Copperplate Engravings Research Articles

A Megváltó Vérrel Éltető Szentháromság Egy Különleges Képtípus Közép-Európában

Abstract A special iconographic interpretation of the Holy Trinity is represented by an engraving kept in the Strahov abbey library of the Premonstratensian canons of Prague. The print was made after Dionysius Strauss' drawing and is the artist's first extant holy image engraved in copperplate. In the monastery of Hradiško u Olomouce Strauss was regarded as the artist of the order respected for the inventiveness of his themes. It is a known fact from 1695 that he presented a painting on the birthday of prior Bernard Wanzke showing the crucified Christ with the Father and the Holy Spirit with lambs feeding on the blood gushing forth from the Son's side. Undoubtedly, the graphic sheet marked “P. Dion. Straus delin. — J. Tscherning sculp.” was made after the lost painting. The words in the banderole above the composition “ut vitam habeant” (that they may have life) are from St John's gospel (Jn 10,10). A somewhat modified variant of the theme is a copperplate engraving also from the late 17th century by Johann Gaspar Gutwein (1669–1730) who worked in Prague, Brno, Augsburg, Regensburg and Graz. The print marked “J. G. Gutwein sc. Brunae” probably adorned the flyleaf of a book. This precious specimen of my private collection shows an infant angel with clasped hands behind the cross, with a quotation from St Luke's gospel on the banderole falling down by its elbow: “… parata sunt omnia” (all things are now ready, Luke 14,17). The words refer to the feast of the flock of the Saviour. The blood and water from the side of Christ collected in a pearl-shell refer to the life-giving and maintaining sacraments of baptism and the eucharist from which the scrawny lambs will gain strength. There is a little known 18th century oil painting in the St Maurice Benedictine monastery of Bakonybél. There are no inscriptions, but white lambs are feeding on the life-giving blood which has cleaned them, flowing from Christ's side into a bowl. The tree of paradise with the serpent is in the background to indicate that Christ's sacrifice on the cross was made in reparation of the original sin: Christ defeated Satan on the cross. This peculiar version of the Holy Trinity representations originated from catholic Moravia in the Tridentine revival of spirituality in Central Europe, as the above described depictions suggest.

Remarkable Daguerreotype of an Academy Founder

The Academy Library & Archives is home to millions of images on multiple media, from woodcut engravings on 16th century rag paper, to the famous hand-colored copperplate engravings of Audubon, to the photographs that span from photography’s 19th century invention through today’s high resolution X-ray Computed Tomography images. Here we share an early genre, the daguerreotype that features a subject of importance to the Bicentennial Year of the founding of the Academy of Natural Sciences: a photograph of Academy Founder Gerard Troost. Named for its inventor Louis Daguerre, the daguerreotype is recognized as the earliest form of publicly available photography and dates back to 1839. Each daguerreotype is a multi-layered work of art comprised of an emulsioncovered copper plate that is slowly exposed through a camera, sometimes requiring the subject to sit still for up to 20 minutes. Thereafter the resulting exposed plate is bathed in hot gaseous mercury. Typically the exposed plate might be hand-tinted, framed in a brass mat, protected by a sheet of glass, mounted in a delicate hinged wooden case lined with silk or velvet and covered with a thin sheet of tooled leather. This jewel-case display was meant to underscore the rarity and value of the photograph within, for each daguerreotype is a “one off.” Since no negative is involved, there is no potential for (contemporaneous) duplication. In 1812 seven natural philosophers founded the Academy of Natural Sciences in Philadelphia for the study of nature “divested of egotism” and pledged to remain“... unwarped by religious theses, views, and prepossessions” (ANSP Archives Coll. 527: Constitutional Act, 21 March 1812). They were Messrs. Gilliams, McMann, Parmentier, Say, Shinn, Speakman, and Troost. The lattermost, Gerardus Zacharius Troost (1776-1850), medical doctor and mineraling to December 1817. Troost’s natural-history interests are revealed in his publications, which include numerous descriptions of crystalline forms of minerals from apophylte to zinc, as well as a geological survey of the environs of Philadelphia. According to the Academy Library’s Online Public Access

Juan Valverde de Hamusco's unauthorized reproduction of a brain dissection by Andreas Vesalius

The objective of the present work is to examine images of the brain dissection by Flemish-born anatomist Andreas Vesalius (1514-1564) as originally represented in the Fabrica (1543), and later copied without Vesalius' permission by Spanish anatomist Juan Valverde de Hamusco (c1525-c1587) in Historia de la composicion del cuerpo humano (1556). Illustrations of the brain dissection in the Fabrica were obtained in digital form, resized, and arranged in a comparable montage to that presented by Valverde. Computer manipulations were used to assess image correspondence. The Valverde illustrations are approximately half the size and are mirror images of those in the Fabrica, but otherwise show the same dissection stages, and identical transverse brain levels and structures. The Valverde illustrations lack shadowing and show minor variations in perspective and fine details (e.g., branching pattern of the middle meningeal artery) from those in the Fabrica. Craftsmen under the direction of Valverde copied the woodcut prints in the Fabrica in close but approximate form by freehand engraving onto copper plates. Differences in the sizes of the images, and in perspective and fine detail, preclude direct tracing of images as the means of copying. Because engravings are in effect "flipped over" to make further prints, subsequent prints made from Valverde's copperplate engravings are mirror images of the prints in Vesalius' Fabrica.

Drawings, Proofs and Prints from the Qianlong Emperor’s East Turkestan Copperplate Engravings

At the command of the Qianlong emperor, Chinese troops conquered a vast territory in Central Asia in three campaigns between 1755 and 1759, greatly expanding the Qing empire. The emperor commemorated these victories in several ways, including the commission of a set of sixteen copperplate prints that were ultimately produced for the Qing court by engravers in Paris. These engravings, justifiably famous in their own time, continue to attract the attention of scholars and collectors. Recent publications in China and Europe, as well as the availability of archival documents in French and Chinese shed new light on the production of the “Conquest” engravings, one of the First and surely the most important, examples of cultural collaboration between China and Europe before modern times. This article describes the creation of the model drawings in China and the production process of the copperplate engravings and prints in France with reference to three contemporary 18th-century French publications. It further examines the existing proof prints and lists the extant sets of prints in different versions in museum and library collections as well as prints that have appeared in auction sales worldwide.

Krisztus a lélek patikusa és orvossága

Abstract Art historical and ethnographic literature has elaborated in detail the cultic history and iconography of Christ as Apothecary, the first synthesis of which theme does credit to Wolfgang-Hagen Hein. He found the patristic roots of the theme in St Augustine's Easter sermon “De doctrina christianae”, in which Christ is “ipse medicus”, “ipsa medicina” (doctor and medicine himself). In his book of 2002 Fritz Krafft also addressed himself to the theme. He names the eucharist, the oil and wine of the chemist as signs of the catholic sacramental liturgy. The ethnographic implications were exposed by Lenz Kriss-Rettenbeck and Leopold Schmidt. The earliest representation is the illumination in a manuscript of around 1519–1528 in which Christ is writing out a prescription for the first parents Adam and Eve. The picture type was disseminated in oil and glass paintings over the 17th and 18th centuries. The listed works are complemented with the presented copperplate engravings in the author's collection and ...

From Text to Theatre: An Architectural Reading of Heinrich Khunrath's Amphitheatrum Sapientiae Aeternae (1595, 1609)

The author looks at Heinrich Khunrath's Amphitheatrum Sapientiae Aeternae (1595, 1609) and the use of metaphor in the title of this book. A theosophical treatise without parallel, Khunrath's Amphitheatrum is probably most famous for its copperplate engravings combining word and image in circular form. The text, on the other hand, is notorious for its highly idiosyncratic and largely impenetrable use of language. The title— Amphitheatre of Eternal Wisdom —seems comparatively straightforward in this respect. Yet, it is this title that raises an important question: Why does Khunrath refer to a work that is published as an "Amphitheatre"? This essay aims to answer this question by examining the spatial and material aspect of the book, or what we might call its architecture, as well as the historical context in which Khunrath published his magnum opus . In so doing, attention is shifted from the purely literary qualities of Khunrath's writing (which have already been highlighted by others) to the architectural qualities that define the book as an "analogous space." In addition, the author speculates on the role of drawing as a means to literally draw forth and visualize these qualities that allow the book to be viewed, beyond a mere metaphorical understanding of the term, as an amphitheatre in the medium of print.

Visions of the Jinn: Illustrators of the Arabian Nights (review)

Reviewed by: Visions of the Jinn: Illustrators of the Arabian Nights Greta D. Little (bio) Visions of the Jinn: Illustrators of the Arabian Nights. By Robert Irwin. London: The Arcadian Library in association with Oxford University Press, 2010. Visions of the Jinn is a beautiful book with a price tag of $225, perhaps more appropriate for the coffee table than the library shelf. It contains 163 illustrations within its 240 pages. However, Irwin’s goal is much larger than just pleasing the eye. Recognizing that the impressions of current readers are as much the result of the [End Page 357] pictures as of the stories themselves, he identifies his audience as readers of the Arabian Nights who are curious about the illustrations as commentary on the text (10). Along with a brief summary of the history of the various texts and manuscripts, he examines and analyzes the evolution of the images that accompany and complement the stories. Versions of the Arabian Nights have been in steady publication since Antoine Galland first introduced them to the West at the end of the seventeenth century. Consequently, the books provide an excellent case study for the introduction, production, and incorporation of illustration into printed texts. Irwin points out that the earliest editions of the Arabian Nights were intended for adult audiences and did not include pictures. Initially, the only illustrations were frontispieces, and most of those depicted a scene from the framing story in which the king marries a virgin, only to have her executed the next morning, until Shahrazad volunteers to marry him and then preserves her life by telling stories each night. These pictures made no effort to reflect the setting of the stories. Illustrators drew from material with which they were familiar, chiefly classical or biblical images, as Irwin’s choices demonstrate. In the second half of the eighteenth century, editions of Arabian Nights began to include more pictures depicting scenes from various stories. Editions became more comprehensive and scholarly, with extensive geographic and ethnographic information about the Middle East. As a result, the range of images and details depicted by illustrators expanded, encompassing even the margins, chapter endings, decorative borders, and notes. As Irwin proceeds through his chronology of illustrated Arabian Nights, his text addresses technological developments, showing ties between important illustrators and engravers and how they contributed to book and publication history. He traces the way in which woodcut illustrations influenced copperplate engraving, explaining the professional pedigrees of the prominent illustrators and engravers as well as how their techniques affected the resulting illustrations. The nineteenth-century developments of chromolithography and photolithography allowed artists more choices and finer distinctions as well as greater use of color, as the included reproductions show. Irwin also details how the rise of the Japonesque, Pre-Raphaelite, and Art Deco movements in the art world influenced the illustrators of the Arabian Nights. The exotic settings and magical storylines called for illustrations to help stir readers’ imaginations, inspiring multiple images of the jinns (or genies) that populate the tales. As editors and illustrators gained more knowledge about the East, they came to see an educational role for their pictures in the Arabian Nights. Orientalist scholars and editors like Lane and Burton guided illustrators in providing background information that would enhance and explain the text. Later, as printing technology improved, publishers paid less attention to the text and concentrated on the illustrations, frequently gathering the work of various well-known illustrators [End Page 358] in a single book. Individual artists also created children’s gift books with primary emphasis on the illustrations. Although much of Visions of the Jinn is devoted to reproductions of the images, the accompanying text, captions, and notes are succinct and richly informative. The index and bibliographic materials demonstrate the sound scholarly approach that Irwin’s background would indicate. In the preface the Arcadian Library is identified as the source for most (although not all) of the books included in the study. In explaining his choices, Irwin says that his book is not intended to be comprehensive, because many editions “contain incompetent or kitsch illustrations” (6). His selections are based on artistic merit or other significance. No one would argue with the...

Konstantinápolyi Szent Lázár, a képrombolás vértanúja

Information on the life of Saint Lazarus was collected by the scribe who continued the Chronicle of Theophanes. It was also elaborated by Kedrenos. He was born in Armenia and came to byzantium at a young age to become a painter and monk. In 832 Theophilus order the destruction of icons. To persuade Lazarus, he summoned him. The tortures of the painter were put an end to by Empress Theodora. In gratitude to her, he painted an icon of St John the Baptist which worked miracles after Theophilus' death, and then he painted a large icon of Christ. Emperor of Byzantium Michael III sent him to Rome in 856 to the newly elected Pope Benedict III to discuss the possibility of reconciliation between the two churches and restore unity. An uncertain source mentions his death during another mission to Rome in 867. He is allegedly buried in Galata in the monastery of Evanderes. His cult in the Roman church was actualized by the “iconoclasm” of the Protestants. The council of Trent – similarly to the second Council of Nicea earlier – decided in favour of the veneration of icons. The finest specimens of St Lazarus's iconography were produced by the noted copperplate engraving workshops of Augsburg. The illustration dating from 1753 of the Life of Saints by Joseph Giulini was popular all over Europe. In the engraving by Christian Halbauer made after Johann Wolfgang Baumgartner of the episode of Lazarus' arrest Christ on the cross can also be seen. The most important depiction shows the sainted monastic painter in a baroque atelier, working on his painting of St John the Baptist in the monastery of Phoberon. The hagiographic series of Annus dierum Sanctorum was sold in a volume already in the age of its creation, between 1737 and 1742. The indispensable series for the research of baroque iconography was the outcome of the joint endeavour of Gottfried Bernard Göz, Joseph Sebastian and Johann Baptist Klauber in Augsburg. Among the historicizing painters of the 19th century, Domenico Morelli depicted the four monks persecuted by Emperor Theophilus in bright colours in 1855, with the icon of St John the Baptism hanging behind the four condemned monks.

Othello, ‘Turn[ing] Turks’ and Cornelis de Bruyn's Copperplate of the Ottoman Port of Famagusta in the Seventeenth Century

Cornelis de Bruyn's copperplate engraving of Famagusta, Cyprus, reproduced in Reizen van Cornelis de Bruyn door de vermaardste Deelen van Klein Asia (Delft, 1698) may at first sight seem unremarkable. Upon closer inspection, however, it offers some valuable insights into, and raises some important questions about, the Ottoman port of Famagusta and its relationship with the ‘West’. Additionally, it offers the historian a rare visual panoramic of Famagusta's historic structures before the destruction wrought by the earthquake of 1735. The artist's written description of his visit, read in tandem with a critical analysis of the image, is also intriguing and relevant to understanding the seventeenth-century European fear of ‘turn[ing] Turks’ in this, or any other, martyred realm. The starting point of this essay on de Bruyn's artistic treatment of Famagusta, and on what information we can glean from it, is rooted in assumed acceptance of Lawrence O. Goedde's tenet that ‘… we encounter in Dutch seascapes the great adventure of Dutch seafaring rendered with a detail that fascinates and convinces and invites the viewer's emotional and intellectual engagement with the history and life of that time’.

The papal anatomist: Eustachius in renaissance Rome

Bartholomeo Eustachi, usually latinized as Eustachius, was an important anatomist in the 16th century, arguably second only to his contemporary and rival Andreas Vesalius. He was the first to identify several important anatomical structures, including the suprarenal glands, though he was probably not the first to describe the Eustachian tube. However, it has been hard to evaluate his achievements, because during his lifetime he published only some short monographs, and his career as a teacher in Rome is not well documented. He and his assistant P.M. Pini were the first to use copper plate engravings to illustrate human and animal anatomy, but most of their engravings were not published in their time, and the original plates were lost for some 140 years after the death of Eustachius. Early in the 18th century, these plates were rediscovered by the anatomist and papal physician G.M. Lancisi; he published the engravings in a book which aroused much interest and many reprintings. In 1744, Bernhard Siegfried Albinus of Leiden University published a version of these engravings, with commentaries by himself. The engraved illustrations prepared by Eustachius and Pini are clear and largely accurate. They idealize the findings of actual dissections, and have a diagrammatic quality that facilitates understanding and memory. They are the ancestors of later anatomical atlases, which have helped generations of surgeons in teaching and in planning operations.

Allegory and Difference in Ralegh and De Bry: Reading and Seeing the Discoverie

The travel narratives in Theodor De Bry's America and the collection itself are often read allegorically: the events in the New World are read as signifying Protestant-Catholic conflict on the European continent. Attending to differences between the English text of Sir Walter Ralegh's The Discoverie of the Large, Rich and Bewtiful Empyre of Guiana and its Latin translation in part 8 of America, however, reveals a more complex relationship between individual texts in America and its allegorical project. The differences between Ralegh and De Bry are both textual (passages from the Discoverie that do not appear in the Latin translation) and visual (De Bry's addition of copper-plate engravings). These differences ultimately demonstrate that Guyana and Trinidad—especially because of how they were seen by early modern Europeans—cannot be fully contained within a Protestant allegorical project.

The Madeiran plants collected by Sir Hans Sloane in 1687, and his descriptions

AbstractThe Macaronesian Islands comprise the Atlantic archipelagos of Azores, Madeira, Selvagens, Canaries and Cape Verde. These islands were a major focus for plant exploration during the 17th and 18th centuries. Sir Hans Sloane (1660–1753), one of the most important patrons and sponsors of natural sciences and botanical research, visited Madeira on his way to Jamaica in 1687. Although he stayed in Madeira for only three days, he collected plant specimens of 38 taxa (including one brown alga) and made important observations concerning the flora and fauna of Madeira from near Funchal. Sixty–six polynomial names of plants from the island are recorded in Sloane's published work along with 18 copperplate engravings, ostensibly from Madeira, although our study shows that only thirteen of them are of taxa occurring on the island. Fourteen of the sixty–six polynomials reported by Sloane relate to Macaronesian endemic taxa, six of them restricted to Madeira. Our study shows that nine of the fifteen polynomials that he putatively recorded for Madeira and/or the Antilles or for which he was unsure of their origin are from the West Indies and do not occur on this Macaronesian island. Two of the taxa that are listed for Madeira and the Caribbean Islands were likely to be present in both insular systems. Although there is evidence of earlier botanical explorations in Macaronesia, the herbarium collections made by Sloane in Madeira represent the earliest documented plant hunting expedition to Macaronesia, and Sir Hans Sloane can be considered as one of the pioneers of botanical exploration in these Atlantic Islands. Sloane's records provide an early floristic study of a diverse island flora.

Book review: Cities of the World

Cities of the World Stephan Fussel TASCHEN GmbH Hohenzollernring, Germany 2008 504 £135 9783822852729 Google™ Earth has an ancestor, and one that for its time was just as revolutionary in reconceptualising the world. In 1572, the dean of the church St. Maria ad Gradus in Cologne, Georg Braun, became the editor of a series of atlases that set new standards in cartography: Civitates Orbum Terrarum (Cities of the World). Inspired by Sebastian Munster's widely read encyclopaedic, Cosmographia , he wrote the Latin cartouches and hired the artists and voyagers who contributed to the six volumes. Their travel sketches were turned into handsome copperplate engravings by the Flemish artist Franz Hogenberg, and include some exact copy by Georg Hoefnagel, son of an Antwerp diamond merchant who toured Europe in the mid-century, as well as by Pieter Bruegel the Elder. Braun died in his eighties in 1622, the only one of the editorial team to see out the publication of the final volume in 1617. The editors of this new edition, Stephan Fussel and Rem Koolhaas, have had to track down the plates, which were often sold separately, and were lucky to find a well-preserved edition of the original in a Frankfurt museum. Now Taschen Verlag, one of the most successful new European publishers and perhaps not coincidentally located in the same city, has published in one massive and spectacularly beautiful volume the entire atlas of 564 cities. In 1572, Spain was the preeminent European power, and its territories extended up to what today is Belgium. The Duke of Alba was laying siege to Haarlem: Calvinist rebels had already gained control of large tracts of Holland and Zealand, and set up the Dutch Republic. Spanish forces in central America sacked the last remaining Inca city, Vilcabamba. John Knox died in Edinburgh. Most of Europe was still reeling from the effects of the Reformation, with the …

A Master from Germany: Thomas Mann, Albrecht Dürer, and the Making of a National Icon

Many critics have commented on Thomas Mann's allusions to Dürer's art in Doktor Faustus, but few have considered its larger symbolic significance for his self-understanding as a German Künstler and Bürger. One work was of particular importance in this regard: the copperplate engraving known as Ritter, Tod und Teufel (1513). In the Betrachtungen eines Unpolitischen (1918), Mann invokes the engraving as a sign of Nietzsche's – and his own – attachment to a Protestant, ascetic worldview and a specifically German, Faustian notion of masterliness. This interpretation of the image as well as Mann's subsequent repudiation of it were conditioned by the increasingly nationalist appropriation of Dürer since the late nineteenth century, but even more so by the novelist's war-time confidant and collaborator, the literary historian and Nietzsche scholar Ernst Bertram.

THE DISTRIBUTION OF PLANTING COMPOSITION PATTERNS IN AND AROUND RESIDENCE IN KANTO REGION OF THE MEIJI PERIOD

This paper examines the distribution of planting composition patterns in and around residence in Kanto region of the Meiji period based on the analysis of copperplate engravings. Eight patterns such as “background trees”, “big tree with small shrine”, “hedge”, “square-shaped tree”, “planted space for viewing”, “cultivated space”, “planting trellis”, and “sago palm” are identified in the engravings repeatedly. Furthermore the distribution of the patterns suggests that northern or southern planting systems are adopted according to the area in Kanto region and the both systems are mixed in the middle of the region.

SEXUAL MEDICINE HISTORY: A Brief Historical Survey of “Peyronie's Disease”

ABSTRACT Introduction Historians of medicine and urology, sexology, and andrology in particular maintain that many other physicians, surgeons, anatomists, and pathologists have already described “Peyronie's disease” some centuries before the author after whom it has been called, François Gigot de La Peyronie (1678–1747). Aim To perform a brief historical survey of Peyronie's disease. Methods A literature review was performed. Results The main surgeons and anatomists who previously observed and described penile curvature prior to François Gigot de La Peyronie are Theodoricus Borgognoni (1205–1298), Guilielmus of Saliceto (circa 1210–1276), Gabriele Falloppio (or Falloppia) (1523–1562), Andreas Vesalius (1514–1564), Giulio Cesare Aranzi (or Aranzio) (1530–1589), Claas Pieterzoon Tulp (Nicholaus Tulpius) (1593–1674), and Anton Frederik Ruysch (1638–1731), who was said to have left the first “postmortem” illustration of the disease in a copperplate engraving in 1691. Conclusion The original texts could easily prove that none of the alleged “precursors” of La Peyronie did ever describe, treat, and cure real cases of Peyronie's disease, and that to award them this merit was somewhat far-fetched, with only Guilielmus of Saliceto and Falloppio possibly excepted.

On Coleridge as Translator of Faustus: From the German of Goethe

Abstract The recent publication of Faustus from the German of Goethe, Translated by Samuel Taylor Coleridge (Oxford University Press, 2007), edited by Frederick Burwick and James McKusick, has given rise to some controversy concerning whether Coleridge was properly identified as the translator. In this short essay I select a few telling facts from the comprehensive collection of evidence supporting Coleridge's role as translator. In addition to a sampling of the phrases from Coleridge's own poetry that are echoed in his translation, and of the references in his notebooks on rendering German words, this essay also briefly summarizes evidence from external sources. In our edition of Faustus from the German of Goethe, Translated by Samuel Taylor Coleridge (Oxford University Press, 2007), James McKusick and I brought together a comprehensive collection of evidence supporting Coleridge's role as translator. The edition has triggered a reaction by some commentators unwilling to countenance the introduction into Coleridge's oeuvre of such a significant work and the necessary adjustments to our understanding of his biography that such a discovery must generate. The cumulative and corroborative weight of the evidence, nevertheless, indicates that the work is Coleridge's. The absence of any counter evidence makes the case even stronger. The absence of any counter evidence makes the case even stronger. The internal evidence alone has prompted careful readers to recognize Coleridge's hand. Over 800 verbal echoes from Coleridge's other writings recur within the translated text. Mephistopheles's monologue on the ascent of the Brocken (3940-55), which deviates from the reliance on blank verse, reveals a mastery of the tetrameters of Christable. During the period of the translation from May, 1820, to September, 1821, Coleridge in his notebooks ponders the meaning of German words and phrases that occur in Goethe's Faust. Further documentary evidence is found in the letters of the publishers and the contemporary reviews. In the following paragraphs, I shall endeavor to sharpen the debate by refining a few salient examples, first of Coleridge's self-echoing phrases, then of his notebook references, and I conclude with a summary of evidence from external sources. ********** On Sunday, October 28, 1827, Coleridge wrote to James Gillman to let him know that his return from his voyage was eagerly awaited. Coleridge had strolled down to the Custom House on the Thames for news of Gillman's anticipated arrival. Standing on the landing stairs, Coleridge watched a steamer turning on the river and went on to describe the pulsing energy manifest in the swirling mists: we have had & have a steady deliberate soft thick soaking Rain, which yet does not sufficiently disburthen the Atmosphere of it's ever contracting and dilating, ascending and descending aqueous vapor, as to quiet the gusty winds or to smooth the white breakers. (Letters 6.706). Coleridge uses here words and phrases that also belonged to Faustus from the German of Goethe published six years earlier by Thomas Boosey. Sources for Goethe's description of the Sign of the Macrocosm have been identified among the copperplate engravings to the works of Jacob Boehme and Johannes Kepler and other pansophic accounts of universal harmony. In Goethe's image, golden buckets, like the paddles of a water-wheel, are seen as scooping up the heavenly powers and forever ascending and descending as the wheel resolves (Goethes Faust 499). The English translation provides natural description rather than mechanical and alchemical symbols: How divinely Are all things blended! how each lives and moves But with the rest! how heav'nly powers descend, And re-ascend, balancing reeling worlds (447-50) As is typical throughout the translation, departures from Goethe's words and images coincide with a turn to those which are familiar in Coleridge's poetic idiom. …

明治期銅版画に描かれた筑波地域の農家における伝統的屋敷林の樹木構成パターン

Although homestead woodland is one of the most important landscape elements in rural areas, the characteristics of its tree composition has not been elucidated. According to the fieldwork of homestead woodlands in Tsukuba area, we can find 13 patterns of tree composition. But it is not easy to discern what pattern is traditional and worth conserving because woodland has been changing as time went by. In this paper, based on the analysis of copperplate engravings which drew the landscapes of 21 farm houses of the area in 1892, We've clarified that 5 of 13 patterns can be seen in the engravings and can date back to pre-modern times. The five patterns are Forest of the homestead rear, Big tree and small shrine, Wall-shaped hedge, Square-shaped Ilex integra, and Residential garden. Therefore they should be evaluated as traditional and worth-conserving because they are indigenous in the area.

A symbolic defence of animal magnetism: a copperplate engraving by Ludwig Richter as the frontispiece of the account of the somnambulist Auguste K. (1843)

The year 1843 saw the publication in Dresden of a comprehensive account of the magnetic treatment of a somnambulist. This date came relatively late in the history of animal magnetism in Germany, and coincided with the decline of the theory in medical circles. Perhaps it was for this reason that the authors commissioned Ludwig Richter, one of the most accomplished engravers of the day, to produce a plate of illustrations which were intended to act as a symbolic defence of the theory. They are examined in this article.

"All Fairly Engraven"?: Punches in England, 1695 to 1706

During the first decades of the eighteenth century, John Walsh (?1665/6-1736) was clearly the leading music publisher in all of Europe. A large part of his success was the result of him refining the music engraving process by stamping musical symbols onto zinc or pewter plates with metal punches. A few early critics decried a loss of aesthetic quality, but the modern consensus is that punching musical notation was faster and cheaper than other techniques in use at that time. The production techniques that Walsh used contributed to his success and ability to deliver to consumers in London a vast array of the most recent and popular music composed in Europe. (1) When exactly were punches first used in England? Based on his study of Walsh's songbook publications, David Hunter has suggested that Walsh introduced both pewter plates and punches by 1700. (2) Thomas Cross, however, possibly as early as around 1690, made the claim that Gent[s] may have their works fairly engraved, as cheap as Puncht & Sooner. (3) This seems to suggest that the technique was growing in popularity before its adoption by Walsh and the Amsterdam printer Estienne Roger. Furthermore, John Hawkins suggested that Dutch engravers were responsible for developing the technique of engraving with punches, reporting that they had developed a way to soften copper as to render it susceptible of an impression from the stroke of a hammer on a punch. (4) The use of punches in the engraving process, however, predates Dutch artisans. They are evident in Venetian maps from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Italy was the center of map printing in the sixteenth century, with printers in Venice utilizing the most highly developed cartographic techniques of the day. Tony Campbell credits the development of punches for engraving map symbols to the German printer Konrad Sweynheym, noting that the 1478 Rome edition of Ptolemy's Geographia contains the earliest evidence of the technique. (5) Although Campbell claims that a German introduced punches to the engraving process, prior to the seventeenth century their use was confined almost exclusively to Italian map printers. While map engravers used punches primarily to produce letters (the most laborious part of the process), other punches included numbers, stars, and an assortment of symbols used to denote towns. (6) Campbell confesses, however, that while there was a formalized and continuous practice of using punches for engraving maps, only a relatively small number of instances have been detected. (7) Furthermore, he notes that although punches reappear intermittently and for a variety of features in later centuries, by 1600 their systematic use in the printing process had declined significantly. Meanwhile, a flourishing map trade had developed in Antwerp and Amsterdam, effectively succeeding the Italian craftsmen as the leading experts in copper plate engraving. They were especially influenced by German and French developments in printing techniques. (8) Hawkins's assertion that the art of engraving music with punches was learned from map printers in the Netherlands, therefore, remains credible. A more obvious model for the use of punches in the engraving process is found in the history of moveable type, where punches were used to form the matrices from which type was cast. The most significant difference is that the matrix punch is cut to a wrong-reading (reverse) orientation like those used in leather and metal work. For intaglio engraving, the punch must be cut to a right-reading orientation so as to leave a reverse image on the surface of the plate. Punch cutters in the seventeenth century, therefore, were experienced at carving musical symbols on the ends of steel punches, and it would not have been difficult for music engravers to acquire suitable punches for their craft. Evidence of the use of such tools before the end of the seventeenth century may still be inconclusive, but it looks stronger in the light of the evidence just mentioned. …