Election Date Research Articles

How to talk about politics without killing each other

In 1968, I voted in my first U.S. presidential election, Nixon v. Humphrey. I was 10 years old and in fifth grade. We held a mock election in our class. Just before the actual election date, we had a luncheon for our parents and other guests. I cut the cake; I thought I was something. I remember very well serving my mother a piece of chocolate cake. I’ve always associated those two events fondly.

The competence to set the date of elections and the practice of merging elections in the Romanian Constitutional Court's case law

"By organizing at the same time the elections for the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate and those for the local public administration authorities, citizens will have to perform a much more complex task – expressing their choice on 6 ballot papers –, [...] The complexity of voting operations may have the effect of excluding from voting voters who, independently of their will, will not be able to vote during the time allocated for voting, until the polls close." (Decision No 51 of January 25, 2012)

Regarding the relevance of banning regular parliamentary elections in Ukraine during martial law

The article is devoted to the controversial issue in Ukraine of the legislative ban on regular parliamentary elections during the period of the special legal regime of martial law. The content of this discussion is disclosed. In order to confirm or refute the hypothesis about the fallacy of the legislative ban on holding regular parliamentary elections in Ukraine under martial law, the international experience of the COVID-19 pandemic was studied. This is a new international experience for this discussion. It was found out that in the conditions of an emergency situation of threats to the lives of citizens during this global epidemic, the states did not prohibit the holding of elections, but on the contrary, held these elections or postponed the date of these elections, postponed the holding of these elections, etc. From which it was concluded that in international legal practice, the concept of banning elections and the concept of postponement of elections are not the same: a legislative ban on elections is a legislative ban on elections, and the postponement of the planned election date is not a legislative ban on elections. In view of this conclusion, clarification of the subject of this discussion is proposed. It is noted that this discussion is currently being conducted between whether or not the Constitution of Ukraine prohibits the holding of regular parliamentary elections under martial law. And from the point of view of the experience of the pandemic-2020, this discussion should be legally accurate between the banning of these elections and the postponement of these elections in the Constitution of Ukraine. The importance of this clarification for the resolution of this debate, as well as for the legislative provision of the future post-war parliamentary elections, is emphasized. A significant difference in the legislative support for these upcoming parliamentary elections was revealed, depending on whether the regular parliamentary elections were prohibited by the Constitution of Ukraine during martial law, or not prohibited, but postponed. Each of these options has been analyzed. It has been clarified that in the event of the postponement of the regular parliamentary elections during the period of martial law, the future first post-war parliamentary elections will be the same regular elections of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of the tenth convocation, which should have been held on October 29, 2023. And in the case of a ban on holding these elections under during martial law, there is legal uncertainty regarding the type of these first parliamentary elections after martial law: they will be neither regular nor extraordinary, but they will be unknown. As a conclusion, the importance of continuing this debate around the newly refined dilemma between the banning of these elections and the postponement of these elections is stated. The importance of continuing to study relevant international experience is especially emphasized.

The political fallout of air pollution

This paper studies the effect of air pollution on voting outcomes. We use data from 60 federal and state elections in Germany from 2000 to 2018 and exploit plausibly exogenous fluctuations in ambient air pollution within counties across election dates. Higher air pollution on election day shifts votes away from incumbent parties and toward opposition parties. An increase in the concentration of particulate matter (PM10) by 10 [Formula: see text]g/m[Formula: see text]-around two within-county SDs-reduces the vote share of incumbent parties by two percentage points, which is equivalent to 4% of the mean vote share. We generalize these findings by documenting similar effects with data from a weekly opinion poll and a large-scale panel survey. We provide further evidence that poor air quality leads to more negative emotions such as anger, worry, and unhappiness, which, in turn, may reduce the support for the political status quo. Overall, these results suggest that poor air quality affects decision-making in the population at large, including consequential political decisions.

Analisis Design Thinking Iklan KPU di YouTube Menjaring Pemilih Pemula Pemilu 2024

The government, through the official institution responsible for elections, the General Election Commission (KPU), seeks to ensure the success of elections to be participated by all eligible citizens. The KPU has conducted socialization, one of which is to attract beginner voters, who are young, inexperienced and have limited knowledge about politics, especially elections. Through public service advertisement videos on YouTube. This study aims to examine whether this advertisement effectively reach out to beginner voters by analyzing the themes and content of the messages. The approach used is descriptive-qualitative analysis using the design thinking concept by Tim Brown. The research findings on the rationale behind this advertisement. The concept of this advertisement version " Gunakan Hak Pilihmu di TPS," with a romantic setting, demonstrates the ad creator's cleverness in linking the election date, February 14, known worldwide as Valentine's Day. This serves as an entry point in developing the advertisement idea. Election messages are conveyed through the teenage couple’s conflicts, leading to a happy ending and urging them to exercise their voting rights in 2024 election. The conclusion from this research is the theme and message content of this advertisement are appropriate and capable to attracting and capturing beginner voters.

Performance management and political accountability: how local governments respond to performance feedback

ABSTRACT Using the results of an annual assessment of local governments’ integrity levels from 2012 to 2016, we explore how Korea’s local governments respond to performance feedback provided by the central government. First, we find clear performance improvement only among localities performing below the average of their social comparison groups. This result supports the negativity bias hypothesis, which posits that policymakers are driven more by negative than by positive information. Second, local governments’ responses to feedback increased as election dates approached. This outcome suggests that electoral incentives magnify the effectiveness of performance management. Third, negative performance information released immediately before elections is associated with the incumbents’ electoral defeat, which is consistent with the hypothesis that performance information helps citizens hold policymakers accountable during elections. Overall, the findings imply that performance management (managerial accountability) and elections (political accountability) are mutually reinforcing mechanisms and that voter myopia can partially erode this synergy.

Electoral cycles and public spending during the pandemic

AbstractThis paper uses a newly assembled dataset on various types of social protection spending in 154 countries during the COVID‐19 pandemic in 2020 and 2021 to analyze the effect of the electoral cycle on the size and composition of the social protection stimulus budget. The analysis shows that the longer the time since the last election in a country—and thus the sooner the next election date—the larger the share of the social protection pandemic budget allocated to social assistance and income protection, and the lower the share allocated to job retention schemes. The electoral cycle appears to have impacted the size of social assistance spending only in countries with high political competition.

Legionnaires' Disease Outbreak in Philadelphia and the 1976 United States Presidential Election

AbstractIn the summer of 1976, prior to the United States presidential election between Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter, an outbreak of Legionnaires' disease occurred in Philadelphia. After an epidemiological survey, 221 people with pneumonia or similar symptoms were identified, 34 of whom died. The outbreak prompted the advancement of legislation to exempt companies that produced influenza vaccines from liability for damages, resulting in significant losses for the government. The outbreak was a major economic blow to the Bellevue Stratford Hotel, an iconic historical hotel in Philadelphia, which was forced to close 16 days after the election. Following the outbreak, media coverage was extensive, and there was frustration over the inability to determine the cause of the outbreak in Philadelphia. The critical factor was that the cause of the outbreak was not determined to be rod‐shaped bacteria, later named Legionella pneumophila, before the election date. While many aspects had an impact, it is possible that the Legionnaires' disease outbreak may have affected the outcome of the election, particularly in Pennsylvania. This study does not make definitive causal links but focuses on Legionnaires' disease and the 1976 elections.

Political Connections and Stock Returns: The Case of 2019 Thai General Election

Political connections may increase the value of a company, its stock price, and consequently its stock returns. This study aims to assess the connection between political connections and stock returns in Thailand. The stock returns of companies listed on the Stock Exchange of Thailand and are included in the SET100 index were computed, and consequently incorporated into an event study in which the 2019 Thai general election serves as the event. The abnormal returns of companies connected with members of parliament elected under the first-past-the-post system do not differ from those of firms not connected around the election date but significantly differ when the results are officially announced. Those of companies connected with party-list members of parliament are slightly higher than those of firms not connected around the election but not different when the results are announced. They only differ when divided into the government and the opposition. Those of companies with connections to candidates for prime minister are significantly higher than those of companies without connections. This could suggest that connections with candidates for prime minister are more important for business operations than connections with members of parliament. The difference, however, dissipates after a few days, possibly due to political uncertainty after the election.

Few Options for Employers in Setting Election Date

Few Options for Employers in Setting Election Date

Do incumbents gain from calling a snap election?

ABSTRACT In many countries the incumbent party is free to call an early election. This gives them an advantage over opposition parties. But this decision can also backfire. In the present paper, we examine voters’ reactions to a snap election held despite a fixed election date, resistance by opposition parties, and a global pandemic. We conduct a survey experiment during the 2021 Canadian federal election campaign to assess whether voters are influenced by information about the fixed election law and the argument that the election call was opportunistic and unnecessary. While some respondents, particularly partisans of the Liberal Party, the incumbent party, moderately respond in a negative way to new information, our treatments overall do little to influence views about the snap election. However, negative attitudes toward the election call are a decisive consideration for many voters, inflicting an electoral cost to the Liberal Party which likely deprived it from a legislative majority.

Mozambique: Election Date

Mozambique: Election Date

ELECTIONS AND STOCK MARKET RETURNS: EVIDENCE FROM BORSA ISTANBUL

Stock prices may display predictable patterns around major political events, particularly in emerging market economies where political risk is a key component of asset risk premiums. One distinct event that would be expected to result in an abrupt increase in political risk is elections. Motivated by this notion, we study the returns for a set of indicator and sectoral indices of Borsa Istanbul stocks and the U.S. Dollar–Turkish Lira exchange rate around political elections held in Turkey over 2001–2020. Our tests reveal an accumulation of economically and statistically significant positive abnormal returns for all Borsa Istanbul stock indices and negative abnormal returns for the U.S. Dollar–Turkish Lira exchange rate over a window that starts as early as a month prior to the election date and extends for two weeks into the post-election period, with the effect being particularly strong in the week immediately following the election. Consistent with a political risk-based story, volatility of index returns starts increasing over the same period and plateaus out at a level that is roughly one-and-a half to two-folds greater than its pre-election period average.

Specificity and Consequences of Impact of the Coronavirus Pandemic on the 2020 Local Election in Ukraine

The article examines the peculiarities of impact of the coronavirus pandemic on electoral process and voting results on the example of 2020 local elections in Ukraine. Using the complex of general scientific, logical and empirical methods, the peculiarities and problems of holding elections to local self-government bodies of Ukraine in 2020, which took place in the conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic. It has been emphasized, that Ukrainian authorities didn’t follow the path of most foreign countries and decided not to postpone the date of local elections in 2020. Instead, the main accent was put on the use of special mechanisms of protection for Ukrainian citizens from the spread of coronavirus infection during the process of holding local elections. The authors prove, that the COVID-19 pandemic didn’t have a significant negative impact on 2020 local elections in Ukraine and didn’t cause major violations, which would question the legitimacy and democracy of election procedures. At the same time, the lowest voter turnout was mainly caused by the pandemic: almost a third of Ukrainian voters did not appear at the polling stations precisely for reasons related to the pandemic. It is also outlined, that during the 2020 local elections in Ukraine, a row of other negative factors of impact on electoral process and its quality (except of the factors directly related to the COVID-19 pandemic) appeared: in particular, the problems with financial provisions for introducing special measures for voting during the COVID-19 pandemic; changing election rules (adopting the Electoral Code) on the eve of local elections; insufficient state information policy regarding the clarification of the peculiarities of holding elections under the new electoral system in the conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Eswatini: Parliamentary Election Date

Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural SeriesVolume 60, Issue 5 p. 24017A-24017A Internal Developments Eswatini: Parliamentary Election Date First published: 13 June 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825X.2023.11062.xRead the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL No abstract is available for this article. Volume60, Issue5June 2023Pages 24017A-24017A RelatedInformation

SENEGAL: Election Date

Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural SeriesVolume 60, Issue 2 p. 23912C-23913A Internal Developments SENEGAL: Election Date First published: 16 March 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825X.2023.10928.xRead the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume60, Issue2March 2023Pages 23912C-23913A RelatedInformation

The right age for the en-bloc rotation of the outflow tracts: a single-centre experience.

The en-bloc rotation of the outflow tracts (EBR) enables an anatomic correction of transposition of the great arteries with ventricular septal defect and left ventricular outflow tract obstruction. The anatomical condition or previous palliative procedures may allow choosing an elective date for the anatomic correction. The aim of this study was to evaluate the optimal age for performing the EBR based on the largest series published so far. At the Children's Heart Center Linz, the EBR was performed in 33 patients between 2003 and 2021. Median age at operation was 74 [interquartile range (IQR) 17-627] days. Twelve patients were newborns (≤28 days), 9 older than 369 days. These 2 groups were compared to the remaining patients each regarding peri- and postoperative data, complications, reinterventions and mortality. The median follow-up period was 5.4 (IQR 0.99-11.74) years. In-hospital mortality was 6.1%. All-cause mortality was lower in patients younger than 369 days at the time of EBR (4.2% vs 44.4% in patients >369 days old, P = 0.013). In newborns, intensive care unit stay (median 18.5 days vs 8 days, P = 0.008) and in-hospital stay (median 29.5 days vs 15 days, P = 0.026) were significantly longer, the risk for postoperative AV block was higher (33.3 vs 0%, P = 0.012) than in patients who had been corrected anatomically after the neonatal period. The results of this study suggest the deferral of the EBR to the post-newborn period. A significantly higher mortality rate in patients of older age at operation seems to recommend the anatomic correction during the first year of life.

The constitutional powers of the President of the Republic for setting the date of the elections and the review of this presidential decree for setting the date of the elections

The constitutional powers of the President of the Republic of Albania for setting the date of elections and the review of the presidential decree for setting the date of the elections had never tested the constitutional system of Albania as in the case of the local elections of June 30, 2019. Indeed, not only the country constitutional system failed to properly address all the constitutional issues that were raised, but also the Venice Commission failed to play the expected role as an independent constitutional expertise body and ended up in being a politically correcting expertise body. Nevertheless, away from political discussion and rhetoric, the constitutional analysis of the President’s constitutional power for setting the date of election and the revision of the respective presidential decree constitute important constitutional issues that soon would test again our constitutional system. Thus, the aim of this paper would be an exhaustive analysis of these two constitutional issues along with other basic constitutional issues that are crucial in understanding the entire picture such as theoretical discussion of the basic notions of a legal system of such as: legal values, legal principles, and legal norms, the interpretation of norms, normative acts etc. This analysis will also include a comparative study between several countries that have a similar constitutional framework.

Intra-Elite Influence towards Kenya’s 2022 General Elections

As Kenyans headed to elections in August 2022 which characteristically mirrored political alignments and re-alignments, it elicited mixed recitations and tensions among the political class. The two frontrunners, Raila Odinga and William Ruto saw a loss as a great threat to their political and economic interests. This was propounded by the nature of Kenyan elections that is always a high stakes affair since the political class is eager to protect their careers and business interests. The previously witnessed social tensions seemed low compared to the previous year’s elections that may be attributed to changes in political dynamics where the political elites have relatively resorted to political agendas. The issue based politics however does not elusively promise peaceful transition, but creates optimism. Despite the efforts for peaceful elections by the political elite, the intra-elite tensions possess a threat to the outcome of the vote. A highly prime scenario is the increasing verbal attacks on one another by the political class as election date drew nearer that ethnicity and economic cleavages could drive voters into unrest; a situation that could be easily overcome by conceding defeat. The already witnessed public pronouncements by the top presidential contenders to accepting the poll results and the public view of the Kenyan Judiciary being regarded one of the best in Africa creates an avenue for contestation where candidates unhappy with the election outcome resort to in limiting the possible threats of violence. The interdependent institutions at the election period have to support each other while maintaining strict neutrality. Both internal and external actors have and should even work harder to address potential sources of unrest as the country moves closer to transition. Kenya is currently the main transport and commercial hub in the East African region hence any form of violence impacts negatively much parts of the region. Use of social media sites contribute positively in political passage of information despite the risk of misinformation. It is therefore postulated that government institutions, civil society and political elites influence on their supporters will greatly sway their actions for stability, good economy, education, and external linkages afterwards.

„I Am Not Going”: Determinants of Social Activity before Poland’s Ghost Election

The article analyses political opposition toward the date of presidential elections and conducting them in the correspondence form on May 10, 2020, in Poland. The study is embedded in the theories of quasi-militant democracy and the emergence of social movements. The method used in the study is the qualitative analysis of media messages of the main news websites in Poland. Mainly in terms of the activity and arguments of citizens against the elections in the form of correspondence. The presidential elections revealed the imperious relationship between the government and citizens in Poland’s becoming quasimilitant democracy. The emphasis was on the elements regarding the organisation of elections on May 10 that could impact a social movement’s emergence. The most significant role in stopping the May 10 elections was played by institutional opposition in the form of local self-governments’ civil disobedience and the Senate’s action, which efficiently blocked the party’s initiative. The article accounts for how election matters determined the social mobilisation and activity of the new social movement. This paper’s main finding is that institutional opposition may prevail over the social one in the pandemic.