Cyprus Problem Research Articles

US public diplomacy in the Republic of Cyprus 1974-2004

The article covers the period of the development of public diplomacy of the United States of America in the Republic of Cyprus. The chronological framework is determined by the process of historical formation of the US public policy and the beginning of the active implementation of public diplomacy programs on the island as a means of fulfilling foreign policy tasks. The author points out that the political course of the leadership of the United States from the second half of the 20th century was focused on more active inclusion of the country in international politics and the rejection of isolationism, which was primarily reflected in the departure from the postulates of the Monroe Doctrine and the entry of the United States into the First World War. This, in turn, had a great influence on the development of public diplomacy in the United States as a tool to promote the interests of the country, the creation of the necessary information support for foreign policy actions of the state, as well as a favorable image of the United States in other countries. For a long time, the USA did not consider Cyprus as one of the priorities of its foreign policy in the Eastern Mediterranean. This was largely due to the fact that Cyprus was part of traditional interests of Great Britain. Washingtons involvement in Cyprus occurred after the events of 1974 and the following Cyprus crisis. The United States focused on the Cyprus problem in the face of growing destabilization of the Middle East, showing interest in the logistics and transport infrastructure, a kind of natural outpost on the southeastern borders of NATO.

Coping with the invisible enemy: The role of emotion regulation and awareness in quality of life during the COVID-19 pandemic

More information is needed on how quality of life was impacted by the recent pandemic, as little comparative data to pre-pandemic levels are available. This study examined how the quality of life of college students was affected during the COVID-19 crisis and lockdown in Cyprus, with a two-wave measurement design, which included a pre-pandemic baseline. The effect of emotion regulation styles on quality of life change was examined, using measures associated with 2nd and 3rd wave Cognitive Behavioral Therapy approaches, in an effort to identify processes associated with vulnerability and malleable risk factors that can be improved through intervention. Significant decreases in total, physical and psychological quality of life were observed relative to pre-pandemic levels. Significant predictors of decline in quality of life relative to pre-pandemic baseline were difficulty describing feelings and difficulty accessing emotion regulation strategies, pointing to the importance of emotional clarity and availability of a broad spectrum of strategies for coping with distress. Unexpectedly, difficulty identifying feelings predicted better sustained quality of life, pointing to the potential usefulness of alternative and flexible emotion regulation strategies in coping with such crises. Findings are discussed in relation to the role of emotion regulation and psychological flexibility in wellbeing.

The 1964 Expulsion of Greek Citizens from Turkey: Economic and Demographic Turkification Under Ethnocultural Nationalism

ABSTRACT This article argues that the Turkish government facing the 1964 Cyprus crisis applied the principle of negative reciprocity toward Greece and expelled Greek citizens living in Turkey. By doing so, Turkey aimed at pressuring Greece to bring the Greek Cypriot side to the negotiation table. Although Turkish policy proved to be a failure, the expulsions continued. The deportation resulted in the demise of the Greek minority in Turkey for the following reasons: first, there were intermarriages between the Greek citizens and the Greek minority; and second, Turkey’s Greeks finally lost their hope of being treated as equal Turkish citizens.

Cyprus – meeting point for global and regional players

The Cyprus Island, located in the Eastern part of the Mediterranean Sea, is known for decades of conflict known as the “Cyprus conflict”. The resolution to the conflict is, first of all, influenced by the citizens of local communities. However, we should not forget about the external actors. First and foremost international organisations (UN, EU) and the significant world or regional countries (USA, Russia, Great Britain, Turkey, and Greece) are also significant and very active and efficient in this process. These countries have an important influence on activities in the Eastern Mediterranean and assert their interests in the mentioned region.

From indifference to independence: Turkey’s shifting Cyprus policy in the 1950s

This article aims to offer a valid answer to the question why Turkey’s official stance on the Cyprus problem experienced frequent shifts - from indifference (1950) into supporting colonial rule (1954) then into Taksim, or partition (1956) and, finally, into independence (1959). Drawing upon the main assumptions of neoclassical realism, it argues that the existing systemic explanations in the scholarly literature that focus on Cold War rivalry are insufficient to grasp why there were such remarkable shifts in Turkey’s Cyprus policy in the 1950s. Instead, the article will focus on the domestic dynamics to make better sense of these policy changes. Accordingly, it will first discuss the main assumptions of neoclassical realism as a sound theoretical framework. Second, it will scrutinise in detail how Turkey experienced such shifts in its Cyprus policy throughout the 1950s. Third, the article will discuss the extant literature that overwhelmingly concentrates on systemic explanations for Turkey’s volte-face in Cyprus. In response, the article will offer alternative explanations by focusing on Turkey’s depleting resource extraction capacity and the political leadership of Turkish Prime Minister Adnan Menderes, in order to fully understand the underlying reasons behind Turkey’s shifting Cyprus policy.

In Times of an Economic Crisis: Citizenship Behavior and the Role of Team Information Sharing

Our study examines how to alleviate the potential backlash in the workplace in terms of OCB that is concomitant to economic turbulence. We draw on social exchange and hypothesize team information sharing as a resource that moderates the negative relationship between adverse working conditions and OCBO. We test our hypotheses by employing a survey research design with 151 employees from 23 small and medium-size enterprises during an acute economic crisis in Cyprus. The findings demonstrate that the negative relationship between adverse working conditions and citizenship behavior is significant for low levels of team information sharing but insignificant for high levels of team information sharing. Our study contributes to the lacuna of research pertinent to employee-centric responses to crisis management.

Popular Religion and Material Responses to Pandemic: The Christian Cult of the Epitaphios during the COVID-19 Crisis in Greece and Cyprus

ABSTRACT This article explores the materiality of the Orthodox Christian cult of the Epitaphios on Good Friday of 2020 when, during the COVID-19 pandemic, social distancing and isolation were deemed the most effective means of protecting societies from exposure to the virus. Epitaphios is a metonym that references a venerated object, a decorated cloth or wooden icon bearing the image of Christ prepared for burial. It is placed upon a wooden bier, representing the Tomb of Christ, also called the Epitaphios. During the pandemic, people reacted inventively to restrictions imposed on practicing this communal cult publicly in churches by constructing homemade Epitaphioi and displaying them in privately-owned spaces. We examine the materiality of the homemade Epitaphioi in the context of popular religion, evaluating how crisis may divert the forces of the longue durée into a different channel, and how ethnographic analogy may be useful for understanding ritual and cult in archaeology.

Cutting the Gordian Knot: Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Cyprus During AK Party Era (2002-2020)

Cyprus Dispute is one of the fundamental foreign policy issues in Turkish foreign policy since the 1950s. Cyprus Dispute has often been perceived as an issue above petty politics in Turkey, and almost all Turkish political parties supported the Turkish State’s involvement in Cyprus since the 1960s and Cyprus Peace Operation in 1974. However, after AK Party came to power in 2002, with the main motive of preventing a secular nationalist military coup, as well as with the aim of becoming a full member of the European Union (EU), the party adopted a proactive foreign policy favoring the solution in the island. That is why Turkey and Turkish Cypriots actively supported the Annan Plan referendum in 2004. However, upon the rejection of the settlement plan by Greek Cypriots and EU’s decision to accept Greek Cypriot government as an EU member and the only representative of the Cyprus Republic, Cyprus Dispute has transformed into a problem spoiling not only Turkish-Greek and Turkish-Cypriot relations but also Turkish-EU relations. In the 2010s, the Cyprus Dispute gained a new dimension with the gas discoveries and agreements made by the Greek Cypriot administration. So far, energy politics could not be used as a leverage to promote the solution on the island, and the dispute has transformed into a more complex problem with many layers.

Güney Kıbrıs Rum Yönetimi’nin (Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti’nin) Avrupa Birliği Üyeliğinin Kıbrıs Sorununa Etkisi

Guney Kibris Rum Yonetimi olarak Avrupa Birligi’ne uye olan ve Kibris Cumhuriyeti olarak taninan, Akdeniz’de oldukca stratejik bir oneme sahip ada, 1950’li yillardan itibaren uluslararasi iliskilerin en onemli gundem maddelerinden biri haline gelmistir. “Kibris Sorunu” olarak isimlendirilecek olan bu problem once Yunanistan, Turkiye ve Birlesik Krallik arasinda cozumlenmeye calisilmis, ancak 1960’li yillarin basindan itibaren Avrupa Ekonomik Toplulugu’nun Kibris Sorununa dahil olmaya baslamasi sonucu problem boyut degistirmistir. Yunanistan’in, Kibris Sorununu Turkiye’nin once Avrupa Birligi’ne adaylik, daha sonra da uyelik surecinde “Avrupalilastirmasi”, uyelik surecinde Turkiye ile Avrupa Birligi arasinda Kibris’in asilamaz bir engel olarak kalmasina neden olmustur. Guney Kibris Rum Yonetimi’nin Avrupa Birligi’ne uye olmasi ile birlikte uyeligin getirmis oldugu avantajlara sahip olan yonetim, Kibris Sorununa yonelik olarak uluslararasi alanda ulkelerin cogunun destegini elde etmistir. Calismanin amaci, Guney Kibris Rum Yonetimi’nin Avrupa Birligi’ne uyeliginin Kibris Sorunu uzerindeki etkisini degerlendirmek ve analiz etmektir. Bu baglamda oncelikle “Kibris Sorunu” olarak adlandirilan kavram tartisilmis, daha sonra ise Guney Kibris Rum Yonetimi ile Avrupa Birligi arasindaki iliski uyelik sureci baglaminda ele alinmis, son olarak ise Kibris Rum Yonetimi’nin Avrupa Birligi uyeliginin Kibris Sorunu uzerindeki etkilerinin betimsel analiz yontemi ile ele alinmasina gayret gosterilerek, elde edilen veriler, olusturulan basliklar icerisinde incelenmistir. Sonuc olarak Guney Kibris Rum Yonetimi’nin Avrupa Birligi’ne uye olmasinin Kibris Sorununun boyutunu degistirerek, bugun problemin cok aktorlu, oldukca karmasik ve bir o kadar da cozumsuzluge mahkum edildigi bulgusuna ulasilmistir

Kıbrıs Türk Federe Devleti’nin (1975) Kuruluş İlanına İngiliz Parlamentosunun Tepkisi

This study examines the approach of the British parliament to the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus (TFSC), announced on 13 February 1975. Britain together with Turkey and Greece became one of the three guarantor powers of the Republic of Cyprus founded in 1960. Britain also has two military bases on the island. Thus, Britain closely followed the developments in Cyprus. After the Cyprus Peace Operation in 1974, a new situation emerged on the island. Turkish Cypriots established the TFSC in the north of the island. In the statements made by the British government, there was a negative reaction to this new administration. British deputies brought the issue to the agenda of the British parliament. Both opposition and ruling party representatives reacted negatively to the announcement of the establishment of the TFSC. They also criticized the ruling Labour Party government for failing to prevent the announcement of the TFSC. In addition, the steps which Britain could take in the Cyprus problem were discussed in parliament. Within this context, the article analyses the debates in the British parliament after the announcement of the establishment of the TFSC and gives a general assessment of Britain’s approach to the Turkish Cypriot decisions. This study, which is the result of a detailed examination of minutes taken at meetings of the British parliament, contributes to the field by examining British policy towards the Cyprus issue and Turkish-British relations.

The talks on the Cyprus problem at Crans-Montana, Switzerland (28.06 – 07.07.17) and the Greek-Cypriot Press: The views of newspapers Alithia, Politis and Haravgi

This paper focuses on the period of negotiations between the Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot community at Crans-Montana, Switzerland, from 28 June to 7 July 2017. It looks into the views of the three leading Greek-Cypriot newspapers of that period and aims to present the positions of each newspaper about the negotiations on the Cyprus problem, at political level. Articles from three newspapers (Alithia, Politis and Haravgi) were studied, with an emphasis on political coverage regarding the negotiations. For the Crans-Montana negotiations on the Cyprus problem, the agenda setting approach was used, according to which, an event becomes an important from a journalist’s perspective, not only because it is unexpected and/ or dramatic, but also because it attracts a great deal of public attention and the significance of the event itself may, for example, lead to intense public judgment, tension or concerns. The research questions of the paper were shaped as follows: Τo what extent were the newspapers in favour of a solution to the problem? Did they have a conflicting or reconciling tone? To what extent did the style and tone of the news items regarding the talks vary depending on the newspaper? To what extent did the news items focus on persons taking part in the talks and the topics of the talks? Were the articles signed or not? Findings suggest that the Greek Cypriot press during the negotiations have faith that the Cyprus issue can be resolved through the talks. The overarching aim is to understand the efforts made to solve the Cyprus problem through the negotiations in Switzerland and to examine the positions of the Cypriot press regarding this thorny and crucial issue, over which the Republic of Cyprus has been agonising for more than forty years.

Kıbrıs Barış Harekâtının Azerbaycan Basınına Yansıması

Doğu Akdeniz havzasında yer alan Kıbrıs Adası, hem Akdeniz hem de Ortadoğu için stratejik bir konuma sahiptir. Eski çağlardan günümüze Akdeniz’de ticari ve askeri üstünlük sağlamaya çalışan farklı toplumlar, adayı ele geçirmek için mücadele etmişlerdir. Defalarca el değişen ada, birçok savaşa şahit olmuştur. 1571 yılında Osmanlı egemenliğine giren ada 1878 yılında İngiltere’ye geçici olarak verilmiş ve aynı devlet 1914 yılında resmen adayı işgal ettiğini bildirmiştir. İkinci Dünya Savaşından sonra artan Sovyet tehdidi nedeniyle Bağdat Paktı’nın imzalandığı 1954 yılına kadar Kıbrıs meselesi ile ilgilenemeyen Türkiye, bu tarihten itibaren olayların içerisinde yer almaya başlamıştır. Gelişen çeşitli hadiseler akabinde adada soykırım ile karşı karşıya kalan Türkleri korumak ve mezalimden kurtartmak için askeri operasyondan başka çaresi kalmayan Türkiye 1974 yılında iki müdahale ile duruma müdahale etmiştir. Türkiye’nin adaya müdahalesi bütün dünyada olduğu gibi Türk dünyasında da geniş yankı uyandırmıştır. Çalışmanın temel esası olan Azerbaycan basınına göre Kıbrıs Barış harekâtı da bu yankıyı aktarmaya yöneliktir. Sovyet sistemi içeresinde olan ve basın dâhil birçok konuda sansürün uygulandığı Azerbaycan’ın olaylara bakışı temasıyla hareket edilmiştir. Nitel araştırma yöntemlerinden belge ve doküman analizi yöntemi ile oluşturulan çalışma nihayetinde; Kıbrıs’taki olayların Azerbaycan basınına göre baş aktörü olarak NATO gösterilmeye çalışıldığı ve Amerika’nın bölgeye yerleşme noktasında bu durumu kullandığının anlatıldığı görülmüştür.AbstractLocated in the eastern Mediterranean basin, the island of Cyprus has a strategic position for both the Mediterranean and the Middle East. From ancient times to the present day, different societies trying to achieve commercial and military superiority in the Mediterranean have struggled to take over the island. The island, which has changed hands repeatedly, has witnessed many battles. The island, which came under Ottoman rule in 1571, was granted temporarily to Britain in 1878, and the same state officially declared its occupation of the island in 1914.Due to the increasing Soviet threat after the Second World War, Turkey was unable to deal with the Cyprus issue until 1954, when the Baghdad Pact was signed. Turkey, which had no choice but to carry out military operations to protect the Turks who faced genocide on the island and to save them from persecution, intervened with two interventions in 1974. Turkey's intervention on the island has had wide repercussions in the Turkish world as well as in the whole world. According to the Azerbaijani press, which is the main basis of the study, the Cyprus peace operation is also intended to convey this echo. The Soviet system and censorship was applied in many issues including the press. The work that was created from qualitative research methods by the method of document and document analysis is ultimately; according to the Azerbaijani press, it was seen that NATO was trying to be the leading actor of the events in Cyprus and that America was using this situation at the point of settling in the region.Keywords: Azerbaijan, Cyprus, Soviets, NATO, Turkey

The mystery of intra-alliance intelligence: Turkey’s covert operations in the Cyprus conflict

Intra-alliance intelligence is utilised to collect, process and evaluate information about allies. This task played a critical role when the Southern Flank of NATO, Greece and Turkey caused a severe dispute in Cyprus which has been Europe’s longest remaining cold conflict. The Turkish Secret Service’s operations in Cyprus during its origins in the Cold War and the intra-alliance intelligence task have been largely overlooked in the existing literature. The article aims to close this gap through a threefold analysis: support for resistance, operational assistance, and capabilities and war preparedness. The investigation of Turkey’s covert operations in Cyprus between 1953 and 1970 reveals the route of intra-alliance espionage in the Cyprus conflict and helps understanding how states act covertly against their allies. The article uses archival documents in the UK and Turkey that provide extensive declassified secret documents to assess the covert action of Turkish intelligence in the Cyprus conflict.

Greece and the 1956 Hungarian Crisis: Perceptions, Analysis and Politics

Greece’s exposed strategic position in the Balkans and its strained relations with its Western allies due to the Cyprus dispute make this country an interesting case study of small states position in the Cold War. This article discusses the motives and perceptions that shaped the country’s stance vis-à-vis the Soviet Union in view of the Hungarian crisis and examines how it dealt with the dangers and opportunities that emerged. Motivated by pragmatism and a will to adopt a more ‘independent’ stance in foreign affairs, the Greek policymakers tried to reshape relations with the Soviets, but the historical experience and the perceived Soviet internal and external threat had already set the limits. Additionally, they attempted to take advantage of the twin crises in order to promote the Greek cause in Cyprus, but the country was subject to ‘multiple dependencies’ and faced dilemmas that stemmed from the conflict between national and Atlantic priorities. Cold War considerations were also important. The country’s inability to understand and respond to international pressures was partially counterbalanced by its participation in the Western Alliance. However, the most lasting consequence of the crisis for Greece was on the regional level. The Greek-Yugoslav rapprochement aimed at redressing the unfavourable strategic balance in the Balkans and ameliorate Greece’s perennial security problem.

Creating norms around the Eastern Mediterranean energy resources as a necessary means of security

ABSTRACTThe energy discoveries in the Eastern Mediterranean since the 2000s have placed the long-standing rivalry between Turkey and Cyprus (and by extension Greece) in a new context, bringing also Egypt and Israel into the geopolitical equation. Turkey, on the one hand, has adopted an assertive profile, whereas, on the other hand, two axes of cooperation have been formed, Greece-Cyprus-Egypt and Greece-Cyprus-Israel, convening trilateral summits and signing agreements. In view of that, it is currently upheld that the confluence of energy interests among the actors of the trilateral summits has facilitated a legalisation throughout the Eastern Mediterranean, propelling states towards the development of the energy resources according to the UNCLOS, and the implementation of the international law in the Cyprus problem, as a necessary means of guaranteeing the actors’ sovereignty, creating norms, and enhancing security, without targeting any third country. The argument shows how legalisation, as a special form of institutionalisation, and soft law, in particular, nurture regional cooperation and place it under the “protective wings” of international institutions.

Decolonization of Cyprus and position of the Soviet Union (1953-1959(

This article examines the process of decolonization of Cyprus and support of the Soviet Union in the struggle against British colonialism. The author substantiates why the case of Cyprus deserves special attention, and how its national characteristics alongside other factors, including the position of Great Britain, Greece, and Turkey impacted decolonization process of the island. It is underlined that the Soviet policy in support of national identity of the Cypriots, as demonstrated by diplomatic steps in the United Nations Security Council in 1954-1958, pursued two directions: weakening of British positions in the Eastern Mediterranean, and initiation of a split in relations between the two NATO members – Greece and Turkey, using their national interests in Cyprus. The unpublished Greek and Soviet materials served as methodological framework for this research. The author leans on the archival foreign policy materials of the Russian Federation, diplomatic and foreign policy archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Greece, as well as the Foundation of the Prime Minister of Greece Konstantinos Karamanlis. The use of vast array of sources on the three languages dedicated to the topic allowed concluding that the tactics of the Soviet Union pertinent to Cyprus question of 1953-1959, was ineffective, since the gap between Greece and Turkey and NATO has been overcome after signing the Cyprus Agreements of 1959. A sovereign Cyprus State within the framework of the Non-Aligned Movement, and political protection of the Cypriot Communists (the strongest Communist Party in the region), would be the best way for ensuring Soviet security, since these subjects could control the use of the British military facilities, and thus, expand Soviet influence in the region.

Militarization of space and social representations of the conflict in Northern Cyprus

En se fondant sur des enquêtes de terrain menées en 2012 et en 2014 à Nicosie‑Nord (Lefkoşa/Lefkosia) et Famagouste (Gazimağusa/Ammochostos), cet article propose une ethnographie de la militarisation de l’espace à Chypre du Nord et de son impact psychosocial. Il suggère une redéfinition anthropologique de la souveraineté à partir de sa dimension spatiale. Il montre que le contrôle territorial imposé par l’armée turque depuis 1974, même s’il demeure « illégal » en droit international et reste considéré comme une « occupation » (işgal) par les militants de la paix, n’en demeure pas moins très réel et durable sur le terrain. L’ethnographie des ruines de guerre de Varosha (Maraş) montre que la militarisation modifie les propriétés matérielles de l’espace, mais aussi les représentations que se font les Chypriotes turcs de leur propre territoire et du conflit. Elle empêche donc le retour au statu quo ante bellum et joue aussi une fonction performative visant à « faire exister » la « République turque de Chypre du Nord ».

Examining the role of internal communication and employee engagement in Cyprus-based medium-sized organisations in times of challenging strategic changes

In response to the 2013 financial crisis in Cyprus, employers made uninformed decisions to downsize and restructure as techniques for maximising profit and decreasing cost. The employers did not consider the change management issues associated with change. The purpose of conducting this study is to: a) examine the employees' perceptions to determine whether there exists any relationship between internal communication and employee engagement in medium-size organisations during challenging economic conditions; b) determine the impact of internal communication on the employees' engagement. Using the purposive sampling technique, 343 participants were recruited. In this qualitative study, a thematic analysis of the interview responses was conducted to help in retrieving insightful information from the collected data. Applying pattern coding facilitated in proving that the hypotheses should be accepted. The findings of the study were that the top management in medium-sized organisations should use effective internal communication and employee engagement to support strategic change.

The Greek Peace Movement and the Vietnam War, 1964–1967

During the late 1950s and early 1960s, a peace and disarmament movement, which resembled similar movements at the time on both sides of the Iron Curtain, proliferated in Greece. In 1964, this movement set aside its anti-nuclear agenda and focused on protesting the US intervention in Vietnam. The political context of Greece at the time made Vietnam relatable to the experience of the Greek protestors. Two main themes facilitated this process: the problem of Cyprus and the call for democracy. The Greek experience is comparable to other antiwar and protest movements at the time, and the transnational links and encounters between them are noteworthy. Examination of the anti-war activity of this peace movement with communist affiliations enables a new perspective on the history of the 1960s.

Yugoslav-Greek relations from the end of the Second World War to 1990 chronology, phases, problems and achievements

Yugoslav-Greek relations from the end of WWII to the breakup of Yugoslavia and went through several phases. A short period of interlude when the diplomatic relations were re-established 1945/1946 was followed by a much longer one (1946-1950) of conflict due to the Yugoslav support to the Communists in the Greek Civil War. A pragmatic approach to the issue of both parties resulted in a prolonged period (1950-1967) of working relations that culminated in the signing of tripartite treaties with Turkey, Treaty of Ankara (1953) and Bled Agreements (1954). Even though the treaties lost most of their importance after the reconciliation between Belgrade and Moscow in 1955/1956, and the Cyprus crisis, they created a climate of correct relations between two neighbouring states marked by reciprocal visits on the highest level. The coup d??tat of April 1967 brought to power a dictatorship in Greece (1967-1974) and thus inaugurated a new period of tensions in bilateral relations. The last period 1974-1990 was characterized by good working relations between Belgrade and Athens mainly due to the Greece?s efforts to integrate the European Economic Community (EEC) that supposed good relations with its neighbours. The issue of relations of Athens with Socialist Republic of Macedonia, first as a part of Socialst Yugoslavia, and then, after the collapse of the Federation, as the independent country, proved to be the last problem for Yugoslavia and a lasting one for the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, as it used to be known after 1990.