Counterterrorism Campaign Research Articles

Winning the War and Losing the Peace: An Analysis of Counter Boko Haram Terrorism in Northeast Nigeria

Abstract This paper examines the multifaceted challenges and complexities surrounding the Nigerian government's counter-terrorism efforts. The study delves into the paradoxical situation of "winning the war but losing the peace," wherein the Nigerian military has achieved significant successes in degrading the operational capacity of Boko Haram, yet has struggled to establish a sustainable peace. It draws on various primary and secondary sources to analyze the historical context, socio-political dynamics, and strategic aspects of the counter-terrorism campaign. It evaluates both the military's kinetic operations and non-kinetic initiatives implemented to address the root causes of Boko Haram's rise, focusing on their effectiveness and limitations. It highlights the unintended consequences of military-centric strategies, including alleged human rights issues, displacement of populations, and exacerbation of grievances. It underscores the importance of a holistic approach that integrates military efforts with long-term socio-economic development, community engagement, and judiciary and security sector reforms to prevent the resurgence of extremism. In analyzing the complex interplay between security, development, and governance, the study contributes to the understanding of the intricate challenges that emerge when addressing terrorism issues in a fragile state context. It emphasizes the need for a nuanced, context-specific approach that goes beyond short-term military gains to ensure sustainable peace and stability. The findings of this study hold implications not only for Nigeria but also for other nations facing similar challenges, providing insights into the delicate balance between winning the war against terrorism and securing a lasting peace. Keywords: Terrorism, Counterterrorism, Sustainable Peace, Kinetic Operations, Human rights abuse, Displacement.

탈냉전 초기 미국의 외교안보 정책: 파나마 침략을 중심으로

The chief legacy derived from the Panama invasion was how it altered the American public’s perceptions of the military after the frustrating war in Vietnam. The ease of Panama helped pave the way for the Iraq War. One intervention elided into another in the post-Cold War period. Operation Just Cause was a catalyst for Washington’s new role not only as worldwide policeman, but as global armed social worker. The United States encountered sinister new authoritarian regimes in Pyongyang, Tehran, and other capitals, for which the Cold War really ended. But before that return of great-power rivalry, the United States entered into a string of military actions in the world’s far corner: Panama. There, the Department of Defense found itself in wars, regine change, and forever counterterrorism campaigns. The Panama military operation went almost flawlessly. The overwhelming success of JUST CAUSE must be attributed to the fact that the PDF(Panamanian Defense Force) did not put up serious or sustained resistance.

Deradicalisation and national security

There is no gainsaying that the Northeast of Nigeria is extensively riddled by extreme views and violence, oiled by poverty, literacy disconnect, unregulated radical clerics, ungoverned spaces, widening literacy gap, and unemployment confronting the population and these further aggravate the vulnerability of Nigeria’s national security. It was against this background that this study adopted the reintegrative shaming theory to investigate the nexus between deradicalisation and national security. This study decomposed national security into terrorism and proliferation of small arms and light weapons, using the lens of deradicalisation process under Operation Safe Corridor and Sulhu. This study employed exploratory research design with reliance on publicly available archive documents. The study relies solely on secondary data. The research is conducted by examining literature concerning deradicalisation, terrorism and small and light weapon proliferation. The literature was obtained through searches in publicly available material. Literature from non-serial publications, official reports, and conferences has been included particularly if they have been cited by other references in connection with national security. Findings from the study showed that deradicalisation positively influence counterterrorism campaign by the military, intelligence and law enforcement agencies.Result from study also showed that deradicalisation influence onproliferation of small arms and light weapon remained largely unsettled. The study recommends that government should create holistic buy-ins into the operation safe corridor, whichshould be broadened and not siloed as presently seen in Nigeria by the military, which has a low buy in point, for local community involvement. The study also recommends the Nigeria Security architecture should encourage decentralization of commands and control closer to the people by unbundling security from exclusive list into the concurrent list, so as to properly situate security closer to the people and not the elite alone.

Mowing the grass

Mowing the grass is a cyclical pattern in counterterrorism campaigns where governments attack to destroy terrorist capacity, thereby achieving a period of quiet as groups recover. If groups expect their capacity to be destroyed, why build their capabilities in the first place? I analyze an infinite-horizon dynamic game where a group endogenously builds capacity in the face of potential attacks and capacity is an evolving, persistent variable. The model highlights that terrorist groups and governments have incentives to create strategic uncertainty and thus explains attack cycles without punishment strategies, revenge preferences or imperfect/incomplete information. I calibrate the model to time-series data in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict describing rockets fired from Gaza. The results illustrate a peace-making dilemma: altering the government’s incentives will have comparatively minimal effects on long-term conflict dynamics, whereas changing the terrorists’ incentives to acquire capacity would either increase the frequency of high-capacity terrorism or government attacks.

Analyzing Post 9/11 Religious Freedom in Pakistan: A Case Study of Christian Minorities

Christians constitute the most significant minority in Pakistan, a predominantly Muslim nation. After the 9/11 incidents, religious intolerance has surged, mainly targeting religious minorities, in particular the Christian community. This research aims to contextualize this narrative by delving into the increased discrimination and injustice faced by Christians following the United States’ global counter-terrorism campaign in 2001. The current state of affairs has become more challenging as the measures taken by the government to address religious extremism have not yielded the desired results. This research sheds light on how the escalating religious intolerance has led to the social exclusion and discrimination of Christian minorities in Pakistan. Despite Constitutional assurances of religious freedom, the government has struggled to provide adequate protection. This study identifies the challenges Christians face and proposes potential solutions by analyzing the past twenty-three years of literature. However, substantial efforts are still required to address the issues of religious freedom and intolerance.

Hunters and Gatherers: The Evolution of Strike and Intelligence Functions in Special Operations Forces

The rapid expansion of Special Operations Forces (SOF) since the beginning of the twenty-first century is largely seen as a response to the necessity to fight the post–11 September 2001 counterterrorism wars. Strike and intelligence, previously studied as distinct functions for military forces, have been increasingly intertwined in contemporary SOF operations. This study examines the evolution of the strike and intelligence functions of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and allied SOF in counterterrorism and counterinsurgency campaigns from 2004 to 2017. The coevolution of strike and intelligence functions in SOF operations provides unique insight into the processes of battlefield and doctrinal adaptation in counterterrorism campaigns. Opportunities for further research include links between emerging doctrine and practice in targeting enemy networks.

The Clash of Civilizations and War Against Terrorism: A Synoptic Study (2001-2008)

On the advent of new millennium, the attack on WTC on 9/11 set a new paradigm of terrorism in world scenario. The defensive “anti-terrorist” policy of the United States gave way to offensive “counter terrorism” which posed a real threat to the Islamic world and Muslim civilization. WAT couldn’t restore peace; instead, it resulted in turmoil, chaos, commotion, culminating in suicide attacks and bomb explosions at public places. This research highlights the threat which Islamic theology and civilization faces from Western counter-terrorism policies. It also analyzes the factors that foment fanaticism i.e., policies of Western think-tanks, theological contests among the Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, Islam) and Islam-phobia. This study further emphasizes the economical component hidden behind Western counter terrorism campaign, that entered in radical Islamic belt holding cosmopolitan, pluralistic, multiethnic and multicultural slogan.

Trends in the Terrorist Threats Against Türkiye and Its Counterterrorism Measures

To assess the magnitude of the terrorist threats facing Türkiye and the nature and effectiveness of its counterterrorism (CT) campaign, this analysis is divided into two parts. The first part presents an overview of the terrorist threats facing the country by the major terrorist groups that threaten it. The second part provides an overview of the government’s security agencies involved in the CT campaign and an assessment of their response measures vis-à-vis the spectrum of terrorist threats facing the country.

The Challenges and Prospects of Enforcement of Nigeria’s Counter-Terrorism/ Insurgency Laws and Policies: Implications for National Security

Interpretation of legal guidelines can vary widely-relying at the occasions dealing with a rustic and its political structure-in different words, whether or not it's miles an autocracy or democracy. Acts of terrorism were described as moves intentionally fascinated by malice and the purpose to destabilize or wreck the essential political, constitutional, financial and/or social structure. The paper finds out that the country's anti-terrorism legislation is critical. The key law under consideration is the Terrorism Prevention (Amendment) Act 2013. The paper strongly suggests that in order for the Nigerian government to fulfil its counter-terrorism objectives, it must change its attention to tackling the underlying fundamental causes of terrorism. Furthermore, the work suggested that, for long-term sustainable solutions, the opportunity to engage-and address the concerns of-the entire population, including marginalized segments of the population who offer passive resistance to terrorist and outlaw groups, is at the heart of a successful counter-terrorism campaign. Most individuals are inclined to approve such a strategy if they can see evidence of success and can envisage even modest but progressive changes. It is only by their active participation and collaboration will the political leadership be able to capture the hearts and minds of the people, particularly Nigeria's youth, and act on the enormous prospects for Nigeria's economic, social, and intellectual advancement.

Turkey’s Buffer Zone in Northern Syria and Its Impact on Irregular Migration

ABSTRACT This commentary examines Ankara’s ‘safe zones’ in Northern Syria, as well as elaborating on whether creating safe zones in response to the war in Syria and the subsequent humanitarian catastrophe was a choice or a requirement for Ankara in terms of irregular migration and border security. Turkey has declared multiple safe zones within Syria’s borders, using its right to self-defense under international law, to battle terrorist organizations that have taken advantage of the rising authority vacuum on Syrian land to put Turkish borders and nationals in danger. After an examination of the critical turning points in the Syrian civil war, the paper proposes that the safe zones serve three preemptive and prospective functions by providing a safe haven for the civilian population, by paving a step forward in the counter-terrorism campaign, and attempts to stop irregular migration and finally, by allowing Syrians to return to their homeland.

The Efficacy of Airpower in Counterinsurgency

Since 2001, the United States has relied upon air strikes in its global counterterrorism campaign against insurgencies throughout the world. With advances in air strike technology, public opinion growing increasingly intolerant of deployments of ground forces abroad, and the proliferation of terrorist groups around the world, the use of air strikes appears to be the future of US counterterrorism policy. This study tests the efficacy of air strikes as a counterinsurgency tool by geocoordinating US air strike data and merging it with three major databases on conflict events to assess whether air strikes influence the rate of insurgent attacks. Our analysis reveals that air strikes reduce insurgents’ capacity to carry out attacks over the long term. At the same time, air strikes carry a short-term, provocative effect on insurgent attacks when they result in civilian fatalities. Finally, there is some evidence that air strikes increase attack attempts, but these attempts are not always successful, nor directed toward government forces.

Sex trafficking and sex-for-food/money: terrorism and conflict-related sexual violence against men in the Lake Chad region

ABSTRACT In understanding conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), the notion of how sexuality and sex are naturally linked to power is gaining traction in IR discourses. There is, however, little contextual or empirical evidence that accounts for the various forms of CRSV against men, or how offenders exploit power dynamics in conflict and post-conflict settings to achieve their sexual desires. As a result, we rely on ethnographic accounts from survivors/victims, NGO workers, and security personnel on the front lines of the counter-terrorism campaign in the Lake Chad basin, particularly in North-eastern Nigeria. Long-term terrorist violence, we argue, creates material imbalances in men and boys and increases their vulnerabilities, providing platforms for individual perpetrators to exploit their vulnerable status or engage in sex-trafficking rings to satisfy their sexual urges. Therefore, this article adds conceptually and empirically to the nature and motivations of wartime sexual violence, as well as the gendered dynamics of armed conflict. It challenges the popular masculinist notion that men are immune to sex trafficking and sexual violence. The study emphasises the importance of effective IDP camp management and prosecution in preventing would-be offenders.

Proses Perubahan Diri Seorang Teroris menjadi Aktivis Perdamaian

This qualitative study was aimed at exploring the experience of a former member of a terrorist organization in Indonesia who have left his terrorist group and abandoned the extremist ideology. A life history method which focuses on the process of self-change and life transition of the former member of the terrorist group was employed A participant whose age is 40 years old and was a former active member of Jamaah Islamiyah (JI), a terrorist group, was recruited. He was captured in 2014 and served a sentence in prison for almost 4 years. He has been involved in counter-terrorism campaign organized by a non-government organization (NGO) since his release from prison until recently. Interviews were conducted to collect data which were then analyzed using a narrative analysis. Some written documents in the forms of articles and a published book produced by the participant as well as online news covering the participant’ stories were also examined. The findings inform how he became involved in the terrorist networks. The need for self-significance and adventurous experience seems to be the main drivers. After his capture, and during his imprisonment, he contemplated his participation in the terrorist networks. His meetings with religious experts and academicians facilitated by prison officers, and his awareness of burden he had inflicted on his family because of his terrorism case had opened his mind. He experienced a turning life moment which made him keeping distance from other terrorist inmates with the risk of receiving negative view from them. After his release, he found passion in writing and eventually reached a NGO and joined it as a credible voice in the campaigns of counter violent extremism through writing and public speaking.

The (de)legitimation of torture: rhetoric, shaming and narrative contestation in two British cases

Existing studies on democracies’ involvement in torture emphasise how governments have been able to circumvent the international anti-torture norm and shape public discourse on the issue through powerful rhetorical strategies of denial and exception. Less attention has been paid, however, to the rhetoric of opponents of torture and how it impacts on governments and security agencies. This article proposes a typology of four common arguments against torture, which make use variously of ethical, utilitarian and ‘shaming’ rhetoric. These arguments often take a narrative form and are extensively contested by governments. Drawing on the literature on rhetorical coercion, I argue that anti-torture narratives can play an important role in constraining democratic states and significantly reducing their perpetration of torture. Yet the multiplicity of narratives at play opens up opportunities for governments to accept some messages against torture while simultaneously contesting others in a way which enables them to continue their involvement in torture. I develop this argument through a comparative analysis of the role of torture in two British counterterrorism campaigns – against Irish republican terrorism in the 1970s and against jihadist violence after 9/11. Differences in the content and salience of the narratives advanced by critics of the government during the two time periods explain much about why the British government contested some arguments against torture, but accepted others. This variation helps to explain in turn why British security agencies carried out coercive interrogations on a wide scale during the 1970s, while their perpetration of torture was significantly reduced in the post-9/11 case.

In search of enemies: Donald Trump’s populist foreign policy rhetoric

This article asks how Donald Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric during his presidential campaign and presidency has affected US foreign policy in the area of overseas counterterrorism campaigns. Looking at two case studies – the May 2017 Arab Islamic American Summit and the US role in the counter Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) campaign, it is argued that Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric has failed to accurately describe or legitimate his administration’s counterterrorism strategy, as per the conventional wisdom. Instead, Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric has largely been aimed at creating a sense of crisis (as populism requires) to mobilise his domestic base. In making this argument about the purpose of Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric, not only does the article contribute a new perspective to the extant literature on elections, rhetoric, and US foreign policy, but also to the burgeoning scholarship on governing populists and their foreign policies. Although these findings could be unique to Trump, the article’s novel framework – combining International Relations and populism scholarship to elaborate on how the foreign arena can be used to generate a state of perpetual crisis – can hopefully be applied in other contexts.

US Drone Attacks: it’s Impacts on Pakistan’s Sovereignty

In response to the terrorist’s attack on the Pentagon and the World Trade Centre on 11th September 2001, the forces of United States launched a global counterterrorism campaign. The sovereignty of Pakistan is also escaped in the counter attacks of terrorism. Pakistan always stands first in the warfare against bombing but still it is paying a high cost of this war. So, Pakistan is fronting a fragile refuge circumstances as American drones are bombing on the citizens in the ancestral zones by violating its boundaries on top of old smoky. In contrast, equipped fighters of diverse outfits are conflicting with legislative security equipment not only in the ancestral zones albeit urban settled areas too. Thus, the security condition in Pakistan has worsened since past two decades and the nation is completely unprotected likewise it had been throughout the Soviet assaults of Afghanistan. The proposed research is an attempt to explain the key role of Pakistan in the war against terrorism through the deductive and analytical research approaches. However, the sacrifices of Pakistan are not considered at the global and regional levels, despite it has paid heavy cost of it.

Non-military approach against terrorism in Nigeria: deradicalization strategies and challenges in countering Boko Haram

For a successful counter-terrorism campaign, scholars and conflict practitioners emphasize a combination of military and non-military strategies. While a military strategy is useful to weaken the military capacity of terrorists, non-military strategies including negotiations, deradicalization, disarmament, rehabilitation, reintegration, and other soft measures are advanced to tackle the underlying problems fuelling terrorism to achieve a long-term peaceful outcome. Within the non-military approach, deradicalization program is very significant, especially in combating religion- or ideology-motivated terrorism, given that the strategy not only aims to deconstruct extremist ideologies but also facilitates the rehabilitation and reintegration of ex-combatants and victims of violent extremism. This study analyzes the deradicalization program of the Nigerian government towards countering Boko Haram. It is argued that the design and implementation of the program have structural weaknesses that may further contribute to the problem of violent extremism. Therefore, the paper recommends measures that can strengthen the deradicalization program for a successful counter-terrorism operation.

COUNTERING MEASURES OF TERRORISM IN PAKISTAN

Terrorism and sectarian violence has started since the creation of the Pakistan. Terrorism is the deliberate use of unlawful force or violence to achieve goal that is political or ideological nature. Special Anti-terrorist courts enforce the Anti-terrorism laws of the Pakistan and system nominates organizations and people consisted with terrorism. Different factors are responsible to make Anti-Terrorism law. A number of extremist challenges faced by Pakistan that are ethnic and religious groups. The Pakistan government established committees to encourage sectarian harmony and religious tolerance. Pakistan support Taliban in Afghanistan, which make the way safe for militancy and also for terrorists. The anti-terrorism law has massive implication on Pakistan by different ways. Pakistan has been effected economically, politically, socially and militarily. According to Pakistan Finance Ministry, that counter terrorism campaign has caused unemployment in affected areas, which increased poverty. The listing of these proscribes organizations is also one of the factor to make anti-terrorism law. To gauge the impacts of anti-terrorism law, so there is technological impediment inhabits a particular incident of terrorists. Due to this hurdle unintended results happened and they transferred the attack. This law also desisted the activities of those groups who are involved in funds rising, money laundering and participation in terrorist activities. This law has sustainable effect on civil freedom rights and values. Some decision maker was also condemned this act on account of personal liberties. The additional powers of this act have been produced inimical result to combat terrorism.

Who Undermines the Peace at the Ballot Box? The Case of Colombia

ABSTRACT Electoral politics and violent civil conflict often coexist. Citizens exposed and unexposed to violence bear the costs of conflict unevenly and, thus, conceive of militant vs. accommodationist state response to the perpetrators of violence differently. The literature has found that victims of political violence tend to endorse militant state response against nonstate actors seen as responsible. This result is mostly based on secessionist conflicts in which victims of violence are often shielded from the costs of state counterinsurgency or counterterrorism campaigns. By contrast, we argue, in non-secessionist conflicts, individuals exposed to violence tend to also experience the state militant anti-guerrilla operations, which often lead to state abuses of civilians. We expect that civilians exposed to nonstate and state attacks will be more likely to support pro-peace policies. We find support for this argument analyzing Colombia’s 2014 presidential election and 2016 peace agreement referendum. In addition, we use original data on local candidates’ pro- and anti-peace process positions in Colombia’s 2014 congressional election to test the underlying logic of the argument that local communities exposed to both nonstate and state violence are more likely to demand pro-peace policies.

Cows, Charcoal, and Cocaine: Al-Shabaab’s Criminal Activities in the Horn of Africa

Contrary to historical terrorism scholarship, terrorist groups can strategically diversify into a variety of criminal activities without losing their core ideology or support among the civilian population. This pattern is demonstrated by the evolutionary arc of al-Shabaab, which grew from a small subset of Somalia’s Islamic Courts Union to the most violent political actor in the Horn of Africa, able to conduct terrorist attacks as far afield as Kenya, Djibouti, and Ethiopia. Al-Shabaab has been highly successful in creating a narrative of truth and justice provision while simultaneously exploiting the Somali population and engaging in criminal activity. For the group, criminal activity and crime networks serve two primary purposes: as a funding mechanism and as an avenue for recruitment. Using ethnographic fieldwork and process tracing, I find that the group’s criminal activities throughout the Horn of Africa have made the group significantly more resilient to counterterrorism and counterinsurgency campaigns, extending both its lifespan and operational capability.