County Assembly Research Articles

Making Sense of Kenya's Contested 2017 Election

Kenya held its second General Election under the 2010 Constitution, and its sixth since the introduction of multiparty politics, on 8 August 2017. Citizens cast their votes for six positions: The Presidency; Governor; Senator; Member of Parliament (MP); Women’s Representative; and Member of County Assemblies (MCA). Prior to the August eight elections, opinion polls indicated that the presidential election would be closely contested - the incumbent, Uhuru Kenyatta, was polling at 47%, while the opposition candidate, Raila Odinga, was at 43%, with 5% of the voters remaining undecided. The presidency was not the only tight race; Governors’ and the MCA seats were equally closely contested. The two major political coalitions that contested the 2017 elections were: The Jubilee Party, the incumbent coalition headed by Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto, who were both seeking a second term; and the opposition coalition, the National Super Alliance (NASA), led by Raila Odinga, with Kalonzo Musyoka as his running mate. Smaller political parties, such as the former ruling political party, the Kenya African National Union (KANU), the Third Way Alliance and the Labour Party also fielded presidential candidates ; however, their impact at the presidential level was insignificant. The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) commissioners, who oversaw the 2013 general elections, left office owing to political pressure from the opposition . The Commissioners were accused of being involved in various corruption scandals, such as “the Chicken gate scandal,” thus their impartiality and independence were seriously questioned. A new team was put in place to oversee the 2017 general elections, which was led by Wafula Chebukhati, who served as the chairman. The team underwent rigorous vetting and scrutiny by Parliament, and were eventually appointed after unanimous approval by the House. The new commissioners did little to boost public confidence in safeguarding the integrity of the electoral process. The IEBC remained mired in controversy regarding the procurement of election materials and its appeal against a lower court’s ruling confirming the finality of presidential results (which was announced at the constituency level rather than at the national level by the IEBC’s Chair). The IEBC was seen to be opposed to transparency due to past discrepancies in vote counts—in both 2007 and 2013—between constituency- and national-level results.

Effects of Political Competition on Socio-economic Context during Non-electioneering Period in Nakuru County, Kenya

Political competitions within and between political parties in a society and other forms of violence have negatively affected many African societies, Kenya included. This has led to deaths, destruction of property and displacement of citizens. This study is based on the recurrence of ethnic conflict especially during electioneering period unlike other regions in the Country. The specific objective of the study was to examine the socio-economic context during non-electioneering period in Nakuru County, Kenya. The study was guided by the social change theory. The study used descriptive research design. A sample of 384 respondents was selected from Nakuru residents and 33 key informants: 9 Members of County Assembly, 8 Religious Leaders, 8 Civil Society Organisations and 8 Administrators, using probability and non-probability sampling techniques. This gave a sample size of 417 respondents. Both secondary and primary data were collected. Primary data was collected by use of questionnaire, focus group discussion, interview schedules and field observation. Secondary data was obtained through desk research, libraries and journals. Data collected was analyzed using Statistical Package for the Social Science (SPSS) version 21 and presented using two measures of distribution; percentages and frequencies. Key findings for the study were that men, women and children experience varied forms of both physical and psychological violence as a result of electioneering conflicts. The only way to tame this violence is for members for the society to purposely choose to coexist. The study findings would contribute to helping policy makers in coming up with new policies or modifying the existing ones to address influence that political competition has on ethnic conflicts and add knowledge in the field of peace and conflict studies. (274 words)

Harmonization of Political and Administrative Boundaries in Kenya Using GIS: A Case Study of Mavoko Constituency

The objective of this research was to harmonize political and administrative boundaries in Mavoko Constituency, Machakos County, Kenya, using geo-spatial technology and public consultation in order to address the numerous disputes that exist. Specifically, the project focused on analyzing the existing electoral and administrative boundaries in the area of study by identifying all existing gaps and overlaps, rectifying the identified gaps and overlaps and created a web based geo-portal of the harmonized sub location boundaries to enable sharing. This was achieved through first putting the various datasets on the same Spatial Reference System and comparing them in order to identify and rectify them using various geospatial operations, public consultation and field work. The result was a single harmonized layer for the sub location data set for the study area. The project finally developed a customized GIS web based portal for sharing the harmonized Sub location boundary. This was uploaded on an open source platform, which has the capability for offline use in the field. The project worked on a hypothesis that if the sub location boundaries adopted by the various Government and Public organizations and individuals doing any kind of mapping in Kenya was a single harmonized data set, the emerging issues on boundary disputes between Counties, Constituencies and County Assembly Wards (CAW’s) would not occur. This is because there would be authentic, consisted and authoritative geo-information which maintains a harmonized, consistent, reusable and readily available data. The development of the geo portal ensured that the results of the research are easily accessible on www.msc2015boundariesmavoko.info.ke/mavoko.

EFFECT OF SELECTED FACTORS AFFECTING REVENUE COLLECTION IN NAIROBI CITY COUNTY GOVERNMENT

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to establish the factors affecting revenue collection in Nairobi City County Government.Methodology: The study adopted a descriptive research design. The study population comprised of a total of 340 members of staff working as chief officers, technical staff and members of Nairobi City County assembly. The sample size was determined using the Fischer's formula. The sample size for the study was 180 which was distributed proportionately among the strata. The study used a survey questionnaire as a research instrument. Data collected was analyzed with the help of SPSS by both descriptive and inferential statistics. The results were presented in form of tables and graphs. The study adopted a multivariate regression.Results: The study found that revenue diversification affect revenue collected through number of sources of revenue and new policies to a great extent. Tax administration affects revenue in Nairobi City County through competent staff, availability of computers, and availability of postal communication system and tax education. Tax structure affects revenue collection through flexibility, equitability, neutrality and simplicity while different forms of revenue (property, business license) affect amount of revenue collected. Revenue diversification had a positive and significant relationship with amount of revenue collected whereas different forms of revenue collected had positive and significant effect on amount of revenue collected in Nairobi City County.Unique contribution to theory, practice and policy: The study recommends on the use of latest technology and competent staff in tax administration, also there should be more innovations to have diversified sources of revenues in Nairobi City County in order to collect more revenue. The financial managers and policy makers in Nairobi City County assembly should come up with new sources of revenues and taxes that obey the canon law of taxation that is economical, simple, flexible and easy to administer.

The Formation and the Future Potentials of the Eighth Hungarian Region

Abstract In the time of accession to the EU, Hungary drops to the second part of the programming period 2000-2006. The Central-Hungarian region (which includes the capital and Pest County) was classified as a less developed region, similarly to all of the six ‚rural‘ regions and thus the area received the highest amount of the supporting sources. In the programming period 2007–2013, the Central-Hungarian region belonged to the transitional regions and so it received continuously decreasing subsidies. In the case of Budapest, the value of GDP per capita refers to the development, but based on the measurement, Pest County was supposed to belong to the transitional areas. Between the years 2014–2020, the whole area of the Central-Hungarian region was getting to the level of a developed region. It means that this area is not entitled to get Cohesion sources anymore. On the 30th of October 2015, Pest County Assembly made a decision about Pest County’s disruption and declared its intent to create a separated region. As long as the government stood for the idea and it met with a warm response in Brussels, Pest County could operate as an independent region from 2018. Our study will draw attention to the huge territorial differences between the capital and its agglomeration and the surrounding areas.

Stakeholders’ Capacity Building and Participation in Monitoring and Evaluation of Urban Water Supply and Health Projects in Kenya: Case of Kisii Town, Kisii Country

This study sought to investigate the role of capacity building on stakeholders’ participation in M&E urban Water and Health projects initiated by the county government of Kisii Central Ward. This research project was guided by research questions based on the objective aforementioned. Data was collected using the questionnaire and interview schedules from county officers, public health officers, water officers, project committee members in Kisii Town. Reliability of research instruments were tested using test-retest technique and validated by experts in academic research. Stratified random sampling and simple random sampling were used to select the sample size of 45 respondents. The data was collected and analyzed by descriptive statistics. The study concluded that inadequate capacity building contributes to low participation of stakeholders in M&E of community projects in Kisii Town. Based on the findings the research recommended for Training (capacity building) on project M&E undertaken within the county government of Kisii. This will enable them embrace community participation and service delivery. Adequate resources (money, personnel, materials/ equipments) for M&E should be allocated for capacity building of communities and committees involved in project identification, implementation and monitoring and evaluation of community development projects. The Members of County Assembly (MCAs) should desist from interfering with the allocation of funds and materials/facilities to community health, water and sanitation projects. The county government should put in place severe punishment for MCAs who influence the selection of committee members and allocation of funds. Based on the findings, the study suggests further study to be carried out to establish the extent to which stakeholders’ participation in monitoring and evaluation affects sustainability of county government initiated community projects.

ФУНКЦІОНУВАННЯ СТАНОВИХ ІНСТИТУЦІЙ ДВОРЯНСТВА ПІВДЕННО-ЗАХІДНИХ ГУБЕРНІЙ РОСІЙСЬКОЇ ІМПЕРІЇ В КІНЦІ ХІХ — НА ПОЧАТКУ ХХ СТ.

The aim of the article is to highlight the problem of functioning of the nobility class institutions of South-West region after the banning of the iractivities as a resul to the Polish January Uprising in 1863–1864. Political and legal reality of the Russian Empire in the late 19th — early 20th century endangered the class privileges of the entire limitation or even cancelling. In such circumstances, the representatives of the privileged class, and especially the local Polish minority, had to adapt to the new order of autocratic power. The procedure for the elections, which were traditional event in the region, was limited by the partial appointment of some officials mainly from among the Russian nobility. The positions of the provincial and district leaders were not canceled, but rather included the expansion of their functions and responsibilities. For example, the position of the district leader included the obligations of mediator and provincial leader became not only a trustee of educational institutions. The nobility was included to committees working on different issues of local and national importance. The quite acute was the promotion and payment of the grants to officials, the rules of nobility funds activity. It was remained unchanged until 1917, and in certain regions until 1919, the status and activities of nobility tutelage, which competence was determined by care for abandoned and neglected estates of privileged class representatives of the Russia Empire society. So, because of the historical circumstances, which took place in the early 20th century, the nobility as a social link transformed since the government and its priorities and, of course, management mechanisms had changed. Although until the fall of the Romanov dynasty in south-wester \n provinces such class institutions as provincial governments and district leader of nobility, deputy county assembly and nobility tutelage had been functioning, but they were completely controlled by the state. All noble privileges, including the right of corporate activities were canceled by manifesto of 1917. The confrontation between the nobility and autocracy would replace by cooperation. But because of circumstances during 1863–1917s the preferable situation had not happened. Instead, autocratic government made the county and provincial institutions firstly work with the state affairs, and then — noble class. Most of the positions were appointed, the preference was given to the nobles of Russian origin. The aim was to ensure the imperial interests in the region. The process of confrontation between the authorities and the Polish nobility, which owned the majority of lands in the region, was prior to the introduction of the South-West provinces of elected Zemstvo, which were formed not on class, but on ethnic basis.

Devolution in Kenya: Derailed or on track?

The 2010 Kenya Constitution introduced a new level of government through a process of devolution. County governments were established in each of 47 districts with elected Governors and Members of County Assemblies, and each government acquired their own Executive Council and public service. From independence forward Kenya had been a highly centralised polity reinforced by the rise of an imperial presidency. Now the political system has been turned on its head. How will the national political and administrative elites react to this veritable revolution? Will devolution succeed? Key variables will be used to assess Kenya's early devolution experiment.

Popular Participation in Legislative Law-Making under the New Democratic Dispensation in Kenya

This article examines the extent of entrenchment of the ideal of participation of the people of Kenya in legislative law-making process under the new democratic dispensation ushered by the 2010 Constitution. In terms of law-making by Parliament and County Assemblies, the 2010 Constitution is a clear departure from the 1963 Constitution which exclusively vested law-making in peoples’ representatives. Under the 2010 Constitution, direct participation of the people in law-making and political governance generally is one of the cardinal democratic ideals of the new dispensation. This shift was prompted by decades of usurpation of the role of Parliament by the Executive such that the legislature became a key pillar in the enforcement of authoritarianism in the country. The new trajectory was intended by the drafters of the Constitution to enable the people of Kenya to play a central role in political governance and legislative law-making in particular. This article examines the operationalization of the ideal of popular participation in the legislative or statutory business of Parliament and of the County Assemblies. It argues that notwithstanding clear constitutional provisions for popular inclusion in law-making by these institutions, their law-making processes have not in any meaningful way engaged the people. Their approach has therefore not significantly changed the modus operadi of law-making which dents the road towards the enrichment of the country’s democracy. There is therefore compelling need for the law to be reformed so as to fully embrace the voice of the people in law-making in Parliament and in the County Assemblies. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n20p438

Monitoring and Evaluation for Development in Kenya: Focus on County Governance

This paper seeks to propose monitoring and evaluation method for the County governments in Kenya, which are regarded as a solution to balanced distribution of resources to the grassroots of the Kenyan populace. County governments in Kenya are a new phenomenon having been introduced by the current constitution that was promulgated in the year 2010. This is a need for county governments due to the fact that being a new phenomenon in the governance of the Kenyan resources, the counties need to put in place monitoring and evaluation guide to enable them manage the resources entrusted to them by the national government and the Kenyan people so that the local citizen “mwananchi” can be able to feel the impact on the ground. In February-March 2014, there have been debates in the Kenyan Media i.e. Nation media house, Standard media house, among others both print, audio and visual going on about the management of funds by county governors from various arms of governance i.e. parliament, senate and the general public. Counties having been in existence for only one year, it is time for them to have a method of monitoring and evaluation that will assist them to place the resources where they are needed for the common citizen “mwananchi” to feel the impact of development. The executive committee in the county whose members are the governor, deputy governor and members appointed by the governor and approved by the county assembly, are mandated with managing and coordination of the functions of the county administration and its departments and also to provide the county assembly reports on matters relating to the county. This paper seeks to propose monitoring and evaluation method county governments in Kenya can implement to help in fostering effective use of resources in development of their counties as part of their executives committee mandate of administration and coordination of county activities.

The 2008 Ethiopian local elections: The return of electoral authoritarianism

ETHIOPIA CARRIED OUT LOCAL ELECTIONS FOR NEIGHBOURHOOD (kebele) and county (woreda) assemblies on 13 and 20 April 2008, respectively.1 By law, these elections were supposed to be conducted in 2005, but the chaotic period after the general elections that year made it impossible to carry out the local polls. Considering the formative character of the 2005 general elections, where the opposition for the first time challenged the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), and the dramatic political crackdown in the post-election period, the conduct of the 2008 local elections is important in understanding the status and direction of Ethiopia’s overall process of democratization. The constrained political context and government strategies of intimidation and harassment – leading the main opposition parties to withdraw from the local elections – signal the return of electoral authoritarianism in Ethiopia.

MIKLÓS WESSELÉNYI AND NATIONALITY ISSUES IN 1830–1849 HUNGARY

In April, 1806, nearly four hundred nobles met in a session of the Kozep-Szolnok county assembly in Northern Transylvania. The speaker before them came from a prestigious family whose ancestors had addressed that body for two centuries. None of this was unusual. What was extraordinary was that the speaker was nine years old. In his youthful voice, he announced to them his intention to become a patriot:

The Society for Equality in the Hungarian Revolution of 1848

Hungary was a feudal monarchy at the beginning of 1848 and was part of the multinational Habsburg Empire. Although Hungarian publicists continually emphasized that the country could look back to nearly a thousand years of statehood and national existence, the foreign relations and the fiscal and military affairs of Hungary were directed almost exclusively from Vienna. Internally the country was governed by the native nobility, which constituted about 5 percent of a population of approximately fifteen million. The nobility exercised its power through the Diet and elective county assemblies. Nobles alone had the right to vote. Until 1844 they alone held public office, and most of them paid no taxes. The immense majority—the peasantry—lived in feudal bondage. The taxes of the serfs maintained the state, and their dues and labor services supported the nobility.