Davidic Dynasty Research Articles

Cyrus the Great: Life and Lore ed. by M. Rahim Shayegan

Reviewed by: Cyrus the Great: Life and Lore ed. by M. Rahim Shayegan David B. Levy M. Rahim Shayegan (ed.). Cyrus the Great: Life and Lore. Ilex Foundation Series 21. Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England: Center for Hellenic Studies; Distributed by Harvard University Press, 2018. Pp. vii, 258. $24.95 (pb.). ISBN 978-0-674-98738-8. Cyrus the Great: Life and Lore consists of fourteen wide-ranging essays by a cast of distinguished scholars. They offer a representation of Cyrus’ impact on his own age, his legacy, and his reception history. An overview of the topics treated in this work includes: (1) Elamo-Persian acculturation; (2) Mesopotamian antecedents of Cyrus’ religious policy; (3) Cyrus’ Baupolitik, and the genesis of Persian imperial art; (4) the Babylonian exile of the Jews; competing Biblical references to Cyrus, and his influence on the return of Judean exiles; (5) Cyrus’ exalted but conflicted image in the later Greco-Roman world; (6) his reception and function in the genealogical construct of the Hellenistic and Arsacid periods; and (7) Cyrus’ enigmatic evanescence in the Sasanian and Muslim traditions. Cyrus’ decree allowing the Jews to return to the land of Judah to reconstruct the Temple (Ezra 1:1–4; 2 Chronicles 36:22–33) reflects his magnanimous policy as an archetypal prince. Deutero-Isaiah, Ezra, and Chronicles refer to Cyrus as a divine instrument of the Israelite God for benevolently allowing the return of some Judean exiles and the rebuilding of the Temple in Jerusalem. Isaiah 44:28 and 45:1 refer to Cyrus as “God’s messiah.” Schniedewind’s essay defines the vacuum that the Babylonian exiles (led by Ezra and Nehemiah) filled as a “post-collapse society” in the wake of the destruction wrought by Nebuchadnezzar in the year 586 bce, as chronicled by the prophet Jeremiah in Lamentations. Schniedewind cites the statistical data of archeological excavations documenting the destruction of Israel to propose the thesis that the leadership role of the messiah was projected upon Cyrus de facto with the encouragement of the Levitical priesthood, who sought to displace the monarchal Davidians as the leaders of the Jews. Sweeney’s outstanding essay rightly suggests caution about the possibility that Cyrus was promoting the Levitical priesthood to supersede the Davidian royal line as leaders. Sweeney makes clear that among the later 12 Prophets, especially Zechariah and Haggai, the Achaemenid house was regarded with a hostility that had to be overcome. Zechariah and Haggai internalized the then historical turmoil occasioned by the war campaigns of Darius. The minor prophets embrace a Davidian monarchal independence and the overthrow of Persian rule. Zechariah thus entered into a genre of apocalyptical literature forecasting the ultimate triumph of the Hebrew monotheistic God. Whereas Deutero-Isaiah calls for submission to the Persian empire, Zechariah does not. Zechariah and Haggai differ from Isaiah with regard to the new political turmoil of their [End Page 495] time—turmoil that centered on whether God was about to depose the Achaemenid monarchy with a hoped-for restoration of the Davidic dynasty. The prophets Joel and Micah give voice to God’s longer-term plan for the reappearance of a Davidic messianic King who will defeat the nations that oppress Jerusalem, thereby achieving the messianic kingdom so that all may come to recognize the G-d of Israel as world Sovereign on Mt. Zion. Haggai calls for the establishment of Zerubbabel ben Shealtiel, the grandson of Jehoiachin ben Jehoiakim, as the last ruling monarch of the Judean dynastic house of David that is referred to as “God’s signet ring.” That prophecy serves as a paradigm for the cryptic call for the restoration of the royal house of David. Such views challenge the Deutero-Isaiah call for the recognition of Cyrus as the only messiah in God’s destined plan in history to help rebuild God’s Temple. My one caveat with this excellent scholarly collection is the absence (except for in Sweeney’s essay) of the role that Cyrus plays in Rabbinic lore and history. Midrash Esther Rabbah attributes significance to Cyrus in God’s plan by allowing the Jewess Esther to have offspring with the Persian King Ahasuerus, a mysterious and hushed lineage of...

The assassination of Mephibosheth: Royal and redactional intrigue in the book of Samuel

This article explores the textual variation of the name of the son of Saul referenced in 2 Sam 3-4. While the MT reads Ishbosheth, 4QSamaand LXX read Mephibosheth. The vague reading in MT 2 Sam 4:1-2 of ‘the son of Saul’ probably indicates that the parent text of the MT once also referenced Mephibosheth. While the variant is widely understood to be a simple accidental scribal insertion, this article argues that it instead reflects the redactional development of Samuel. It does this by (1) considering the implications of 2 Sam 21:1-14 for the rise of the Davidic dynasty and the fall of the Saulides, (2) bringing the question of Samuel’s sources and their integration to bear on the textual issue, and (3) considering ways that this reading of Samuel clarifies the story in 2 Sam 3:7-11.

The motif of Uzziah’s צרעת‎ in the Deuteronomistic History, Chronicles, and beyond

This article explores how the motif of Uzziah’s צרעת‎ in 2 Kgs. 15:1-7 has inspired the Chronicler, Josephus, and rabbinic commentators. In the Book of Kings, Uzziah’s disorder is used to explain an abnormal political arrangement in which the crown prince served as co-regent. The Chronicler, by contrast, takes Uzziah’s disorder as an opportunity to expound on the king’s sacrilegious behavior. The Chronistic tradition is further developed by Josephus and the rabbis who reinterpret Uzziah’s צרעת‎ as sign of an abnormal emotional life. Consequently, each source displays its own understanding of צרעת‎ and its implications concerning the king’s conduct and character. These differences in the depiction of Uzziah’s disease point to dissimilar frameworks of interpretation which are motivated by different attitudes toward the temple and the Davidic Dynasty.

Przyczynek do chronologii królów Izraela i Judy

Listy królów są wynikiem zamierzonej kompozycji autora biblijnego. Licząc od Saula do Ozeasza dla Izraela oraz od Dawida do Sedecjasza dla dynastii Dawidowej, każda genealogia zawiera 22 władców. Liczba ta nie jest przypadkowa, gdyż są 22 litery w alfabecie hebrajskim, a także 22 patriarchów od Adama do Jakuba. Żeby uzyskać tę liczbę władców w każdym królestwie, niektórzy królowie mogli zostać pominięci lub dodani. Listy królów Izraela i Judy mogą zatem nie odzwierciedlać rzeczywistej chronologii.

Minor Prophets

Minor Prophets Christopher T. Begg, John L. McLaughlin, and Thomas Hieke 1354. [Twelve Prophets] Stefan Fischer, "Gott als Figur prophetischer Rede. Eine Analyse göttlicher Ich-Reden im Zwölfprophetenbuch," Gott als Figur, 150-86 [see #1580]. F. analyzes first-person speeches of God in the Book of the Twelve, especially in Hosea. In so doing, he first introduces God's "I-speeches" and their characteristics in the corpus that represent various dimensions of the figure "God." In the main part of the essay, F. focuses on the metaphors occurring in the divine I-speeches. Here he reflects on the text's anthropomorphisms, God's relationship to the creation, mention of actions that only God can do, God acting as a father, a mother, a husband, a shepherd, a farmer, a healer, a prophet calling for repentance, a judge, a fowler, and a warrior. In a few cases, God compares him/herself to an object (animals, plants, the dew). F.'s conclusion reflects on the peculiarities of the metaphors used and on the pragmatics of the divine I-speeches.—T.H. 1355. [Twelve Prophets] Annett Giercke-Ungermann, "'So nah und doch so fern': Erzähler als Organisationsinstanzen der Krisendarstellungen im Zwölfprophetenbuch," Perspektiven, 362-79 [see #1589]. The Twelve Prophets contain many allusions to situations of crisis in the life of the nation Israel and their possible transcendence. At the same time, one can note a paradox in how the narrators of the individual books making up the complex present the crisis featured in the given book. On the one hand, those narrators "control" who speaks in the book, how much they get to say, just as they are the ones who decide how the voices of the book's "figures"—whether divine or human—are coordinated with each other. On the other hand, these narrators offer very little in the way of explicit commentary on or evaluation of what characters in the book say, leaving readers to draw their own conclusions about the characters' statements. In other words, the books' narrators are omnipresent, but are so mostly—Jonah and Haggai are something of an exception in this regard—in a hidden, silent fashion.—C.T.B. 1356. [Hosea; Amos; Isaiah] B. Gosse, "Le salut antimonarchique dans les livres d' Osée et d'Isaïe," Trans 48 (2016) 93-103. In the Book of Isaiah, the delivery of Jerusalem and the monarchy that took place during the period of the prophet's activity are portrayed as a salvific event and a promise [End Page 433] that history will go on. Yet, the Davidic dynasty was not part of the salvation experienced at the return from Exile. In Second Isaiah the Messiah title is applied to Cyrus and those of "chosen" and "servant" used of the Davidic king in Ps 89:4 are awarded to the figure introduced in Isa 42:1. This conception of a salvation without a king appears also in the Judean reading of the history of the Northern Kingdom found in the redactions of the Books of Hosea and Amos. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 1357. [Hosea; Deuteronomy] Cooper Smith, "The 'Wilderness' in Hosea and Deuteronomy: A Case of Thematic Reappropriation," BBR 28 (2018) 240-60. Among their many other similarities, the Books of Hosea and Deuteronomy also share the use of the word midbar ("wilderness") as part of a wilderness sojourn theme that emphasizes Yhwh's gracious actions of provision and protection despite Israel's rebellions. Although the scholarly consensus holds that each book drew on a different sojourn tradition, an analysis of their respective presentations of the theme based on their use of the above term reveals shared features: the word occurs in similar contexts that emphasize Yhwh's gracious actions on Israel's behalf in the wilderness, while conversely it is absent in negative contexts that recount Israel's rebellions. These similarities are all the more apparent when one compares them with the rhetoric of the "wilderness" used in the Book of Numbers that displays the opposite tendency. The tendency in Hosea and Deuteronomy to use the term in question in contexts speaking of Yhwh...

La place du temple dans l'oracle de Nathan : contribution à l'histoire du texte de 1 Chr 17 - 1 Par 17

1 Chr 17 is a founding document of the Jewish Messianism in so far as it attributes the creation of the Davidic Dynasty to God. The comparison of the Masoretic Text with its equivalent in the Greek Bible highlights a shift in the issue that reveals important differences between the two narratives. We propose to understand these differences not as the result of scribal mistakes, as it usually is done, but rather as the testimony of an Hebraic Substrate for LXX that diverged from the premasoretic text and even preceded it. According us, MT represents a theological correction of the narrative. The version of LXX relativizes the importance of the Temple.

History & Geography

History & Geography Christopher T. Begg, William J. Urbrock, Frederick E. Greenspahn, Thomas Hieke, Victor H. Matthews, Paul R. Redditt, Alan J. Moss, CFC, and Joseph E. Jensen 1553. Tero Alstola, "Judean Merchants in Babylonia and Their Participation in Long-Distance Trade," WdO 47 (2017) 25-51. A.'s article focuses on Judean merchants resident in Babylonia, their social networks, and their business activities during the 6th cent. b.c.e. A. argues that these people were integrated into the commercial sphere of Babylonian society and had Babylonian merchants as well as traders of foreign origin among their acquaintances. Judeans thus participated in Babylon's long-distance trade, and documented evidence shows that some of them traveled as far as Iran for trading purposes. Furthermore, given that traveling and the transport of goods was an integral part of commercial activity at the time, the Judean merchants of Babylon provide an example of people who might have maintained connections between Judeans living in Judah and in Babylonia. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 1554. Shawn Zelig Aster, "An Assyrian bīt mardīte near Tel Hadid?" JNES 74 (2015) 281-88. The Neo-Assyrian empire established administrative centers at several locations in the Land of Israel following the campaigns of the late 8th cent. b.c.e. In fact, it was the Assyrian policy of implementing an administrative presence after most Assyrian troops had withdrawn from a given area that ensured the empire's control over its vast territory in the period between the late 8th and mid-6th cents. Finds at Tel Hadid, situated west of the Samaritan hills, may, A. argues, be identified as the remains of an Assyrian bīt mardīte that functioned as a roadside provisioning center for Assyrian officials, messengers, and troops. The proposed identification is supported by the agricultural installations [End Page 510] found at the site, the texts found there, and the site's location on a major route. [Adapted from author's introduction, p. 281—C.T.B.] 1555. Francesco Bianchi, "Esilio e ritorno," RivB 64 (2016) 277-300. Many scholars have highlighted the importance of the exile in Babylon for the Jews who were exiled there in the period 596–539 b.c. Shaken by the destruction of the temple and facing an ongoing controversy with those who had remained in the land, the exiles had, not without difficulty, to adapt themselves to the new social, economic, and religious realities of their place of exile, as is well illustrated by the documents from Al Yahudu. Very soon, their reflections there on the catastrophe of the past gave rise to plans for a future rebirth, one centered on the temple and/or the Davidic dynasty. When they did return to their homeland—not in the guise of a new exodus, and under Persian oversight—the returnees' interactions with those who had remained in the land generated severe tensions. The stance adopted by the returnees vis-à-vis those they found in the land was to claim possession of a land they imagined as empty and desolate, even as they developed the ideal of a "jubilee" to address the ongoing controversies over ownership of the land and to secure exclusive possession of the temple. Against this background, it is curious that there emerged an increasingly negative judgment among Jews concerning Babylon, which came to be viewed as the epitome of all evil. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 1556. Piero Capelli, "Diaspora perenne e richiamo della Terra," RivB 64 (2016) 301-35. Beginning in the exilic and postexilic periods, one of the most important paradigms in the conceptual evolution of Jewish literature has been the expectation of Israel's liberation and political and religious restoration. This has been more specifically envisaged in terms of a messianic kingdom established in the Land of Israel to which Jews would return from all over. After Rome defeated the rebel Jews and hopes for the rebuilding of the temple faded, early rabbinic literature depicted Jerusalem as a city in ruins, even though, historically, it flourished during the reign of Constantine and the Byzantine empire. Now a city without...

Money and Possessions by Walter Brueggemann

Reviewed by: Money and Possessions by Walter Brueggemann Penny Wheeler walter brueggemann, Money and Possessions (Interpretation: Resources for Use of Scripture in the Church; Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2016). Pp. xxii + 319. $40. Brueggemann analyzes several scriptural premises regarding money and property. Although money and possessions certainly can be seductions that lead to idolatry, both are God’s gifts, neither achievements nor accomplishments, but rewards for obedience, held in trust by human persons in community. Because both are sources of social injustice, money and possessions are to be shared in a “neighborly” manner. The author devotes nine chapters to money and possessions in the Hebrew Scriptures: the Torah in general, Deuteronomy in particular; the historical books; the books of the Persian period; Psalms, Proverbs and Job; the major and minor prophets; and the scrolls of Ruth, Song of Songs, Ecclesiastes, Lamentations, and Esther. He dedicates the final six chapters to the New Testament: the four Gospels, the Acts of the Apostles, the Pastoral Epistles, the Letter of James, and the Apocalypse. The author contends that the heart of Israel’s message is “You shall not covet.” Deuteronomy sets the tone, emphasizing civic social regulations that promote economic “neighborliness” as the core value. B. holds that the community has a profound stake in the man agement of debt so that debt has no ultimate role to play in the economy. He interprets the sweep of the historical books—from the entry into the promised land to the captivity— as a contest between the old Torah tradition/Deuteronomy and the promissory tradition of David’s dynasty. On the one hand, Deuteronomy’s covenant makes obedience to the Torah the condition of prosperous life in the land. On the other hand, God’s promise to David offers unconditional assurance of support for Israel. Anointing Solomon as the King Midas of Israel, the author points out that this supposedly wise king imitates the confiscatory policies of Pharaoh, his father-in-law. Brueggemann’s chapter on the Psalms concentrates on the theme of Torah obedience. He cites Psalms 1 and 2 as exemplars of the Torah tradition and the royal tradition, respectively. Psalm 1 emphasizes obedience to the Torah, promising positive outcomes for faithful observers of the Torah, as opposed to the nonobservant—the wicked—who will fail. Psalm 112 strongly evokes this sentiment, describing the delights of the Torah keepers, [End Page 682] while Psalm 10 catalogues the failures of the unfaithful. In contrast to these themes, Psalm 2 homes in on the royal line of David, bolstered by Psalm 72 directing the conduct of a human king who, as regent of God, must be the realm’s chief practitioner of economic justice. Brueggemann finds the book of Proverbs to be permeated with reflections on money and possessions. He argues that, for those who would be not merely smart but actually wise, money must be deeply contextualized by love of God and love of neighbor. Proverbs admonishes the hearer to avoid the twin dangers of wealth—the imagining of autonomy— and of poverty—the temptation to steal. The teaching of Proverbs can be encapsulated in the proposition that in the natural order deeds do indeed produce consequences. The prophetic writings warn that a predatory economy permits moneyed interests to prey upon the vulnerable. The prophets rail against the Davidic dynasty, which failed to learn from its own mistakes. Rulers of the royal house allowed the economy to decline into an unbearable dichotomy of wealthy urban elites, on the one hand, and vulnerable peasants working the land, on the other. Amos describes the self-indulgence of the privileged, while Isaiah points to the distorted economy centered around Jerusalem, bemoaning its soothsayers, its surplus wealth extracted from the peasants, its military forces used to protect this surplus, and its idols. Micah’s poetry laments an economy based on covetousness, imagining its total collapse. For Jeremiah, the scoundrels are those who violate Torah and disregard the common good. Habakkuk decries reliance on wealth, while Ezekiel speaks of respect and economic justice toward one’s neighbor Brueggemann regards the story of Ruth, dominated as it is by economic matters, as a delicate balancing act between the “haves” and...

다윗 왕조의 동반자로서의 지혜로운 여성들:사무엘서의 지혜로운 여성 연구

다윗 왕조의 동반자로서의 지혜로운 여성들:사무엘서의 지혜로운 여성 연구

The Myth of the Messianic Mother in Jewish and Christian Traditions: Psychoanalytic and Gender Perspectives

In this article, I argue that the “Mother of the Messiah” occupies a prominent place in Jewish myth and embodies a female archetype whose qualities are rooted in biblical narratives about the Davidic dynasty. While tracing the continuous development of this figure from Antiquity to the Middle Ages, I discuss the similarities and differences between Mary the mother of Jesus and the Mothers of the House of David. By using gender and psychoanalytical perspectives, my analysis revolves around issues concerning sexuality, virginity, and motherhood in Jewish and Christian messianic sources.

‘The tabernacle of David that is fallen’ (Am 9:11): An Exegetical Study of a Moot Expression

Am 9:11-15 is an oracle of consolation. It is often regarded as an addition to the original prophecies because it speaks about a messianic hope of Davidic restoration in a book which is centered on the Northern Kingdom of Israel. This study will be limited to the first expression of the oracle, in particular to the mention of the “Fallen Tabernacle of David”. It is my opinion that the Sukkat David should be read in the context of the rich imagery of buildings in the book of Amos. Thus it appears clear that it is not important to identify what is meant by the prophet (either Jerusalem, or the Temple, or the Davidic Dynasty, etc.). Rather it is more important to understand the metaphor of the temporary and frail structure (a booth) of David in opposition to the stable and firm buildings of the countries around Judah (the pagan nations of Amos 1, together with Samaria throughout the Book): fortresses, temples, houses, and so on.

“Gedolah Aveirah Lishmah”: Mothers of the Davidic Dynasty, Feminine Seduction and the Development of Messianic Thought, from Rabbinic Literature to R. Moshe Haim Luzzatto

The unique and radical statement Gedolah averah lishmah mimitzvah shelo lishmah appears in the Babylonian Talmud just twice, in Tractate Nazir and in a parallel text in Tractate Horayot. Scholars and commentators have suggested different interpretations of the enigmatic term averah lishmah. Legal readings tend to explicate it as “permission to perform a transgression out of a positive motive,” “rejection of one norm in favor of a loftier one,” or “violation of the law in order to preserve it.” Another reading of the term, in the spirit of Rashi and the Tosafists, takes it as a “transgression committed for the sake of a commandment” or “for the sake of God.” In this article, I will suggest that the precise meaning of the term is “transgression with good intention,” or “a sin done for its own sake,” an interpretation that takes into consideration the direct literary and gender context of this talmudic statement. In rabbinic literature and in the thought of R. Moshe Haim Luzzatto, the concept of averah lishmah pertains to a single matter: a seductive act bordering on sexual transgression performed for the sake of the people of Israel—a role in the drama of national salvation which is assigned to women only. By examining evolving interpretations of this passage in the Talmud, we can observe the development of one type of Jewish messianic thought from its inception in rabbinic sources through its subsequent unfolding in kabbalistic literature, where the perception of male and female roles are underscored in a highly developed myth of national redemption.

Four Inner-Biblical Interpretations of Genesis 49:10: On the Lexical and Syntactic Ambiguities of עַד as Reflected in the Prophecies of Nathan, Ahijah, Ezekiel, and Zechariah

The lexical and syntactic ambiguities of the word [inline-graphic 02] in Gen 49:10, the third verse of Jacob’s blessing to Judah, have helped to make that verse one of the most difficult cruxes in the Hebrew Bible. Ancient and medieval interpreters of the verse took [inline-graphic 03] as equivalent to English (1) “ever” (in the phrase “not ever”), (2) “forever” (in the phrase “not forever”), (3) “until” (indicating a point of cessation), and/or (4) “until (not to mention after)” (indicating a point of culmination). These four interpretations of [inline-graphic 04] correspond to three different ways of bracketing the word with the neighboring words in the verse. Two of the interpretations are joined together in an ancient double interpretation of [inline-graphic 05] that is reflected in Targum Onqelos and possibly also in 4Q252 (4QCommGen A) and the Testament of Judah . These ambiguities did not go unnoticed in the biblical period. During the course of that period, they gave rise to a number of distinct interpretations of the oracle, interpretations that are reflected in the prophecies of Nathan, Ahijah the Shilonite, Ezekiel, and Zechariah. Each interpretation corresponded to a different historical development: the rise of the Davidic dynasty in the time of Nathan; the decline of the Davidic dynasty in the time of Ahijah; the fall of the Davidic dynasty in the time of Ezekiel; and the limited renewal of Davidic leadership in the time of Zechariah. Thus, they allowed the oracle to adapt to the changing fortunes of the House of David, making it possible for each generation to adopt an interpretation that was suited to its own time.

Contexts for Hearing: Reevaluating the Superscription of Psalm 127

This study's main impetus stems from an article by Brevard S. Childs published in 1971, ‘Psalm Titles and Midrashic Exegesis’, which offered an erudite examination of Psalm titles and argued for their exegetical character. After a brief overview of some of the traditional approaches to Psalm 127's superscription (especially its ‘Solomonic’ portion) throughout its history of interpretation, this study concludes that Psalm 127's ‘Solomonic’ superscription invites a hearing of the psalm within the context of the Davidic dynasty. The concluding section also suggests some possible implications of this hearing in light of Psalm 127's inclusion among the Psalms of Ascent.

Lot's Daughters and the Mothers of Davidic Dynasty in the Zohar: The Enigma of the Term “Tiqla”

Lot's Daughters and the Mothers of Davidic Dynasty in the Zohar: The Enigma of the Term “Tiqla”

Seduction and Recognition in the Story of Judah and Tamar and the Book of Ruth

The seduction of Lot by his daughters (Gen. 19:30–38) and of Judah by his daughter-in-law Tamar (Gen. 38), and the near-seduction of Boaz by Ruth the Moabite (Ruth 3), constitute the problematic background of the Davidic dynasty. In this article, I compare these three stories of female subterfuge and suggest that a “redemptive” thread can be traced over time. Following the deployment in these texts of the Hebrew verbs “to know” (y,d,‘) and “to recognize” (n,k,r) indicates an increasing acknowledgment of the other over the course of these narratives, towards an embrace of the stranger “under the wings of God” (Ruth 2:12). I suggest that this movement does not necessarily entail a breach of the Law—of the taboo against incest or forbidden marriage—but rather a redefinition of its line.

The Septuagint and Apostolic Hermeneutics: Amos 9 in Acts 15

Abstract The decision of the Jerusalem Council in Acts 15 clarified the identity and mission of the church. James's speech in 15:13–21 is the most crucial and controversial part of the discussion at the Council, because he gives the scriptural basis for the decision of the Council. According to Acts 15, James resolves the controversy at the Council by appealing to an adapted and conflated text of the Septuagint of Amos 9:11–12. This essay addresses some of the issues concerning the meaning, exegetical basis, and historical credibility of James's scriptural argument, as reported in Acts 15. In making its decision, the Council employed Jewish hermeneutical methodology, the Septuagint and MT texts, and testimony concerning God's recent work among the Gentiles. This essay argues that the scriptural basis in Amos 9:11–12 for the inclusion of Gentiles, as Gentiles, in the end-time people of God is the restoration of the "tent of David," which is the reign of the Davidic dynasty in the person of Jesus Christ. This Messianic reign is not as it would have been envisioned in the time of Amos; it is the reign of Messiah Jesus as universal Lord at God's right hand, and it involves the administration of new covenant blessings.

Three's a Crowd in Shunem: Elisha's Misconduct with the Shunammite Reflects a Polemic against Prophetism

The links between the story of Elisha and the Shunammite (II Reg 4,8–37) and the conception and birth of Isaac (Gen 18,1–15; 21,1–3; 22,1–19) suggest that the Elisha narrative contains a hidden polemic against prophetism. The narrator implies that Elisha takes initiatives that Abraham leaves to Yhwh, fathering the Shunammite's child in an attic that parodies the tabernacle, contrasting with Abraham, who leaves the conception of Isaac to Yhwh. The birth of the Shunammite's son follows the paradigm of threefold breeding permitted to a slave in Ex 21,7–11. Elisha's conduct with the Shunammite echoes that which the Israelites suspect Moses of having committed after the Sinai theophany, and that of David with another Shunammite in I Reg 1,1–4. The data suggest that the Deuteronomistic Historian is as opposed to prophets as to the Davidic dynasty.

Abraham and David

This article proposes that in Gen. 14—15 Abram is presented like the precursor of David. This point assumes the substitution in Psalms 105—106 of the Patriarchs and their descendants for the dynasty. In the reintegration of the Davidic dynasty in the perspective of salvation, David is presented as dependent on and continuous with Abram.

Kryptogramme in Ezechiel 19 und im Ἱzbet-Ṣarṭa-Ostrakon

Ez 19 is a dirge on the downfall of the Davidic dynasty. Several scholars have suggested that Ez 19,1.2–9 is a reworked version of an earlier, secular song. It is noteworthy that no word for God occurs in the song. On the basis of an atbash-riddle, hidden in v. 1–5, it may be assumed that the original song referred to Jezebel and her sons Ahaziah und Jehoram. Ezekiel edited and actualised this ancient song (cf. v. 14) because he was struck by the remarkable similarity between the fate of Jezebel and her two sons and that of Hamutal and her two sons Jehoahaz and Zedekiah. Ezekiel added a dirge about the end of the Davidic dynasty (v. 10–14), a kind of lesson from history. The incongruities in the final text can be better understood now as the result of this redactional combination of old and new themes. That Atbash encoding was already known in the 12th cent. BCE and therefore could certainly be used in the 9th cent. BCE is demonstrated by a completely fresh interpretation of the hitherto puzzling text on the Ἱzbet Ṣarṭa ostracon.