Abstract

Existing studies on democracies’ involvement in torture emphasise how governments have been able to circumvent the international anti-torture norm and shape public discourse on the issue through powerful rhetorical strategies of denial and exception. Less attention has been paid, however, to the rhetoric of opponents of torture and how it impacts on governments and security agencies. This article proposes a typology of four common arguments against torture, which make use variously of ethical, utilitarian and ‘shaming’ rhetoric. These arguments often take a narrative form and are extensively contested by governments. Drawing on the literature on rhetorical coercion, I argue that anti-torture narratives can play an important role in constraining democratic states and significantly reducing their perpetration of torture. Yet the multiplicity of narratives at play opens up opportunities for governments to accept some messages against torture while simultaneously contesting others in a way which enables them to continue their involvement in torture. I develop this argument through a comparative analysis of the role of torture in two British counterterrorism campaigns – against Irish republican terrorism in the 1970s and against jihadist violence after 9/11. Differences in the content and salience of the narratives advanced by critics of the government during the two time periods explain much about why the British government contested some arguments against torture, but accepted others. This variation helps to explain in turn why British security agencies carried out coercive interrogations on a wide scale during the 1970s, while their perpetration of torture was significantly reduced in the post-9/11 case.

Highlights

  • Existing studies on democracies’ involvement in torture emphasise how governments have been able to circumvent the international anti-torture norm and shape public discourse on the issue through powerful rhetorical strategies of denial and exception

  • An account of the particular configurations of narratives prevalent during the two time periods is key for understanding why British security agencies carried out coercive interrogations on a wide scale during the 1970s, while the nature and degree of their involvement in torture was significantly different in the post-9/11 case

  • This article has argued that there are significant rhetorical constraints on democracies’ involvement in torture. It demonstrated this argument by showing that rhetorical coercion and shaming have had a substantial influence on the UK government’s record on torture

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Summary

Introduction

Existing studies on democracies’ involvement in torture emphasise how governments have been able to circumvent the international anti-torture norm and shape public discourse on the issue through powerful rhetorical strategies of denial and exception. Differences in the content and salience of the narratives advanced by critics of the government during the two time periods explain much about why the British government contested some arguments against torture, but accepted others This variation helps to explain in turn why British security agencies carried out coercive interrogations on a wide scale during the 1970s, while their perpetration of torture was significantly reduced in the post-9/11 case. The multiplicity of narratives at play opens opportunities for target governments to engage in strategic rhetorical manoeuvres – to accept some messages against torture while simultaneously contesting others in a way which enables them to continue their involvement in torture Applying this framework to the British cases, the article examines the efforts of various actors to shame and rhetorically coerce the UK government for its involvement in torture during the 1970s and 2000s. An account of the particular configurations of narratives prevalent during the two time periods is key for understanding why British security agencies carried out coercive interrogations on a wide scale during the 1970s, while the nature and degree of their involvement in torture was significantly different in the post-9/11 case

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