Copts In Egypt Research Articles

Copts in the National and Religious Discourses: A Narrative of Resistance in Shady Lewis’s Turuq al-Rab

The focus of scholarly studies and literary works on Egyptian Copts as a persecuted or a faith community has diverted attention from seeing them as active agents who challenge hegemonic powers within the complex overlapping of national and religious discourses. As a diasporic Copt, Shady Lewis voices in his 2018 novel Turuq al-Rab (Ways of the Lord) a counter-narrative of resistance, scrutinizing the prevailing conformist culture fraught with control and repression orchestrated primarily by the state and secondarily by the church. This paper examines the ways in which Lewis offers a new paradigm for understanding Coptic identity in light of Egypt’s socio-history that has produced this culture. It argues that the novel’s interlacing of the twofold church-state and Copts-church asymmetries of power informs Coptic contentions of citizenship, belonging, and relation to the church.

The Political Path of Copts in Egypt after 2011

The Coptic Church monopolized the religious and political representation of the Copts since the establishment of the Egyptian state. It withdrew from direct involvement in the political sphere during the presidency of Hosni Mubarak, characterized by a close relationship between the Church and the political regime, especially in times of perceived common threats. Consequently, the Church often supported the regime to safeguard against potential risks that might arise if the regime were to fall. In this context, Mubarak's regime used Islamist elements to intimidate the Copts, while justifying its actions by claiming that the secular political system had become sectarian. Consequently, Mubarak's regime closed its doors to Coptic representation within his party.
 The January 25th, 2011 revolution provided an opportunity for the Copts to act more freely in the political climate. However, this newfound democracy had its challenges, as it witnessed the mobilization and substantial participation of Islamist groups, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, utilizing their organizational capacity. Through this religious polarization, the Islamists succeeded in winning elections, leading to the presidential victory of Mohamed Morsi.
 The Muslim Brotherhood failed to alleviate the Copts' concerns about religious freedom and their marginalization in state institutions. Moreover, some Brotherhood leaders and their allies adopted a sectarian rhetoric against the Copts, which had negative consequences on the overall political direction of the Brotherhood. This ultimately led to their downfall, paving the way for a new era of governance in Egypt.

The Rights of Religious Minorities in Muslim-Majority States: A Comparative Study of Egyptian Copts and Iraqi Christians

This paper takes up the constitutional recognition of individual and collective rights for religious minorities in Muslim-majority states, discussing how constitutions in such states approach the question of legal protection for minorities in order to foster a climate conducive to coexistence between its constituent religious groups. It also examines the claims that Arab and Islamic states deny religious diversity, offering a comparative analytical study of the rights of Copts under the 2014 Egyptian constitution and the rights of Iraqi Christian minorities under the 2005 constitution. The study concludes that the constitutional provisions for the protection of the rights of religious minorities in these two states are relatively progressive compared to the constitutions of other Islamic states. This is particularly true of the Iraqi constitution, which generally has a better approach to the protections offered religious minorities than its Egyptian counterpart, especially when it comes to combatting discrimination and providing for political participation. Nevertheless, the study asserts that the real problem lies in the application of constitutional provisions on the ground due to the failure of the two states, particularly Egypt, to institute explicit procedural measures to guarantee genuine protection for minority religious rights.

Intertwined Hierarchies: The Intersection of Religion and Gender in the Personal Status Laws of Orthodox Copts in Egypt

This paper raises questions about the extent to which the demand for a uniform civil personal status law, as advocated by progressive forces in Egypt, shows consideration for the context of religious persecution. In presenting a historical review of milestones in legislation regulating the personal status of Orthodox Copts in Egypt from an intersectional feminist perspective, the paper attempts to lay bare the balance of power among the parties that contributed to framing this legislation. It offers a brief overview of the historical context of the personal status law in Egypt, followed by a history of the emergence of the Coptic Orthodox General Communal Council, which issued Statute 38, the law that has governed the personal status affairs of Christians since 1938. The paper then reviews relevant regulations, legislation, and papal decrees, as well as significant disputes between the church and state on divorce and remarriage for Copts. Finally, it discusses the interlocking hierarchies that shape the status quo: the hierarchy between recognised and unrecognised denominations, between the Coptic Orthodox Church as the ‘mother church’ and the Catholic and Protestant churches, and between the clergy and the laity within the Orthodox Church, as well as social hierarchies based on religious identity (Muslims and non-Muslims) and gender.

From the Editors

The topic of Issue 32 of Perspectives on Culture is Christianity and its role as a source of not only European, but also a geographically wider cul­tural sphere (e.g., the Egyptian Copts). Three pillars were fundamental to the construction of Europe’s current cultural identity: Athens as a source of philosophy, Rome as the foundations of law, and Jerusalem as a place where religion was born. Christianity created a new cultural heritage upon the achievements of Athens and Rome, having respect for the legacy of the previous civilizations. There is no doubt that Christianity has made an important contribution to European culture. In this issue, an impor­tant place is given to the person of Pope John Paul II, whose teachings and thoughts appear in several texts.

Economy of Blood: The Persecuted Church and the Racialization of American Copts

ABSTRACTSince the 1990s, attacks on Egyptian Copts have been made legible to American (particularly evangelical) audiences through the moral imaginary of the “Persecuted Church,” which argues that Christians around the globe are persecuted more than any other time in history. Images of bloodied Egyptian Coptic bodies have circulated among Western Christian religio‐political networks in an “economy of blood,” an imperial economy of Christian kinship that performs the double movement of glory and racialization. This double movement has placed American Copts in a bind, whereby indigenous Coptic collective memory of blood and persecution has intersected with the political, theological, and affective kinship formations of this economy of blood. This article analyzes how the contemporary remapping of Eastern Christian traditions, like that of the Copts, produces effects on a geopolitical scale, and examines how this reconfiguration unfolds whiteness and Western Christianity. [racialization, Christian kinship, economy of blood, Persecuted Church, American Copts]

Spiritual Songs of Christian Pilgrimage to Jerusalem: An Intangible Feature of Coptic Ritual

The pilgrimage represents an important feature in the religious and social life of Copts in Egypt who used to make pilgrimage to the local shrines scattered all over Egypt to show veneration and glorification to God and saints. Beside these local visits, Copts usually have an annual mystical pilgrimage to the exceptional shrine of Jerusalem which occupies a distinguished place in the heart of every Christian, as it is the place that witnessed the different biblical events of the Christ’s life.One of the outstanding aspects of the Coptic pilgrimage to Jerusalem is the folk songs which are usually recited by women, describing all feelings and attitudes through the different stages of the journey from the very beginning until the end. They are composed of only two or three simple rhyming verses with fixed literary and melodic molds and are of unknown author or composer and have no written resource. These folk songs are a real embodiment of the personal piety of the Copts away from the political issues of the church. In spite of the political situation with Israel that affected the Coptic pilgrimage to Jerusalem, many Copts who are seeking for salvation still make this unforgettable journey to participate in the Easter rituals, offer sincere repentance for sins and proudly get the prestigious title of “muqades” or “the holy one”. This study aims to show these songs as a crucial part of a religious Coptic rite and also as an important intangible cultural heritage that must be preserved and revitalized.

Being a Coptic Man: Masculinity, Class, and Social Change among Egyptian Copts

Inspired by Marcia Inhorn’s work on Arab masculinities, this article looks at changes in masculine ideals and practices among Egyptian middle-class Copts. Based on fieldwork among Copts in the city of Alexandria, Egypt, this article argues that young Coptic men embrace ideals of manhood that highlights conjugal connectivity and involved fatherhood at the expense of other social commitments; that in doing so, they define themselves in opposition to Muslim men of lower socioeconomic status, widely construed as their “masculine others”; and finally that these men ascribe to forms of masculinity that do not seem to reinforce patriarchal power relations, nor lend themselves to hierarchical placement in relation to otherwise dominant forms of masculinity within a predominantly Muslim society. As such, they constitute forms of masculinity that are parallel, but not subordinate to a “hegemonic masculinity,” challenging some of the central premises on which the concept of hegemonic masculinity is commonly based. The case of middle-class Coptic men point to the concept of “emergent masculinities” as a promising starting point for analyzing masculinity in diverse Arab societies.

ثورة البشمور ( 216 - 217 هـ / 831 – 832 م ) دکتورة / غادة محمد حامد مسعود

تعد ثورة البشمور أکبر وآخر ثورة في تاريخ مصر الإسلامية ضد الخلافة العباسية ، في عهد الخليفة المأمون 198 – 218 هـ (814 – 833 م ) ، وولاية عيسى بن 215 – 217 هـ ( 830 – 832 م ) ، علي مصر . فقد ثار سکان الوجه البحري جميعا عرب وأقباط ، على الوالىعيسى بن منصور ، في جمادى الأولى سنة 216 هـ ( 831 م ) ، وخلعوا عمال الولاية ، وأعلنوا العصيان ، بسبب زيادة الخراج ، وارهاقهم بکثرة الضرائب والأعباء المالية المختلفة . وقد شارک فى هذه الثورة کل من العرب والمصريين ( مسلمين ومسيحيين ) ، فصاروا قوة لا يستهان بها لدرجة بلغت معها أن والى مصر عيسى بن وجنوده لم ينجحوا فى الصمود أمام جموع الثائرين ، حتى قدم إليهم الأفشين من برقة ، وعمل على قمع الفتنة وإخماد الثورة ، لکن خطورتها استدعت قدوم الخليفة المأمون إلى مصر ، فقدم الخليفة المأمون بنفسه ، وتمکن قائده الإفشين من الإيقاع بالبشموريين ، فنزلوا على حکم الخليفة فحکم بقتل الرجال وبيع النساء والأطفال ، ومنذ ذلک الوقت لم يقدر أحد منهم على الخروج على السلطان ، وبذلک کانت هذه الثورة آخر ثورات القبط فى مصر فى عهد الولاة العرب . Abstract The Beshmour Revolution is the largest and last revolution in the history of Islamic Egypt against the Abbasid caliphate, during the reign of the Caliph Al Ma'moun 198 - 218 AH (814 - 833 AD) and the mandate of Isa bin 215 - 217 AH (830 - 832 AD) . The people of the face of the sea revolted all the Arabs and Copts on the authority of bin Mansour , in Jumada I in 216 AH (831 AD) and took off state workers and declared disobedience because of increased abscess, and exhaustion of many taxes and various financial burdens . The Arabs and Egyptians (Muslims and Christians) took part in this revolution and they became a force so important that Egypt and Issa ibn Mansour did not succeed in resisting the masses of revolutionaries . And the suppression of the revolution, but its seriousness called for the arrival of the Caliph Al-Ma'mun to Egypt. The caliph al-Ma'mun himself introduced himself and his commander was able to beat the Peshmurans. They came down to the rule of the caliph. He ruled by killing men and selling women and children. This revolution was the last revolution of Copts in Egypt during the reign of Alo Uh Arabs.

The Copts of Egypt between two uprisings: Socio-political challenges and opportunities

The Copts of Egypt between two uprisings: Socio-political challenges and opportunities

The U.S. Coptic Diaspora and the Limit of Polarization

ABSTRACTAfter briefly presenting the main characteristics of the Coptic diaspora in the United States and of its attempts at gaining political clout since the 1990s, the article examines the impact of the election of President Obama and of the 2011 Egyptian revolution on the rhetoric and strategy of the main Coptic organizations in the United States. I also examine the changing relation between Copts in Egypt and Copts in the United States.

‘War on Terror’ in our backyard: effects of framing and violent ISIS propaganda on anti-Muslim prejudice

ABSTRACTFraming metaphors for counterterrorism have been analyzed theoretically but their effect has not yet been fully understood empirically. One framing metaphor that has been employed for counterterrorism is a ‘War on Terror’. The present study examined the effect of using the phrase ‘War on Terror’ on support for security policies that unfairly target Muslims. We manipulated the frame to make federal action or community action salient. Additionally, we tested the effect of the release of Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL/ISIS/Daesh, hereafter ISIS) propaganda films by collecting data before and after the February 2015 video featuring the execution of 21 Egyptian Copts by a Libyan ISIS group. We found that, after the video was released, a community-based framing of the ‘War on Terror’ significantly increased support for anti-Muslim security policies. We also examined the demographics of those who had seen ISIS videos versus those who had not and the factors that predicted whether participants were distressed by the videos. Those who had seen the videos were more likely to be male and have personal ties to the military or law enforcement. Those who were distressed by the videos were more likely to be politically conservative, female, younger, and have personal ties to the military or law enforcement.

Abdullah al-Nadim, his political stances, his religious approach, and his role in the Arab revolution until 1881 AD

This study dealt with an important figure in the history of Egypt, whose scientific impact is still evident in supporting research and studies. Through a careful reading of this study, I concluded the following: 1- The views of Abdullah al-Nadim had a clear impact on the transformation of Ahmed Orabi's movement at its inception from having military goals into a revolution with comprehensive goals, as it was Abdullah al-Nadim who gave Ahmed Orabi the legitimacy of the resurrection of his revolution. 2- Al-Nadim was aware that the British colonialists had many means to entrap the people, especially between the Egyptian Copts and the Muslims, so he sought to block the way for the British by exploiting the Copts and making the battle between the British and the Egyptians.

THE BURDEN OF THE EGYPTIAN MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD’S HISTORICAL LEGACY: THE IDEOLOGY AND AGENDA

The aim of the study was the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s history focusing on its ideology and agenda. In this regard, the 18th century economic development in the Western Europe influenced the Arab and the Muslim Worlds in a way that Muslim scholars attempted to present an alternative system to the attractiveness of the Western modernization. However, the EMB founded in 1928, despite its tirelessly struggle, full of confrontations and flexibility at the same time towards the domestic as well as the international Community actors failed to achieve its first step agenda which is ruling Egypt. EMB’s regional and International expansionism ambition might be the reason behind its failure to be accepted by the regional secular parties, Egyptian Copts and the International Community main actors such as U.S. and UK.

Minority politics in the Middle East and North Africa: the prospects for transformative change

This special issue explores the prospects for what Jacob Mundy calls ‘transformative minority politics’ in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region – that is, a form of minority politics that strengthens democratic reform in the region, and that helps deepen a culture of human rights and democratic citizenship. The cases examined in the special issue include the Amazigh in North Africa, the Copts in Egypt, the Kurds in Iraq, the Palestinians in Israel, the ‘minoritarian’ regimes in Syria and Bahrain, and the various ethnic minorities in Iran. In this introduction, we try to situate this debate in a larger historical and international context, identifying some of the factors that might help support a new transformative minority politics in the region, while also emphasizing the factors that have inhibited it in the past, and why they remain powerful.

ALEVIS UNDER LAW: THE POLITICS OF RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN TURKEY

AbstractProponents of minority rights are calling for urgent measures to protect the Copts in Egypt, the Ahmadiyya in Pakistan, and the Baha'i in Iran to secure religious diversity, shield minority populations from discriminatory practices, and prevent the outbreak of religious violence. State governments, international organizations, nongovernmental organizations, and international tribunals promote religious liberalization as the antidote to the violence and discord that is often attributed to these divisions. Enshrined in international agreements and promoted by a small army of experts and authorities, legal protections for religious minorities are heralded as the solution to the challenges of living with social and religious diversity. This article examines how the complexities and ambivalences of ordinary religious belonging are translated and transformed through the process of becoming legalized and governmentalized. It documents the risks of adopting religion as a category to draw together individuals and communities as corporate bodies that are depicted as in need of legal protection to achieve their freedom. The argument is developed through an extended case study of the legal status of the Alevis in Turkey, a community and a category formally constituted as a single whole as part of the Turkish nation-building project. It evaluates two legal constructions of Alevism by the Turkish state and the European Court of Human Rights. While premised on differing assumptions about Alevism, both erase the indeterminacy and open-endedness surrounding Alevism as a lived tradition embedded in a broader field of social and cultural practices, while bolstering the role of the state in defining and overseeing Turkish religiosities.

Vivian Ibrahim. The Copts of Egypt: The Challenges of Modernisation and Identity.

Vivian Ibrahim. The Copts of Egypt: The Challenges of Modernisation and Identity.

Good Copt, Bad Copt: Competing Narratives on Coptic Identity in Egypt and the United States

This study analyses the relationship between the Coptic community in the United States and Egyptian Copts regarding the status of Coptic citizenship in the Egyptian state. The conception of citizenship for the Coptic Christian minority has been debated since the formation of the modern nation-state and has acquired greater relevance after the revolution that brought the Muslim Brotherhood to power. One primary narrative of citizenship is promoted by the Egyptian Church. It recognises that, while Copts may not feel like equal citizens, they are devoted to their homeland. They try to promote greater equality through civil discourse, opposing foreign intervention and seeking to foster positive relations with Egypt's Muslims. While many Diaspora Copts echo the message of the Egyptian Church, a minority of activist Copts have challenged that narrative. Inculcated with ideas of Islamophobia and neoconservatism, they tend to dismiss hopes of national unity and focus rather on incidents of persecution. These diaspora activist groups continue to challenge the Coptic Church. Their policies have influenced American foreign policy and have broader implications for Muslim–Christian relations in Egypt.

Characterizing the Copts in Egypt: Demographic, socioeconomic and health indicators

Background: The demography of Copts in Egypt is subject to an intense debate in the context of a dearth of analytical studies on this community. Our objective was to estimate the size of the Coptic community in Egypt, map its geographical clustering, and describe demographic, socioeconomic, and health-associated indicators. Methods: We conducted descriptive and Kulldorff spatial scan statistics analyses using the 2008 Egypt Demographic and Health Survey (EDHS) data. We also used chi-square trend analysis and earlier EDHS data to examine the temporal trend in the proportion of Copts. Results: The proportion of Copts in the 15–59 years population was 5.1% (95% confidence interval (CI): 4.6%–5.5%). This translates to 4,274,145 (95% CI: 3,855,111–4,609,372) Copts. We identified three main clusters of Copts: Minya-Assuit cluster (17.6%), Assuit-Souhag cluster (15.1%) and the metropolitan Cairo cluster (9.4%). The proportion of Copts was stable since 1988 (P = 0.11). Copts had higher educational attainment (P = 0.002), and a wealth index quintiles distribution skewed towards the rich (P < 0.001). Copts also had stronger representation in white collar job types, but limited representation in security agencies. The majority of demographic, socioeconomic and health indicators were similar among Copts and Muslims. Conclusions: One in every 20 Egyptians is a Copt, a proportion smaller than commonly circulated in the scholarly literature and public sphere. Despite some identified disparities, our study indicates a well-integrated Egyptian society regardless of religious affiliation. Our study provides evidence to inform the ongoing debate on the status of Copts in Egypt.

Copts in Egypt and their demands: between inclusion and exclusion

This work rests on the assumption that to be a Copt is not equivalent to belonging to a specific religious sect. The term Copt refers to all Egyptian Christians. The article is an attempt to analyse the relationship between inclusion and exclusion policies and the nature of the Mubarak regime, the better to explain the nature of economic, social and political factors that led to many conspicuous social and economic imbalances and thence alienation and the appearance of social movements opposed to the state. Taking the Copts as a case study the work demonstrates that demands attributed to and/or defined as those of the Copts specifically are not necessarily an expression of minority or religious concerns so much as general citizen demands. The evidence presented is derived from a major study of the opinion of Coptic citizens towards political and economic demands. The purpose is to determine whether they are considered social, political and economic demands based on citizenship or on religious grounds. The research adopted a set of hypotheses to be confirmed or refuted through compiling and analysing the results of an empirically administered questionnaire.