Round Of Debate Research Articles

Constituting the American Higher-Education Elite: Rush and Jefferson on Collegiate Civic Engagement

The foundation of new centers for civic education has sparked a new round of debate over the political independence of the public university. Do legal mandates by state legislatures undermine academic freedom? The underlying debate concerns alternative visions of elite formation, as comparing Benjamin Rush and Thomas Jefferson’s arguments during the Founding period makes apparent. Both believed that the American constitutional order depended on educated citizens of a certain character, requiring coercive authority in education to instill moral and political commitments. But whereas Jefferson made an exception for educational coercion, Rush viewed education as an aristocratic element that could complement democracy. Rush’s prioritizing of duties over rights offers a more helpful framework for the task of reforming elite education today to restore trust between leaders and people.

Win-Loss-Win in the US–China Game: A Cross-cultural Analysis of a TV Anchor Debate Between Trish Regan and Liu Xin

Abstract Guided by the cultural game theory, WGTICC and cultural analysis model, this study has found such game intentions and communication strategies as shaming the invited counterpart versus correcting the host calmly, turning a debate into a Q&A versus using the Q&A as a meaningful presentation, and getting ready to listen versus demonstrating courage, sincerity, and cogency have been adopted during the 3 rounds of debate, thus illustrating and expanding the third assumption in the water and game theory from a win-loss to a win-loss-win result. In terms of cultural roots, Fox Business News, as an example of Western media, has been shifting from objective, accurate, and fair journalism ethics to unilateralism, catalyzed by prioritizing the US interests. In contrast, the Chinese media, like CGTN, have been reshaping themselves for survival and performance employing and developing multiple online platforms while converging with social media.

Future of the BRICS and the Role of Russia and China

The rise of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) and the severity of the 2008 global financial crisis have sparked a new round of debate about the long-term viability of transatlantic norms, ideas , and institutions that have dominated global governance since its commencement. Many of the bodies and organizations that contribute towards global governance were formed between 1945 and 1980 , and have been dominated by Western actors and an agenda centered on the West. To support the main argument of the author there are various chapters in the book Future of the BRICS and the Role of Russia and China that focus on The Evolution of Brics and the international system, Russia and BRICS, China and BRICS and Russia and China in BRICS: Convergences and Divergences. The strength of this book is that it is based on empirical evidence and it address pertinent questions on BRICS , contemporary international relations and monetary institutions. Most importantly, the book sheds light on the future of BRICS and the international financial system by providing a clear overview of BRICS and Unipolar and Bipolar world order systems.

The Future of the BRICS and the Role of Russia and China

The rise of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) and the severity of the 2008 global financial crisis have sparked a new round of debate about the long-term viability of transatlantic norms, ideas , and institutions that have dominated global governance since its commencement. Many of the bodies and organizations that contribute towards global governance were formed between 1945 and 1980 , and have been dominated by Western actors and an agenda centered on the West. To support the main argument of the author there are various chapters in the book Future of the BRICS and the Role of Russia and China that focus on The Evolution of Brics and the international system, Russia and BRICS, China and BRICS and Russia and China in BRICS: Convergences and Divergences.

The 2023 GOP debates: a reflection of the party's leadership crisis

The article examines the course of three rounds of debates organized by the National Republican Committee before the beginning of the presidential race in 2024. Despite the participation of several candidates in the debate and the absence of the former head of the White House on the stage, the winner of the debate, according to national opinion polls, is still D. Trump. It is concluded that this circumstance is an indicator of a leadership crisis that has engulfed the Republican Party that does not change.

For the Sake of Argument: Defending debate

For the Sake of ArgumentDefending debate Becca Rothfeld (bio) first affirmative constructive (eight minutes) the round would open with fumbling, throat-clearing, the tapping of feet or fingers against tables or tubs—those unwieldy plastic bins we filled with research about free-trade agreements or French social theory that I would lug along the corridors of high schools deserted for the weekend. By mid-morning, I'd already be moving in the miasma of competing pungencies: the stink of sour sweat, the scrubbed floors' bright institutional tang, the greasy reek of the sandwich I had eaten for breakfast. My destination was a classroom rendered thrilling by its foreignness, for I was far from my high school in Washington D.C., perhaps in a state as [End Page 47] distant and exotic as Texas or Illinois. Here, with our tubs stacked around us, we would take our places at vacant desks, pens in hand, arranged in teams of two. At last, a spindly figure ensconced in an ill-fitting suit would lurch into eight minutes of declamation. "CONTENTION ONE!" the speaker would gasp, and we were off to the races. In the popular imagination, debate tournaments take place on brightly lit stages; participants are future politicians, commanding rhetoricians with pinched loafers and good posture and a patina of prep-school polish. In fact, most debates are staged in generic high school classrooms with chewed gum nubbed under the tables and walls papered with motivational posters. Some kinds of debate, among them extemporaneous (extemp), public forum (PF) and Lincoln-Douglas (LD) obliquely resemble the public ideal, at least insofar as their practitioners try to sound like lawmakers and win largely on the basis of their dramatic delivery (or so thought those of us who prided ourselves, perhaps unduly, on our argumentative rigor). Not so when it came to policy debate, the only sort offered at my school, the sort of debate that I loved helplessly, with the unreserved ardor unique to adolescence. Participants would speak at a rate of something like five hundred words a minute in an effort to cram as many ideas as possible into speeches with strict time limits. Then, too, policy debate was so scholastic as to be largely unintelligible to an amateur audience: it was like a logic problem working itself out in real time. But this was precisely what I loved about it—that the various arguments stood in necessary relation to one another not in virtue of their content but in virtue of their form. All the attacks and parries, all the ornate maneuvering, crafted a conceptual filigree that I adored immediately and irreversibly and that removed me from my workaday life—even when, on the face of it, I was only yelling in a classroom that looked exactly like the one where I doodled through algebra or biology each week. Policy debates bore little resemblance to the public contests of charisma that the word summoned for people like my parents, who [End Page 48] didn't understand why I couldn't deliver a winning discourse at a normal or at least comprehensible speed, why I insisted on gulping and glugging in a form as technical, as rigidly structured, as a sestina. Policy debate rounds all began with the so-called first affirmative constructive (1AC), the eight-minute speech in which the speaker described the status quo as dire and proposed a policy that could serve as a remedy. In 2008-9, when I was a junior and maximally saturated in the cultish culture of the enterprise, the resolution that the council of affiliated schools settled on stated: "The United States federal government should substantially increase alternative energy incentives in the United States." We were not expected to defend or dispute the resolution in all its tantalizing generality, but rather to choose some specification of it, "the plan." The affirmative team might propose, specifically, that the government should offer tax credits for companies that contrived to reduce emissions by twenty percent within the next five years. Not passing the plan, we would claim, would culminate in various doomsday scenarios, almost all of them resulting in nuclear war. "Link!" the ill-fitting suit would shout...

The Macroeconomic Results of Diligent Resource Revenues Management: The Norwegian Case

Many commodity-exporting countries saw their revenues plummet and experienced fiscal deficits during the pandemic. The economic rebound will restore resource exports/revenues and a new round of debate will be initiated on revenues utilization. Countries will decide either to internalize revenues or capitalize them with investments abroad. Our autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) models provide evidence of the benefits Norway enjoys since it has not internalized revenues. The currency rate, long-term bond yields, and GDP growth are insulated from prices volatility. Furthermore, the country can absorb currency appreciations/devaluations and long-term credit rate hikes through government expenditure. However, monetary steering is favored in the long term (absorbs yield increases), while in the short run it can allow for speculative activities by credit investors. Countries should not internalize resource revenues to avoid experiencing decreased competitiveness and economic growth and increased credit rates. However, the temptation will be high enough since deficits and support packages cost a lot. This study also includes years of low prices. Thus, our research reveals the extent and limitations of diligent revenue management from a country considered as a role model.

A Case Study on the Development of Chinese EFL Debaters’ Argumentative Competence

This study aims to explore and analyze the argumentative competence of Chinese debaters by observing the fallacies they made in one semester’s English debate course. The 8 rounds of debates are selected, of which three teams participated in 2 of the prepared debates and 2 fixed impromptu debates respectively. It is evident that of the five categories of fallacies, relevance-related, sufficiency-related and acceptability-related fallacies were the most common fallacies compared with structural-related fallacies and rebuttal-related fallacies. In prepared debate, the debaters’ argumentative skills in relevance, sufficiency, acceptability, structure, and rebuttal improved but in impromptu debate, this trend did not exist, revealing the debaters’ argumentative competence was unstable and varied from team to team.

China—The Champion of the Developing World: A Study of China's new Development Model and its Role in Changing Global Economic Governance

One of the key questions in international political economy is how the ascent of the People's Republic of China (PRC) will affect global economic governance. The rise of the PRC, the success of its new development model, and the attempts to replicate that model in regions, such as Africa, have fueled a new round of debates concerning the sustainability of the transatlantic norms, ideas, and institutions that have dominated global economic governance. As several regions are attempting to adopt aspects of the PRC's model, the success of China's development model represents a new force in defining the rules of the game. Using role theory, this study examines the PRC's self‐described role as the “Champion of the Developing World” in global economic governance and uncovers how the PRC's new development model affects the PRC's current position within and outside the architecture of global economic governance.Related Articles (in this Special Issue)Åberg, John H. S., and Derick Becker. 2020. “China as Exemplar: Justin Lin, New Structural Economics, and the Unorthodox Orthodoxy of the China Model.” Politics & Policy 48 (5).Babones, Salvatore. 2020. “China's Development Model: Can it be Replicated in Sub‐Saharan Africa?” Politics & Policy 48 (5).Ziso, Edson. 2020. “The Political Economy of the Chinese Model in Ethiopia.” Politics & Policy 48 (5).

Striving for achievement in a new era: China debates its global role

Since the doctrine of ‘keeping a low profile (KLP), attaining some achievement (ASA)’ was developed, there has been much attention and study of the KLP, but little discussion of the ASA. However, it is exactly how the ASA has been observed that can well reflect Chinese perception of its global role. In the paper, the ASA is treated as a continuum or a fluid concept with changing values. There have been significant adjustments in the official expression of the ASA doctrine since the 2008 global financial crisis, from the original ‘attaining some achievement’ to ‘proactively attaining achievement’ around 2011, ‘striving for achievement’ in 2013, and ‘striving for achievement in a new era’ in 2017. Along with these changes, there have been roughly three rounds of debates on the ASA among Chinese scholars. While they generally agree on more proactive diplomacy in attaining achievement, scholars have debated on what achievements to attain and how to attain these achievements. While the ultimate goal is defined officially as Chinese rejuvenation, specific and interim goals of ‘striving for achievement’ in scholarly debates have targeted mainly China’s strategic capability, institutional power and normative power. Chinese scholars have also debated on the general principles, diplomatic style and tactics that China should follow by focusing on three relationships: the relationship between the KLP and the ASA, the Sino-US relationship, and the relationship between China and the international system. The author provides an analytical framework and thorough examination of the development of the ASA doctrine, and presents the scholarly debates along its development path, in the hope that this study may facilitate the understanding of the outside world on how China perceives its global role.

An Empirical Study of Gender Differences in Competitive High School Debate

Gender differences in competitive environments have been studied extensively; however, the majority of literature concerns activities with an objective winner. In this paper, we examine gender differences in high school Public Forum debate, a two vs. two activity where judges subjectively decide the winner. We constructed a dataset with 44 variables and 125,087 unique debate rounds during the 2014-2015 to 2019-2020 school years. Using logistic modeling, we document a large difference in win rates between teams of different gender compositions, with female-female teams 17.1% less likely and male-female teams 10.0% less likely to win a debate round against male-male teams. However, there is no gender gap in win rates for novice debaters, suggesting that the disparity does not occur from innate entry ability differences but rather appears alongside experience in debate. We also find a large difference in participation rates between female and male students, which begins at the 9th grade level and is exacerbated over time due to female debaters being 30.34% more likely to quit than male debaters. Finally, we find that a higher ratio of female to male debaters from the same school reduces attrition rates of female debaters.

Tax Base Erosion: Reformation of Section 482's Arm's Length Standard

There is an important debate about fundamental tax reform looming, and the problem of homeless income (HI)—commonly referred to in the current round of debate as “base erosion and profit shifting” (BEPS)—is at the center of the storm. The media has incited the general public through llegations that multinational enterprises (MNEs), including many prominent MNEs, have misreported their income, and that tax havens are a public menace. Not surprisingly, a wide range of policy formulations have been, and will be, put forward to address the HI/BEPS problem. During the course of this debate, MNEs will argue that the current corporate taxation scheme of the U. S. is anti-competitive because it imposes the highest effective tax rate globally and imposes extraterritorial tax costs on U.S.-owned MNEs (U.S. MNEs) that are not imposed on their foreign-based competitors (non-U.S. MNEs). As the parent company elects the residency of the MNEs, many countries have decided to forgo taxing extraterritorial income entirely, hoping to attract the corporate headquarters, research and development, and other highly remunerated jobs of the MNEs to their country. Observing this trend, some countries have used the competitiveness argument to claim that the U.S. should avoid taxing international income entirely. Although this conclusion may carry these implications too far, important scholarship does make the case that excessive residency-based taxation of U.S. MNEs risks contributing to the trend of acquisition of U.S. MNEs by non-U.S. MNEs or U.S. MNEs expatriating, actually or constructively, because of the tax advantages afforded to foreign ownership. In response to this argument, at least six European nations have adopted so-called “patent box” regimes that provide concessionary tax rates to IP related income in an effort to attract high paying research and development jobs to their country.

Analysis of Incentive Policies for the Use of Biomass as Energy Source

In the search for solutions on the efficient use of natural resources, much has been discussed about the importance of effective public policies, as a way to minimize problems with the scarcity of natural resources, and how to achieve the desired sustainability through the implementation and exploitation of natural resources. renewable energy sources generated by the expansion of energy supply, one of which being natural resources is Biomass. In this context, biomass emerges as a great potential to solve, or at least mitigate the effects of using petroleum-based energy sources, contributing to the reduction of greenhouse gases (GHG), the implementation of public incentive policies. The use of renewable sources has become a more than current theme in the various rounds of debates on the improvement of climatic conditions in Brazil and in the world. The objective of the research was to identify the incentive policies adopted by the Brazilian government that made possible the advances and contributions generated by the use of Biomass as a renewable energy source within the national territory. The adopted method considered the aspects of a descriptive, exploratory study, with a qualitative approach based on a survey of the theoretical framework, which was used as material, books and original articles based on electronically available databases, to review the literature. available literature. The results of this study show that several benefits have been found through the use of renewable energy sources such as biomass, but this energy source is still not widespread in the country, where this is attributed to the scarcity of public incentive policy that in its great Most address the use of renewable energy as a whole, specifying the use of biomass without differentiation.

Patient-Centered Risk Assessment in Implant Treatment Planning.

To evaluate the current scientific evidence on estimating cumulative risk for biologic complications relating to dental implants and to develop a patient-centered risk assessment tool for establishing aggregate risk. A review of the scientific literature on risk indicators relating to dental implants was completed with the goal of identifying and weighting individual risk indicators so aggregate biologic risk could be estimated. Three authors completed independent reviews of the literature, identifying 31 systematic reviews on risk indicators for biologic complications with dental implants, from which 24 potential risk indicators were considered. Due to inconclusive scientific data on risk indicators, a Delphi process was used to gather structured expert opinion to supplement findings from the literature. Eleven Delphi participants with expertise in prosthodontics or periodontics participated in two email exchanges and one face-to-face meeting to comment and debate on the initial identification and weighting of risk indicators, propose the addition or removal of risk indicators, and provide recommended clinical management for each risk indicator. After three rounds of debate, literature review, and additions and removals of various risk indicators, consensus (defined as 95% or more in agreement) was achieved on 20 risk indicators. The Delphi group concluded that the risk indicators of smoking, diabetes, antiresorptive agents, and cemented restorations should include subcategories to more accurately identify and represent patient-specific risk. Clinical recommendations based on individual and aggregate risk were established by consensus. The literature on risk indicators for biologic complications was conflicting and inconclusive. The Delphi method was used to identify and establish the weighting of individual risk indicators, resulting in a risk assessment tool for estimating aggregate risk.

Innovation and Derivation in Canadian Food Television Programming

The 1980s neo-liberal political agenda, which deemed media market liberalization necessary to stimulate programming innovation and expand audience choice, reshaped Canadian television programming, prompting a new round of debate over the quality, distinctiveness, and value of domestic TV shows. Yet producers’ transformation of the daytime cooking show into a popular, lucrative food lifestyle media segment received little critical attention. Thus, part 1 of this article draws on foreign and domestic food show examples, popular with Canadian audiences, to highlight three program innovations that underwrote Canadian food audience expansion over the last 25 years: an intensified focus on eating, entertaining, and aesthetics; production of celebrity chefs and commercial synergies; and reliance on global reality TV formats. Part 2 analyses two seasons of Dinner Party Wars, an exemplar Canadian food show. Reliance on the global trends outlined above renders DPW largely indistinguishable from foreign TV food fare. So too did DPW put in circulation common middle-class, neo-liberal fantasies—turning home entertaining into a public spectacle of competition; finding fault in weak performances of entrepreneurial spirit; taking participants’ inability to achieve restaurant standards of productivity as signs of laziness; and failure to conform to middle-class manners and tastes shocking. Yet within participants’ menu choices and interactions with experts a distinct narrative of Canadian multiculturalism is found.

Revisiting the viability to allow dual-class share structure companies to list in the financial market of Hong Kong

The request of Alibaba, China’s largest e-commerce company, to allow a self-selected group of its past and present management known as the ‘partners’ the right to nominate a majority of the directors in its negotiation with the Hong Kong Stock Exchange (HKEx) for an initial public offering (IPO) in 2013 reignited a new round of debate over the one share, one vote policy, which has survived for three decades in Hong Kong. Alibaba’s IPO application to list on the HKEx was eventually rejected which ultimately led to the company’s decision to list on the New York Stock Exchange. In late 2017, the debate on whether companies with dual-class share (DCS) structure should be allowed to list in Hong Kong re-emerged as the HKEx has announced that it would amend its listing rules to enable companies with DCS structure to list on its exchange, subject to certain safeguards and restrictions. This article examines what measures Hong Kong could adopt to allow companies with DCS structure to list on its exchange despite legal and institutional shortcomings of its financial market. In doing so, it will also make reference to other major financial markets in the world and examine how other jurisdictions have handled the issue of DCS structure companies.

THE USES AND LIMITS OF LEGALISM: ON PATRICK MACKLEM’S THE SOVEREIGNTY OF HUMAN RIGHTS

Human rights have become the language of justice in our globalizing world. Yet, curiously, despite many rounds of debate over moral versus political conceptions, little attention has been paid to the meaning of human rights as international legal concepts. The specific normative significance of the fact that human rights are legal norms of the international legal order and the implications this has for the nature and justice of that order has gotten lost in the fray. This article addresses Patrick Macklem’s excellent attempt to fill that gap. He is right that a key function of international human rights law is to mitigate the injustices of an international legal order that distributes sovereignty to states. A legal conception of human rights is indeed needed to get at the distinctive normative role international human rights documents play as law. But I argue that, while such an analysis can and must supplement other approaches, no adequate understanding of human rights as international legal norms can dispense with moral justifications of them. Otherwise, the purpose and specificity of human rights as distinct from the rights of corporations and other non-human entities gets obscured and the priority of the human rights of human persons, vis-à-vis other legal persons, is undermined.

Marxist theory and the October Revolution

The theoretical basis of the October Revolution lay, not surprisingly, in a development of Marxism, but this development occurred through three successive rounds of theoretical debate, each stimulated by the specific Russian reality but each having a relevance far wider than the Russian context itself, and a relevance that abides to this day. While these three rounds of debate appear to be on three very different themes, each of them is concerned with the same question, namely, must a transition to socialism in any society await the ‘completion’ in some sense of the development of capitalism in that society? And if so, then what does the term ‘completion’ mean in this context? This essay seeks to provide answers to the question of what sort of revolutionary strategy is necessary to achieve the transition to socialism by considering the debates that took place at the time of the October revolution.

Making debate more inclusive for the student-veteran debater

ABSTRACTThe debate about debate's inclusiveness has been prominent in scholarship and debate rounds as well for many years. Yet one significant group has not been included in those discussions: military veterans who return to school after serving their country. I argue that we should welcome student-veterans into debate and propose several strategies for doing just that. Student-veterans have unique insights into many of debate's recurring discussions (war, arms trade, violence, aggression, etc.) that could benefit all debaters. If debate is to be the welcoming space many debaters and debate coaches have been working toward, then debaters and debate coaches must proactively work at inclusion of student-veterans in the activity. I support these arguments with a discussion of the historic National Debate Tournament run of Georgia State University's Floyd and Finch in 2014 in order to highlight the promises and pitfalls of welcoming student-veterans in the debate activity.

Fracking Expertise: How Interest Groups Used Expert Claims in Pennsylvania’s Fracking Controversy around Act 13

Hydraulic fracturing for shale gas extraction, also called fracking, is steadily growing as an energy source for the United States. Despite the technology’s promising economic opportunities, its application remains highly debated due to reported pollution incidents and uncertainties regarding long-term environmental and public health impacts. The regulation of fracking in the US is subject to federal state legislation. When the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania changed its fracking regulation in 2012, this sparked off a new round of debate. House bill 1950, often referred to as Act 13, expanded the possibilities for fracking in all areas of the state, even in housing districts and sensitive areas of high environmental value. Outraged, the affected municipalities decided to question the legality of the bill before court in March 2012. The case was closed in February 2014, when the Supreme Court judged the zoning prohibitions unconstitutional in a final say.