So Poland will arise. What am I saying? There is Poland now, or rather it has never ceased to be”, which caused patriotic euphoria and movement among the members in the Seym chamber. Members of the Confederation, which Napoleon understood as an armed uprising, having no powers, soon lost their enthusiasm, and their activity was actually publishing propaganda brochures. After defeat in Russia, Napoleon blamed the failure on his ambassador in the Duchy of Warsaw, Dominique de Pradt, who started to critise the government of the Duchy of Warsaw. This article presents the role of Tadeusz Matuszewicz in the establishment and final failure of the General Confederation of the Kingdom of Poland.

ОСОБЛИВОСТІ РОЗВИТКУ ОСВІТНЬО- ПЕДАГОГІЧНОГО ПРОГНОЗУВАННЯ В УКРАЇНІ В ІМПЕРСЬКУ ДОБУ (1900 – 1917 рр.)

The article is devoted to the development of educational and pedagogical forecasting in Ukraine in the imperial era (1900 − 1917). The author emphasizes that at the turn of the XIX − XX centuries there are a number of new concepts of education and upbringing, which together formed a qualitatively new theoretical basis for the development of schooling. The teacher notes that the beginning of the twentieth century is marked by a manifestation of the national crisis, which was exacerbated by the defeat of Russia in the war with Japan, as well as the events of the first democratic revolution of 1905 − 1907 in the Russian Empire. The scientist emphasizes that the development of educational and pedagogical forecasting in the early twentieth century, in particular in the field of general secondary education, due to the initiative of the Ministry of Education on April 29, 1900 program of secondary school reform. The author provides information on teacher training during the specified period. The researcher notes that the government of Nicholas II, constantly changing the ministers of education (M.P. Bogolepov, P.S. Vannovsky, etc.), practically did not allow even the adoption of documents aimed at reforming education in the new socio-economic conditions, not to mention already about their implementation, although many of the proposed projects, including the Ministers of Education, contained many progressive ideas and provisions. The author reveals the potential of the Ministry of Education in the field of vocational education.

Napoleon's Russian Campaign of 1812 and the German States: Perception, Interpretation, Collective Memory

The article touches upon the problem of the unity of the German national history in the early 19th century which is analyzed in the context of Napoleon's Russian Campaign in 1812. All German states were obliged to participate in the Campaign, but in the Northern Germany, specifically in Prussia, the War of 1812 was interpreted by the contemporaries as preparatory phase to the Liberation War of 1813. In Southern Germany (Bavaria, Baden, Württemberg) however the Russian Campaign was viewed as a military catastrophe, its impact on the mentality of Southern Germans turned out to be much more dramatic than that of the Liberation Wars against Napoleon. Only in 1840s the defeat in Russia was re-interpreted as victory. It is quite clear that regional differences conduce to reconsideration of conventional conceptions of German history in the 19th century.

REVERSE EMULATION AND THE CULT OF JAPANESE EFFICIENCY IN EDWARDIAN BRITAIN

ABSTRACTThis article considers a particular moment in world history when an instant of epoch-making triumph in the non-West – Japan's defeat of Russia in 1905 – coincided with a period of intense national anxiety in Britain in the wake of the South African War (1899–1902). One outcome of this historical intersection was the emergence in Britain of a euphoric ‘cult of Japan’ that saw many Edwardians, obsessed with the idea of ‘efficiency’, deploy Japan as both a referent for British shortcomings and a model for reform. The article asks why proponents of ‘efficiency’ – most of them ardent imperialists – deemed it acceptable, even strategically advantageous, in such domestic debates to draw upon examples from Japan – an ‘Oriental’ race and former protégé – in apparent contradiction of Western supremacism. The article contends that Britain's emulative attitudes were underpinned by an emergent plural conception of ‘civilization’, which appraised Japan's attainment of civilization as consistent with Western standards whilst at the same time recognizing elements of Japanese particularity – an outlook that justified reciprocal learning.

The spectre of Japan: the influence of foreign relations on race relations theory, 1905–24

ABSTRACTRace relations became the dominant paradigm by the time the official report on the 1919 Chicago riot, The Negro in Chicago, was published. It expressed a new appreciation of the danger to Whites of conflict based on colour. Before 1905 most observers assumed the inferiority of Blacks and saw race conflict as the fault of African Americans. But a new possibility arose when the fate of African Americans was linked to the rising power of Japan, occurring after the defeat of Russia by Japan in 1904–5. Race conflict, in this new model, was a form of conflict between nations. Race relations pioneer Robert E. Park, in his 1913 article, ‘Racial Assimilation in Secondary Groups’, noted that ‘under conditions . of individual liberty and individual competition, characteristic of modern civilization, depressed racial groups tend to assume the form of nationalities. A nationality, in this narrower sense, may be defined as the racial group which has attained self-consciousness, no matter whether it has at the same time gained political independence or not.’ Yuill's paper will explore the thesis that a liberal perspective based on developments in contemporary international relations slowly changed the way race was regarded in the United States. From 1905 onwards, a new liberal paradigm sought to manage race conflict. It was this—rather than labour-based racial antipathies or commitment to racial equality—that shaped US race relations in the twentieth century.

The motives behind the foreign political decisions of Frederick VI during the Napoleonic Wars

At the conclusion of peace at Kiel in 1814, the Danish state had to cede Norway to Sweden. Thus, Denmark was one of the greatest losers of the Napoleonic Wars. Denmark allied with France in 1807 after the British bombardment of Copenhagen and seizure of the Danish navy; Denmark stuck by Napoleon until the bitter end. After the crushing French defeat in Russia in 1812, King Frederick VI more than once received an offer from the Allies to change sides and break with Napoleon; however, he dismissed them. In Danish historiography, the king has therefore been seen as stubborn, incompetent, and motivated by a misconceived loyalty towards Napoleon. A more recent Danish historiographical trend stresses the fact that the Danish state was multi-territorial, and among other areas it contained the kingdom of Norway; consequently, this multi-territorial state formation was, in the mind of the Danish political decision makers, especially the exposed situation of Norway, dependent on grain imports and the subject of Swedish territorial ambition. But how did Frederick VI see things himself? What were his motivations for his foreign political decisions? Based on letters written by the king and instructions to Danish diplomats abroad it is argued that the grain provision and ongoing possession of Norway by the Danish state were crucial factors in the king’s decision to stick with Napoleon. This can be further nuanced: the king was expecting the wars to end with an international peace conference with Napoleonic representation, and so the king’s strategy was to stay loyal to Napoleon, in order to get his support for keeping Norway.

Long-term bandwagoning and short-term balancing: the lessons of coalition behaviour from 1792 to 1815

Recent literature in International Relations has argued that the absence of ‘balancing’ behaviour by European states during the Napoleonic Wars from 1798 to 1815 calls into question current explanations for the presence or absence of such behaviour in international relations. This literature has argued that: (1) Napoleonic France presented a significant threat to the stability of the international system; (2) European states did not balance against this threat from 1798 to 1813, and subsequently balanced only after Napoleon's defeat in Russia in 1812; (3) members of the system possessed adequate power to balance successfully against this threat; and (4) since European states engaged in co-opting, rewarding, avoiding, or bandwagoning behaviour towards the French threats to the system, a new explanation for the absence of balancing behaviour is required. Each of these four points can be refuted by: taking a longer time perspective of the international system during the period in question, expanding state motives to include interests other than security, using a long cycle model of coalition leadership by a global leader, recognizing the constraints faced by European states in their choices of balancing or bandwagoning behaviour under threats from France, and taking into account the role of innovation and change in a period of global war.

Behind the Inscrutable Half-Shell: Images of Mutant Japanese and Ninja Turtles

Anti-Asian sentiment, and specifically Japan-bashing has a long, established history in the film industry. Though the early twentieth-century silent films such as Heathen and the Sunday School Teachers (1904) and Chinese Laundry (1904) directed racial hatred toward immigrants in America, these films also worked to demean other groups of Asians, notably the Japanese, who were then immigrating in numbers that far exceeded those of the Chinese, the population in America having been essentially exterminated by the U.S. government's first Exclusion Act in 1882. For example, the 1908 production of Peril - in which a servant disrupts a household, is thrown from a window, beaten by a policeman, and set on fire - provided, in the words of Eugene Franklin Wong: an oblique indication of increasingly serious immigration and racial problems between the United States and the rising Empire of Japan, with the thematically filling the role of scapegoat.(1) Partly because of the invasion of America by of Japanese immigrants, and partly because of japan's military expansionism (namely its annexation of Korea in 1904 and its defeat of Russia in 1905), the Japanese began to replace Chinamen as America's Yellow a threat to everything Americans hold dear. Later, reacting racially to the bombing of Pearl Harbor, the American film industry - in tandem with the U.S. government - further focused its anti-Asian sentiment on the Japanese through the production of films. During a time when Japanese-American actors and actresses were being herded for internment, the movie studios pumped up production of manifestly anti-Asiatic racist material, revising earlier villains to fit the context of war. The props - (non-Japanese) extras - graduated from playing the masses of huddled, silently suffering (and dying) peasants to playing hordes of insect-like, fanatic (and dying) Kamikaze pilots. The starring Asian roles went to white actors and actresses in yellow face who played Fu Man Chu and Dragon ladies in Japanese drag as Samurai-style warmongers and geishas. The evil villains of pre-war films were easily transformed into the evil Japanese villains of WWII films, since all Asians look alike, especially considering how many of the same actors portrayed both Japanese and characters. The films, then, essentially perpetuated the old fear of Peril, now manifested in the Japanese enemy who - perhaps disguised as farmer or fisherman competing (unfairly) for white America's resources - sought to undermine national security and morality from the inside. The genre succeeded in providing Hollywood with a dominant paradigm, still invoked today, to portray Japanese and American relations; many recent films - such as Gung Ho (1986) Black Rain (1989), Captured Hearts (1990) - that explicitly deal with Japanese and American interaction - are framed in the context of and battle.(2) For example, while World War II is the obvious backdrop of Captured Hearts, the war in Black Rain is drug related, with the Japanese Yakuza overthrowing the Italian Mafia as the new mob in America [just as the (good) Japanese character Mas replaces the Latino Charlie as Nick Conklin's - the motorcycle-cowboy - (white) cop's ethnic sidekick]. In Gung Ho the war between the Americans and Japanese is economic, related specifically to car manufacture. Here, even though the American auto workers are employed by the Japanese, whom they have asked to buy the factory, the American workers talk in terms of us and them, of competition between two opposing teams. In addition, both Gung Ho and Black Rain refer to the original war, WWII, as the source of prevailing tensions between the Americans and Japanese. In Gung Ho, when the tension between the Japanese management and the American workers climaxes in a fight between Hunt and Kazihiro (Kaz), Hunt is fired and retaliates by saying, If you're so great, how'd you lose the big one? …

The Baltic States in Soviet-German Relations, 1939

By 1920 nationalist forces had won independent statehood for Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. But they owed their victory to a propitious sequence of world-shaking events: first, the German defeat of Russia followed by the Entente defeat of Germany; second, the subsequent assistance the Entente rendered nationalist Estonians, Latvians, and Lithuanians in beating back the Red tide. Peter the Great's “window on Europe” was thereby reduced to a Soviet aperture on Europe. Only the narrow Gulf of Finland, flanked by a “White” Finland and a “White” Estonia, afforded the USSR direct access to the Baltic Sea. The resurgence of Germany under Hitler and Soviet Russia under Stalin overturned the configuration of world power that had attended the birth of the Baltic Republics. In treating the fate that befell the Baltic States confronted by the resurgence of German and Soviet power in 1939, this article has three aims: first, to give due attention to German policy towards the Baltic States; second, to assess the efficacy and wisdom of the policies pursued by the Baltic States to avoid being ground between the Hitler and the Stalin millstones; and third, to incorporate pertinent new information published in the USSR since 1989. Even under the “Gorbachev Revolution,” publication of newly declassified diplomatic papers in the USSR has been conducted, so far, by dozirovka; i.e., the measuring out of information in small doses. This previously unpublished material, though exiguous, can at least begin to fill certain glaring “blank spots” in the history of the Baltic Question in 1939.

The Impact of War on the Russian Liberals in 1904–5

It is of course a commonplace that the defeat of Russia by Japan in the war of 1904–5 ushered in the revolutionary year of 1905. The role of the frankly revolutionary Russian illegal parties has been frequently studied, but the part played by the various groups of more or less moderate public men who are often loosely designated as ‘liberals’ in preparing the climate of revolution has received less detailed treatment in historical writing. The present article therefore proposes to examine the stages by which these groups moved to a progressively more radical position under the impact of an unpopular and unsuccessful war.

The Rise of Indonesian Political Parties

The development of the Indonesian party system in the first quarter of this century can be traced to various factors. The defeat of Russia by Japan started a chain of now ideas in Asian minds which finally led to the overthrow of the European powers in Asia. But this event in isolation could not have achieved much. The overthrow of the Manchu Empire in China in 1911 by the Chinese nationalist revolutionaries under the leadership of Sun Yet Sen, created a new national consciousness among the Chinese in Indonesia, and Indonesian nationalism partly owes its origin to reaction against-this new-born nationalism among overseas Chinese in Indonesia.

The Rise of Indonesian Political Parties

The development of the Indonesian party system in the first quarter of this century can be traced to various factors. The defeat of Russia by Japan started a chain of new ideas in Asian minds which finally led to the overthrow of the European powers in Asia. But this event in isolation could not have achieved much. The overthrow of the Manchu Empire in China in 1911 by the Chinese nationalist revolutionaries under the leadership of Sun Yat Sen, created a new national consciousness among the Chinese in Indonesia, and Indonesian nationalism partly owes its origin to reaction against this new-born nationalism among overseas Chinese in Indonesia. Later the First World War and the Russian Revolution of 1917 also left a deep impress on Indonesian political life. Though the Dutch tried to keep Indonesia immune from the new ideas emerging in other parts of the world, they could not succeed in this endeavour. Their failure in attempts of this kind was occasionally seen in periodical political outbursts in various parts of Indonesia. Apart from the new waves of revolutionary ideas from Europe, the Indian national movement under the leadership of Tilak and Gandhi also had a noticeable influence on the growth of the early nationalist movement in Indonesia.

The Rise of Indonesian Political Parties

The development of the Indonesian party system in the first quarter of this century can be traced to various factors. The defeat of Russia by Japan started a chain of new ideas in Asian minds which finally led to the overthrow of the European powers in Asia. But this event in isolation could not have achieved much. The overthrow of the Manchu Empire in China in 1911 by the Chinese nationalist revolutionaries under the leadership of Sun Yat Sen, created a new national consciousness among the Chinese in Indonesia, and Indonesian nationalism partly owes its origin to reaction against this new-born nationalism among overseas Chinese in Indonesia.1 Later the First World War and the Russian Revolution of 1917 also left a deep impress on Indonesian poli tical life. Though the Dutch tried to keep Indonesia immune from the new ideas emerging in other parts of the world, they could not succeed in this endeavour. Their failure in attempts of this kind was occasionally seen in periodical political outbursts in various parts of Indonesia. Apart from the new waves of revolutionary ideas from Europe, the Indian national movement under the leadership of Tilak and Gandhi also had a noticeable influence on the growth of the early nationalist movement in Indonesia.2

Hitler's Defeat in Russia

Hitler's Defeat in Russia