Country's Political System Research Articles

Kemenangan petahana (incumbent), pada pemilihan kepala daerah 2015; (Strategi Politik dan Marketing Politik Pada Pilwali Kota Surabaya dan Pilbup Kab. Malang)

Elections are one of the most important components or instruments in a country's political system. As a political system, elections will be a quality democracy party for both the presidential elections at the central and regional or local levels, as long as the political principles and values ​​of ethics and moral integrity are met. In the 2015 election of the Head of Region, there is an interesting political fact that there are many incumbent candidates, who have failed to win, there are also incumbent candidates, who have won and even won a landslide. For example, the Surabaya City Pilot won by Tri Rismaharini-Wisnu with 86.2%. From the results of this study, researchers can conclude that first, the victory of the incumbent more on social capital factor (second), Bina Desa prorgram, third door to door strategy, fourth, offer environmental, tourism, health, and fifth , regional infrastructure development program. With a good infrastructure is believed to improve the economy that led to the welfare of local communities. DOI : https://doi.org/10.26905/pjiap.v3i1.1644

Education as a breaker of poverty: a critical perspective

Education as a breaker of poverty: a critical perspective

An Approach for Analysing State-Society Relations in Vietnam

This article examines four arenas in Vietnam's political life in which statesociety relations are problematic: governing institutions and processes, mass media, agricultural collectives, and corruption. Each has evidence to support two common interpretations, which argue that state and its various organizations in society run political show in Vietnam. Yet, there is also evidence for a third interpretation, which highlights political activities in society beyond reach state and its organizations. The article also finds ongoing deliberations in each arena about what relations between state and society should be. Vietnam's leaders say government is of people, for people, and by people. Yet country's political system has only one political party, Communist Party. Elections typically have only candidates approved by that party. Tight restrictions make very difficult formation any organization or establishment any publication that criticizes Communist Party's domination political system. In such a system, what is relationship between rulers and ruled, authorities and the people? Secondly, what is being said and debated in country about what those relationships should be? This article offers an approach to analysing such questions. It uses three interpretations in scholarly literature to examine specific political arenas. It finds that each interpretation contributes to an understanding political system but is incomplete. This approach also reveals contending notions in Vietnam about appropriate relations between state and society.

Modelling urban expansion in the transitional Greater Mekong Region

Urban expansion in emerging urban areas has drawn plenty of attention. The Greater Mekong Region (GMR) has experienced dramatic urbanisation and urban land expansion in recent decades. Based on built-up area data from the World Bank compiled over the 2000–2010 period, this paper integrates geographical, socioeconomic and physical factors to explore the underlying patterns and dynamics of urban land expansion in the GMR. An explicit and critical emphasis is placed on institutional conditions. The growth of built-up areas in the GMR has concentrated heavily in the capital cities and coastal areas. Additionally, the transitional countries have shown more dramatic expansion. The results of multi-level models suggest that urban developments in the GMR are not only sensitive to local contexts, such as distance to coastlines, accessibility factors and population growth rates, but are also closely associated with country-level factors, such as country political systems, and patterns of economic growth and foreign investment. We also find that the demographic measures of urbanisation have more influence in Thailand, while measures of economic growth have more marked impacts in the transitional countries.

A Response to Fabiano Santos and Fernando Guarnieri

This article responds to Fabiano Santos and Fernando Guarnieri's dispatch, published under the title “From Protest to Parliamentary Coup: An Overview of Brazil's Recent History” in the December 2016 issue of JLACS. I start by pointing out several errors in the authors' use of terms such as “fascism” and “coup.” I proceed to map out the omissions that allow them to portray Rousseff's impeachment in a moral and Manichean light, as a coup of malignant social actors against innocent victims. I then reconstruct the chronology of Rousseff's long-winded downward spiral of self-inflicted agony, from the electoral larceny of October 2014 through the gigantic popular protests of March 2015 to the final vote in August 2016, showing how the authors chose to omit every fact that revealed Rousseff's and the Workers' Party's own responsibilities in the economic collapse and the political crisis of the country they governed for five and a half and thirteen and a half years, respectively. I conclude by pointing out the contradiction between the authors' claim that there was a parliamentary coup in Brazil and their claim that the country's political system has remained intact.

Reflexiones sobre la regeneración democrática en la administración pública

La regeneración democrática es hoy una asignatura pendiente del sistema político y administrativo en nuestro país. Para ello hay que abordar la dimensión ética del gobierno y la administración, la participación social en las políticas públicas, la transparencia y el acceso a la información y el gobierno abierto, así como el derecho fundamental de la persona a un buen gobierno y a una buena administración pública.

Empirical study of user acceptance of online political participation: Integrating Civic Voluntarism Model and Theory of Reasoned Action

Factors affecting e-democracy adoption were identified using Civic Voluntarism Model (CVM) and Theory of Reasoned Action (TRA) which incorporated political culture and perceived e-democracy outcome. Survey instrument was designed based on these theories and was administered to a convenient and randomly selected sample in Nigeria. The variance-based Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) approach was used to evaluate the measurement and structural models. Partial Least Square Algorithm (PLS-Algorithm) and bootstrapping were executed to estimate the significance and test the validity of the SEM components. Findings reveal the imperative of democratic political culture orientation of ordinary citizens in developing positive attitude towards the acceptance and use of e-democracy system while political awareness, political efficacy, and recruitment networks are found to be significant predictors of intention to use e-democracy. These predictors can be stimulated through dedicated massive political orientation programs and enlightenment campaigns by the government in partnership with civil society organizations, religious associations, academic institutions, interest groups, the media and traditional institutions on the benefits of e-democracy to a country's political system.

Taking the Census by Francis William Edmonds, 1854

The United States Census of 1850 was the first such survey in this country to require that heads of households provide information on their dependents. The process of interrogation caused a good deal of confusion and inspired numerous jokes. Francis William Edmonds's amusing portrayal features a father making a painstaking effort (counting on his fingers) to give the whitebearded census taker his family statistics, while his giggling children hide from sight. A reviewer who saw the picture at the national Academy of Design exhibition in 1854 described the main character as a "farmer, rough and awkward, reckoning in brown study the number of the boys and girls, evidently more at home in the use of the ox-gad, which lies on the floor, than in figuring." The small portrait print of George Washington just above the father's head evokes not only the genesis of the country's democratic political system but also the by then legendary admonition never to tell a lie. With its carefully delineated interior based on prototypes from Dutch genre scenes, the composition reveals Edmonds at his finest, taking a common moment from the daily life of middle-class Americans and turning it into a moralizing and socially critical tableau.Information taken from http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/works-of-art/2006.457 on May 25, 2012

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE PRACTICES OF THE STATE YOUTH POLICY IN THE MODERN WORLD

In this article the author examines a number of foreign cases of practical realization of state youth policy for example the USA, Germany and the Republic of Kazakhstan. The choice of these cases is due to the fact that these countries have an extensive practice of state youth policy. The second factor in the choice of case studies is the fundamental difference between the political systems of countries and as a consequence of the institutional arrangements and the technological features of established models of state youth policy. And fi nally, the third factor is that these States represent different political and cultural traditions. These differences between the traditions have an impact on the diversity of the state youth policy (as the US are a classic example of Western «pluralist» system of youth policy; Germany – West European model of youth policy; Kazakhstan is a bright representative of an effective model of youth policy in the former Soviet Union). Special attention is given to General and specifi c features identified on the basis of comparative analysis, the study of foreign models of youth policy, as well as possible their application in the process of realization of the state youth policy of the Russian Federation.

Трансформация института президентства в Италии (1978–2015)

The article reviews key aspects of the Italian presidents' activity under A. Pertini, F. Kossiga, O.L. Scalfaro, C.A. Ciampi and G. Napolitano. Special attention is paid to the comparative analysis of Carlo Azeglio Ciampi's and Giorgio Napolitano's presidency results, as well as of external factors correlating with these politicians' ratings, considering their significant influence on the head of state institute transformation during the period of their tenures. The aim of the paper is to review the examples of initiatives taken by C.A. Ciampi and G. Napolitano, which is necessary for highlighting new trends of the presidency development in Italy. Systematization and sequencing of popular approaches in the research allow to sort out distinctive characteristics of relations among three political actors: the head of state, political parties and the government. The author conducts comparative analysis of the two presidents' tenures results. The study of C.A. Ciampi's and G. Napolitano's ratings is carried out to determine a decision-making pattern. In the article, the examples of an informal instruments usage are considered, and their effectiveness is evaluated. In this respect, it is possible to review the transformation of the role of a president as an actor responsible for the country's political system stability. Relations between the prime-minister and the head of state are the subject for a separate consideration. In this article, the system analysis method together with other universal scientific approaches (comparative historical, institutional and structural-functional) are used. The contribution of this research consists of defining the role of informal instruments in the decision-making process. Unfortunately, in Russian bibliography, only limited attention is paid to domestic policy issues of the Second Italian Republic. However, the research conducted by the author should elucidate the specificity of presidency and its relations with other public institutes. This paper is addressed to scientists devoting themselves to the South Europe political research, particularly Italy, as well as to anyone interested in the Italian domestic policy issues. Additionally, it may be used in further comparative politics investigations, for the analysis of presidential activities in other European states.

Political Finance Regimes in Southeast Asia: Introduction

ABSTRACTThe three articles in this themed collection investigate the interplay between political finance regimes and the quality of democracy in Southeast Asia. Andreas Ufen's piece on political finance in Malaysia and Singapore argues that the semi-authoritarian regimes in both states have blocked the reform of campaign and party funding regulations in order to keep their opposition in check. The article on Indonesia, authored by Marcus Mietzner, showcases the country's dysfunctional political finance system as a major hurdle toward further democratization. In their contribution on Thailand, Napisa Waitoolkiat and Paul Chambers show that weak political finance regulations have contributed significantly to the shallowness of Thai parties. Overall, the collection demonstrates that without meaningful political finance reforms, Southeast Asia's democratic stagnation is likely to persist for many years to come.

POLITICS-LAW CONVERGENCE OR DIVERGENCE? 'SMALL' POLITICAL PARTIES, REALPOLITIKAND SOUTH AFRICA'S 20 YEARS OF DEMOCRACY

This article examines South Africa's 20-year democracy by contextualising the roles of the 'small' political parties that contested South Africa's 2014 elections. Through the  prism  of South  Africa's  Constitution,  electoral legislation  and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, it examines these parties' roles in South Africa's democratisation; their influence,  if any, in parliament, and whether they play any role in South Africa's continental or international engagements. Based on a review of the extant literature, official documents,  legislation, media, secondary research, reports and the results of South Africa's elections, the article relies on game theory, rational choice theory and theories of democracy and democratic consolidation to examine 'small' political parties' roles in the country's political and legal systems. It concludes that the roles of 'small' parties in governance and democracy deserve greater recognition than is currently the case, but acknowledges the extreme difficulty experienced by the 'small'  parties in playing a significant role in democratic consolidation, given their formidable opponent in a one-party dominant system.

A emancipação negociada: os debates sobre a criação da província do Paraná e o sistema representativo imperial, 1843

A criação de novas unidades administrativas no Brasil Império raramente é utilizada como ferramenta para se entender a dinâmica político-econômica do período. Entretanto, a análise dos documentos produzidos pelos ricos debates parlamentares em torno desse tema demonstra que essa prática precisa ser revista, uma vez que a reorganização do território envolvia mais do que simplesmente emancipar extensões de terras: significava proceder a alterações fundamentais no funcionamento do sistema político do país. Neste sentido, o processo de emancipação da quinta comarca de São Paulo, futura província do Paraná, é emblemático, por trazer à tona elementos importantes para o entendimento dessa dinâmica. Questões como a sobrevivência da nova unidade administrativa, a perda de população e renda por parte de São Paulo, as relações nem sempre pacíficas entre as províncias e a posição do governo central nesse contexto estiveram colocadas em foco todo o tempo.

ИМЭМО в начале 1990-х годов (продолжение)

The article analyzes IMEMO activities in 1992–1993, when in Russia, under the influence of both radical economic reforms and drastic weakening of the central government, a deep political crisis emerged and gained a dangerous traction, fraught with the death of a young democracy and even the collapse of the state. Under these conditions, along with economic issues, the politological research came to the fore in IMEMO – the analysis of the country's new political system, the definition of its development vector. The Center of Socio-economic and Socio-political Research of IMEMO headed by German Germanovich Diligenskii played the major role in this work. Analysts of the Center prepared a number of recommendations for public authorities concerning the creation and development of a new democratic political system in Russia. IMEMO experts paid the utmost attention to the nature of the political crisis that arose in the post-Soviet Russia in late 1991, and the ways to overcome it. In January 1993, the results of the study were presented to the discussion at the Academic Council. It was agreed that one of the main causes of the political crisis in the country was the social tensions worsening, as a consequence of the “shocking therapy” conducted by the government of Gaidar in 1992. In the discussion on the political outlook German Diligenskii, rejecting the possibility of the old command-administrative system restoration, substantiated a probability of transformation of the "market democracy" not yet established in Russia into the "authoritarian monopoly or monopoly-bureaucratic system". Noting the disunity of democratic forces, weakness of the entrepreneurial class, largely dependent on the state, Diligenskii formulated a program for uniting all adherents of “arket democracy” under the slogan of "social liberalism", which would take into account Russian specifics. Consolidation of democracy and market economy in Russia is impossible without preservation of the state territorial integrity and consolidation of the central government, with a clear division of functions and powers of its constituent branches. Monopolization (usurpation) of all power by one of the branches – legislative or executive – should not be allowed. The victory of any of them in any case would mean the defeat of democracy. Such was, in general terms, the position of IMEMO in the face of the 1992–1993 political crisis. Acknowledgement. The publication was prepared as part of the President of Russian Federation grant to support the leading scientifi c schools NSh-6452.2014.6.

Governing public universities in Arab countries

Traditionally in Arab public universities, presidents are appointed by government authorities. Recently, in uprising Arab countries universities' presidents have been elected by universities' faculty members. Neither traditional nor self-governance pattern succeeded to modernise Arab universities. Reforming patterns of governance is critical for improved productivity and accountability in Arab universities. Applying the modern pattern of university governance depends on the country's political system and extent of democracy. Arab countries need to establish an improved process of searching for leadership candidates. Improving patterns of universities' governance in Arab countries can lead to improving higher education and research and enhancing competitiveness among faculty members.

Development and Environment in Urmia Lake of Iran

Since the end of the Second World War, the development paradigm has become the dominant discourse in the world. During the more than 6 decades that the concept of development discourse has been dominant, many theoretical and practical developments have accompanied it. At first, attention was solely centered on economic development andnature was considered as a facilitator of economic growth. However, it was gradually recognized that development with this economic growth approach changes the natural systems of the planet and leads to numerous environmental hazards that can threaten the economic and political systems of countries. Therefore, it is very possible for a political entity to attain development, but sustained development will be faced with serious doubts because environmental aspects are ignored. Therefore, the concept of sustainable development replaced development.Given the above- mentioned approach, this descriptive-analytic research studied the relationship between economic development and the environment, with Urmia Lake as a case example. Findings of the research show that implementation of Development Plans has been one of the main reasons for the drying up of the Lake.Key Words: Sustainable Development, Environment, Urmia Lake.

Can China lead?: reaching the limits of power and growth

It's time to rethink the way we think about China. In this thought-provoking book, noted experts from Harvard Business School and the Wharton School assert that while has experienced remarkable economic growth in recent decades (nearly 10 percent for more than thirty years), it now faces major challenges--tests that could shift the country's political and economic trajectory. A lack of accountability, transparency, and ease of operating in China--combined with growing evidence of high-level corruption--has made domestic and foreign businesspeople increasingly wary of the China model. These issues have deep roots in Chinese history and the country's political system. Regina M. Abrami of the Wharton School and William C. Kirby and F. Warren McFarlan of Harvard Business School contend that the country's dynamic private sector could be a source of sustainable growth, but it is constrained by political favoritism toward state-owned corporations. Disruptive innovation, research, and development are limited by concerns about intellectual property protection. Most significant of all is the question of China's political future: does a system that has overseen dramatic transformations in recent years now have the capacity to transform itself? Based on a new and popular course taught by the authors at Harvard Business School, this book draws on more than thirty Harvard Business School case studies on Chinese and foreign companies doing business in the region, including Sealed Air, Merchants Bank, Mobile, Wanxiang Group, Microsoft, UFIDA, and others. Can Lead? asserts that is at an inflection point that cannot be ignored. An understanding of the forces that continue to shape its business landscape is crucial to establishing--and maintaining--a successful enterprise in China.

The Triumph of Capital? Class Politics and Indonesian Democratisation

This article assesses the role played by Indonesian capitalists in the country's new democratic political system. It takes as its starting point the analysis presented by Richard Robison in his influential 1986 book, Indonesia: The Rise of Capital . Robison saw the authoritarian state as central to capitalist class formation, viewing it as midwife and protector of an emergent business class. Though democratisation was not his primary concern, this analysis made him pessimistic about the prospects of democratic change. Over the intervening years, Indonesia has not only undergone democratisation; its capitalist class has also changed significantly. The article notes elements of continuity in the nature of Indonesian capital (including the continuing weight of politically vulnerable ethnic Chinese business interests) as well as change (including the taking of political office by businesspeople and the strengthening of provincial business). Overall, there is now much greater independence of private capital vis-à-vis the state, even if business-state relations are still characterised by patterns that developed during authoritarian rule, including the clientelist and predatory behaviours that have been the subject of much analysis in post-Suharto Indonesia. A focus on the capitalist class and its enmeshment in state power, in the style pioneered by Robison, thus helps explain continuity between Indonesia's authoritarian past and its new democratic order, especially the continuing ubiquity of corruption and patronage. However, such a focus is less useful in accounting for political change, especially democratisation itself. To explain democratisation we need to broaden our class analytical optic to bring into focus the actions and interests of lower and middle class forces.

Iran: ideas, institutions and political development

Based on a comparative analysis of the main stages of the modernization process in Iran the paper identifies patterns of structuring the country's political system and ideological support of this process. It is shown that in the political spheretransformations’ way to the popular revolution of 1978-79 was determined by the relationship between state and ulama which have acquired a priority after the removal of the autonomous power of tribal communities. The failure of the integratednational project Pahlavi and the loss democratic transformation of the regime in the first half of the 1950s are investigated. Finally the possibility of evolution of modern Iranian regime provided by increasing of the institutional and social differentiation is studied.

Do political budget cycles really exist?

Most recent cross-country studies on election-motivated fiscal policy assume that the data can be pooled. As various tests suggest that our data for some 70 democratic countries for the period 1970–2007 cannot be pooled, we use the Pooled Mean Group (PMG) estimator to test whether Political Budget Cycles (PBCs) exist in our sample. We find that fiscal policy is only affected by upcoming elections in the short run. Our results suggest that the occurrence of a PBC is conditional on the level of development and democracy, government transparency, the country's political system, its membership of a monetary union and its degree of political polarization.