Continuation Of War Research Articles

Trade relations between Europe and East Asia

The Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) framework was created in 1996, with the primary purpose of strengthening economic, political and cultural relations among the 15 countries of the European Union and ten East Asian states. This paper examines the origins of these recent economic linkages, in a global and inter-regional context.¶The paper charts the principal elements of ASEM’s economic pillar to date, assesses the influence of multilateral trading environments (notably the WTO) on the region-to-region dialogue and examines ASEM’s impact on intra-regional economic developments, especially in the case of East Asia.¶The paper will focus in particular on the flagship projects of trade and investment facilitation, to discuss whether and to what extent ASEM itself can be seen to further cooperation and coordination in specific fields of activity.¶The final part of the paper aims to analyse the prospects for future economic relations between East Asia and Europe, in the wake of a devastating financial crisis in Asia, in the context of a continued war on terror which, since the Bali bombing has had an even more immediate impact on Asia, and in the changing global economic environment as regulated by the tenets of the WTO.

Response to "Critical Historiography of the Present" by Jessica Payne

Response to "Critical Historiography of the Present" by Jessica Payne Peggy A. Bulger, Director (bio) I am very pleased that in this issue Jessica Payne, representing the "next generation" of folklorists, has written a carefully considered and gently nuanced response to my presidential address of September 2002—it is precisely what I had hoped would ensue from my opening volley to this discussion. Her points are all well conceived and articulated, and I agree with her assessment that we need to hear "more difficult, moving, complex, layered stories about the costs of [applied/public] work, the compromises, mistakes, retracings, failures, and successes." Bring them on! The presidential plenary address is a vehicle for each American Folklore Society president to offer observations from a very particular perspective—be that personal, professional, or both. I took this opportunity to reflect on issues and events that have affected my own career, one that began in the early 1970s, and therefore, might seem too far removed to some who are newer to the field; however, the recounting of selected controversial events and divisive influences of the past was meant to add important information to the historiography of folklore. My stories were not meant to disparage the fine work that has been done, and continues to be done, by folklorists in both the academy and the public sphere; in fact, I hope that my own work would be part of this "moving forward." Rather, my central point in recounting two cautionary tales from our collective past was intended to spur us all to consider our field's actions and reactions to the "hot-button" and cutting-edge issues of today. Some of those issues arise from the U.S. passage of the "Patriot Act," the continued war in Iraq, the passage of a UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) convention to protect "intangible cultural resources," and the many debates surrounding intellectual property rights as they relate to traditional knowledge and folklore. Payne and I agree that the field is in a much different place now from where it was in the early 1970s; however, we have hard work ahead to respond effectively to the complex issues of today. My hope is that AFS will be at the forefront to move us forward. Peggy A. Bulger, Director American Folklife Center, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. Peggy A. Bulger Peggy A. Bulger is the Director of the American Folklife Center, coauthor of South Florida Folklife (1994), and editor of Musical Roots of the South (1992). She has produced many videos and recordings. Bulger has served as Florida State Folk Arts Coordinator (1976–79), Florida Folklife Programs Administrator (1979–89), and program coordinator, director, and senior of.cer for the Southern Arts Federation (1989–99). Most recently, she served as president of the American Folklore Society (2000–2002). Copyright © 2004 Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois

Conflict of interests or interests in conflict? diamonds & war in the DRC

This article explores how the exploitation of key natural resources, diamonds in particular, has contributed to prolonging the war in the Democratic Republic of Congo. It affirms that the motivation and feasibility of resource exploitation largely explain why external military contingents have remained active in the country since August 1998. Driving forces of war can be identified among elites of Rwanda, Uganda and Zimbabwe, for whom DRC resources have proven decisive to sustain positions of power. Although most exploitation has been carried out at gunpoint, the use of existing networks suggests that withdrawal of forces will not necessarily stop the massive resource diversion. While a lasting resolution to the crisis needs to ensure due benefits to the local population from their resources, it also requires that stakeholders see peace as a more attractive option than continued war.

Mannerheim: The Finnish Years by J. E. O. s> Screen (review)

REVIEWS 569 Screen,J. E. 0. Mannerheim: TheFinnishYears. C. Hurst &Company, London, 2000. x + 288 pp. Illustrations.Maps. Notes. Bibliographicalreferences. Index. ?20o00. FEW men have had such an impact on their native country as Gustav Mannerheim (i 867-I 95I). He dominated the historyof independent Finland from its creation in I9I8 to his death. Having escaped the chaos that was Russia in I9I8 Mannerheim developed a lifelong loathing of Communism. Once back in Finland he rapidly built an army, disarmed the remaining Russian troops, defeated the Communists and avoided dependence on Germany. As Regent he was acclaimed for his adroit militaryleadershipand unusual political wisdom. Rejected at the polls when he stood for President, he remained a central figure, and returned to office as Chairman of the Defence Council in the I930S, preparing for a Soviet attack. When Stalin demanded frontier modifications in I 939 to improve the defences of Leningrad, Mannerheim recognized the seriousness of the situation, and advised concession. The civilian ministersrejectedhis advice and allowed the negotiations to collapse. When the Winter War of 1939-40 began he was Commanderin Chief, and organizedthe stubbornresistancethatwon Finland international sympathy. He also knew when to give way, negotiating peace while his army was still intact. Joining the Continuation War, alongside Germany, in 194I was a mistake,one that Mannerheim soon recognized. He ignored German pressureto attackLeningrad, aware that such an act would earn Finland the undying hostility of any Russian regime. Having recovered the land lost in I940 he waited. In 1944 the Soviets attacked, on a massive scale, and Mannerheim knew that militarydefeat would lead to occupation. After a major Finnish defensive victory, the Soviets had to shift their forces back to the German front. He used the breathing space to extend peace feelers, and took office as Presidentto push the process through. He was now the only man in Finland who the people trusted. His handling of the negotiations demonstrated political realism, and steely determination. The militaryand diplomaticactionsof the 1944 settlementsavedFinlandfromthe fate of occupied Eastern Europe. No sooner was the peace secured than he was brushedaside, as he had been twenty-fiveyearsbefore, by the politicians. He resigned office in late I 945, and spent his last years coordinating the writingof his memoirs. Yet Mannerheim was a curious patriot. He was no man of the people, remaining an austere outsider, cut off by his past, his culture and his politics from the majority of the countrymen. Mannerheim was an aristocrat, and delighted in the symbolsof royaland Imperialdistinction;his museum is filled with ordersand decorations.He had servedthe oppressor,spokethe minority language of Swedish as his native tongue, and while fluent in French and Russian, as well as competent in English, could not speak the majority language of his native country in I9I8. In the firstvolume of this critically acclaimed biography, TheYears ofPreparation (London, I970), J. E. 0. Screen examined Mannerheim's life in the Imperial Russian Army. As this volume demonstratesMannerheim remained an ImperialRussianGeneral to the day he died. Petersburg/Petrograd/Leningrad was the centre of his world, for 570 SEER, 8o, 3, 2002 good or ill from i 887, when he first arrived there as a cadet. In I9I8 he planned to follow up the liberation of Finland by liberating Petrogradfrom the Bolsheviks, in concert with the White Russians. Despite their obvious need, the White leaders would not recognize Finnish independence. The strategicagenda for all Russian leadersfrom Peterto Stalinwas to extend the defensive outer-works of the city as far as possible. It was for this reason Finland became a Russian Grand Duchy in I809. An independent Finland would be a threat, and the regime that made such a concession would be admitting their own weakness. Stalin's war in I939-40, and the post war settlement were all conditioned by strategicissues. Mannerheim's secret was his recognition of the primacy of strategic concerns in the Russian view of Finland. Screen waited a long time to complete thisstudy,but accessto key archives and the development of Finnish historyhave made the wait worthwhile.The resultis in every way the equal of the firstinstalment, and completes the best study of Mannerheim available in English, or any other language. Screen writesclearlyand persuasively,while...

Suomalainen oikeisto ja 'kansankoti' by Jyrki Smolander (review)

372 SEER, 8o, 2, 2002 such as Shalamov and Solzhenitsyn.Indeed it ison these that she focuses,with three of the eight chapters dedicated exclusively to them. Here she convincingly explores the ways in which the de-humanizing, dislocating experience of the Gulag is embodied in the structureof the text, and through a harmony between content and form achieves artisticmerit. Return fromtheArchipelago is a hugely wide-ranging work, covering almost a century of diverse writing. Its scale is both its strength and weakness; the rigorousanalysisof lesser-knowntexts might at times seem likehardwork,but by revealing the magnitude of the Gulag corpus, this book raises many important,and difficult,questions:about our abilityand our duty to explore a past so horrificallyalien to our own experience, the kind of truth we seek in such an endeavour, and the ways in which literature both enlightens and impedes us. School ofSlavonic andEastern European Studies MIRIAM DOBSON University College London Smolander,Jyrki. Suomalainen oikeisto ja 'kansankoti'. Bibliotheca Historica, 63. Suomalaisen KirjallisuudenSeura, Helsinki, 2000. 342 pp. Illustrations. Notes.Bibliography. Index.FIM140.00. KANSANKOTI is a Finnish translation of the Swedish term Folkhemmet, the 'people's home', a kind and loving word for the welfare state. This is a study, running from the ending of the Continuation War up to 1975, of the attitude of the Finnish Conservative Party, the National Coalition Party,towards the idea of buildinga welfarestatein Finland. Jyrki Smolander's text is a masterlypresentation. It shows the workingsof Conservative politics and the tensions thereby arising in terms very different from those of the oft-mentioned story of the relegation of the National Coalition Party due to Finlandization. This is a story of consensual politics that goes beyond the ins-and-outsof the formationof governments. It is a tale told about the influence of one party's outlook upon another, all the more strikingsince, as the authoremphasizes,the FinnishSocial Democrats and the FinnishConservativesstartedout fromprinciplesof socialpolicy derivedfrom different planets. Consensuality has also been apparent in the influence of other countries upon Finland in this question. At its clearest this has meant the impact of Sweden, but also Britain,seen in particularthroughthe attitude of the British Conservatives, played a certain role too. In Western and Northern Europe there was a general trend in this period towards the formation of welfarestates. It wasn't easy for all Conservatives to adapt to this. In the Finnish case, Smolanderclearlyrevealsthe painful,hesitant,and oftenback-trackingnature of this adaptation. The adaptationwas aided by the fact that the middle class in Finland, who were there as in so many countries the great beneficiariesof the welfare state, frequently voted, to the vexation of the Conservatives, for smaller professedly liberal-type parties and had to be convinced, by a Conservativeacceptance of welfarepolicies, that the National Coalition Party REVIEWS 373 was something more than a combination of big capital and the priest in cassockand steel helmet portrayedin Kari'scartoons. I like the fact that Smolander, in his analysisof strainsthat were constantly tending to emerge in Finnish Conservatism,employs my favouriteloan word in the Finnish language, namely dilemma. To cap the Social Democrats, who argued that the welfare state was a condition of economic growth, the Conservatives reversed the scenario and saw powerful economic growth as the condition for the creation of the welfarestate. So farso good. But then the dilemma emerged. Voices on the sideline like Tuure Junnila's were for long pointing out that the taxation for the welfare state would recoil negatively upon economic growth. Even the youthful Conservatism of Juha Rihtniemi began to feel alarmed. Raimo Ilaskivi found a way out by insisting upon a wage policy that rewardedindustriousnessand training.In his argumentation,the welfarestate was not a means for producing the dreaded economic equality all Conservatives feared. It was, on the contrary,the best means of holding off Socialismby preventing larger-scale reconstructionsof society and the economy through state action. Ilaskivi saw a compromise being engendered between a Conservatism that accepted the welfare state and a Social Democracy that accepted the market economy. This has come to be, though I should myself fiercely argue that the compromise has left certain key aspects of the welfare state in Finland definitelyin the lurch, as...

Return from the Archipelago: Narratives of Gulag Survivors by Leona s> Toker (review)

REVIEWS 37I Toker, Leona. Return from theArchipelago. Narratives of GulagSurvivors. Indiana University Press, Bloomington, IN, 2000. xv + 333 pp. Notes. Bibliography .Index. /28.50. THE sheer quantity of memoirs, autobiographies, and fictions written by Gulag survivorsis astounding. Throughout the Soviet period, the desire to recount, to explain, not to forget, impelled survivorsto set pen to paper and, since perestroika,the existence of a significantcorpus has become apparent; many older texts have attained publication for the first time, and a more critical re-reading of earlier texts has been made ethically acceptable by the final repudiation of the Gulag. Leona Toker's Return from theArchipelago: Narratives ofGulagSurvivors is one of the firstattemptsto dojustice to this huge and complex body of Gulag testimonyand prose. Return fromtheArchipelago opens with a history of the Soviet camp system, tracing the development of the camp network,the trajectoryof officialpolicy towards prisoners, and the implications for its victims. The second chapter also takes a broad chronological sweep, reviewing the writings that issued from the Gulag, and the featuresthat distinguishthe differentgenerations of Gulag writers, both Russian, Russian-emigre and foreign. After five more detailed central chapters that are discussed below, the final chapter of the book addressesthe centralityof the Gulag in a range of later fictional works, and theirdependence upon both readerandwriter'sfluencywith the semiotics of the Gulag. These chapters frame the middle section, where Toker dissects the formal structuresof both individualworks,and sub-genressuch as memoir. It is here that Tokerwrestleswith the dilemmas that this genre presents.Her approach hovers between an ethical endeavour to explore the experiences of Gulag victims, and a determination to show their aesthetic value; this in itself is a reflection of what she calls their bi-functionality both as testimonial acts and as aestheticworks. Toker identifies the structuralfeatures that are common to most of these texts, and the effectivenessof thesefeaturesin communicatingto a readersome of the horrorsof the camp world. This kind of detailed analysis,especially for those who have read a number of the memoirs to which she refers, is both interesting and challenging. However, most readers will be strangersto the main bulkof the memoirs, and I think for a reason. Despite the flurryof publishingactivityin the late I98os and early i 990S as censorshipwas relaxed, these memoirs have not achieved greatpopularity preciselybecause many of them fail to engage and maintain the interest of the reader. Many Gulag testimonies are not as aestheticallystrong as Toker proposes. Fora few years Russian readerswere desperate for any accounts that could shed light on the murkySoviet past, and each issueof the literaryjournalNovyi Mirhad to satisfy their voracious hunger. Once the political or ethical impetus was spent, however, the aesthetic effectiveness of most Gulag narratives- with some noted exceptions proved weak.A decade on, rowsof glasnost-eraNovyiMir lie dustyand unreadon any self-respectingdacha shelf. Thus, while it is usefulthat Tokerbringsto our attentionthe diversityof the Gulag corpus,herworkisstrongerin itsanalysisof the more canonicalwriters, 372 SEER, 8o, 2, 2002 such as Shalamov and Solzhenitsyn.Indeed it ison these that she focuses,with three of the eight chapters dedicated exclusively to them. Here she convincingly explores the ways in which the de-humanizing, dislocating experience of the Gulag is embodied in the structureof the text, and through a harmony between content and form achieves artisticmerit. Return fromtheArchipelago is a hugely wide-ranging work, covering almost a century of diverse writing. Its scale is both its strength and weakness; the rigorousanalysisof lesser-knowntexts might at times seem likehardwork,but by revealing the magnitude of the Gulag corpus, this book raises many important,and difficult,questions:about our abilityand our duty to explore a past so horrificallyalien to our own experience, the kind of truth we seek in such an endeavour, and the ways in which literature both enlightens and impedes us. School ofSlavonic andEastern European Studies MIRIAM DOBSON University College London Smolander,Jyrki. Suomalainen oikeisto ja 'kansankoti'. Bibliotheca Historica, 63. Suomalaisen KirjallisuudenSeura, Helsinki, 2000. 342 pp. Illustrations. Notes.Bibliography. Index.FIM140.00. KANSANKOTI is a Finnish translation of the Swedish term Folkhemmet, the 'people's home', a kind and loving word for the welfare state. This is a study, running from the ending of the Continuation War up to 1975, of the attitude...

From Grand Duchy to a Modern State: A Political History of Finland since 1809 by Osmo s> Jussila Seppo Hentilä , Jukka Nevakivi , David Arter , Eva-Kaisa Arter (review)

I62 SEER, 79, I, 2001 thewise men of the past. On thissubjectthe interestedreaderwill have to turn to the study devoted to the circle of Novikov by Rafaella Faggionato, 'Un' Utopia rosacrociana. . .' which firstappearedinArchivio diStoria dellaCultura in 1997 and is based on extensive unpublishedsources. As human beings also the masons were not saints. They had their friends but they also had theirenemies and the intrigueswithin the differentbranches are well illustratedby the fact that it was Prince G. P. Gagarin, the former leader of the Swedish rite masons in St Petersburg,sent to kick his heels in Moscow by Catherine II, who denounced the alleged existence of a hospital and school in the capital, set up by the Rosicrucians, to Prince A. A. Prozorovsky.It is to be hoped that easieraccessto the archivesmay illuminate the role of many of the secondarycharactersin the intellectual,religiousand social life of thisverydynamicperiod in Russiaandparticularlythe extremely tortuous relations between the ecclesiastical establishment and the Holy Synod and the government in St Petersburg,less concernedwith the natureof religiousbelief and more worriedabout questionsof public orderandpolitical sedition in a time of revolution. London ISABEL DE MADARIAGA Jussila, Osmo; Hentila, Seppo and Nevakivi, Jukka. From GrandDuchy to a ModernState:A Political History of Finland since i809. Translated from the Finnish by David and Eva-Kaisa Arter. Hurst, London, 1999. xiv + 383 pp. Maps. Appendices. Bibliography. Index. [39.50; [14.95. As the foreword to this book notes, political history is taught in Finnish universities as a distinct subject intended to provide an introduction to contemporary society and the world today. FromGrandDuchy to a ModernState is a translation of Suomen poliittinenhistoriaI8o9-I995 (Porvoo, 995), with its coverage extended to I999. The original, the most recent of the genre of political histories of Finland, was rightly thought by Finnish reviewers to compare well with its precursors and was welcomed as a suitable textbook for the subject at university level. The English translation can also be welcomed as making available to historians and others a reliable account of Finnish political history including the main lines of Finnish foreign policy. The authors, all specialists in their periods, write authoritatively and with attention to the most recent research. The book is divided into three parts: 'Finland as a Grand Duchy, 1809-1917', by Osmo Jussila; 'From Independence to the End of the Continuation War, 1917- I944', by Seppo Hentila; and 'From the Continuation War to the Present, 1944-I999', byJukka Nevakivi. There are in addition maps and useful lists of heads of state, holders of important offices, tlhe composition of governments since i 9I7 and party strengths in parliament since 1907. The select Bibliography is limited to forty works in English and two in German. The authors differ in their approach to the subject. Jussila's part is a highly effective combination of narrative and analysis with a coherent theoretical approach which sees the political history of the period I 809- 19I 7 in terms of REVIEWS I63 the changing relationship between Finland and the Russian Empire.Jussila explains the nature of the government of Finland and the country's development as a nation and as a state. He shows how changes in the government of Russia, with the emergence of pluralistinstitutionsthere, had the effect of firstreducing and then practicallyending Finnish autonomy. In contrast to Jussila's part, those of Hentila and Nevakivi have no particular conceptual framework. Hentila provides a clear and balanced narrative of politicaland foreignrelations,though one would likea littlemore information about why things happened and, indeed, on how the republicanconstitution worked.The depressionat the end of the 1920S is mentioned but not how the government responded to it; perhaps this was thought beyond the remit of political history. Nevakivi, on the other hand, does give the economic background to political events. His part is almost remorselessly chronological -from governmentto government -but isgood on theradicalization of the I96os and on foreignpolicy. The authorsattemptedin the originalto cover a number of points in depth without interrupting the balance and flow of the narrative by introducing supplementarysections, 'box features',clearlydistinguishablefrom the restof the book. The translationhas inserted these into the ordinary text, often as separate chapters; this occasionally disturbs the logical progression of the work. In...

Warriors and Peasants: The Don Cossacks in Late Imperial Russia by Shane s> O'Rourke (review)

REVIEWS I63 the changing relationship between Finland and the Russian Empire.Jussila explains the nature of the government of Finland and the country's development as a nation and as a state. He shows how changes in the government of Russia, with the emergence of pluralistinstitutionsthere, had the effect of firstreducing and then practicallyending Finnish autonomy. In contrast to Jussila's part, those of Hentila and Nevakivi have no particular conceptual framework. Hentila provides a clear and balanced narrative of politicaland foreignrelations,though one would likea littlemore information about why things happened and, indeed, on how the republicanconstitution worked.The depressionat the end of the 1920S is mentioned but not how the government responded to it; perhaps this was thought beyond the remit of political history. Nevakivi, on the other hand, does give the economic background to political events. His part is almost remorselessly chronological -from governmentto government -but isgood on theradicalization of the I96os and on foreignpolicy. The authorsattemptedin the originalto cover a number of points in depth without interrupting the balance and flow of the narrative by introducing supplementarysections, 'box features',clearlydistinguishablefrom the restof the book. The translationhas inserted these into the ordinary text, often as separate chapters; this occasionally disturbs the logical progression of the work. In general the translationreads fluently, but poor editing has failed to remove a number of inconsistencies, odd usages or points unclear to a nonFinnishreader .Thus we have the 'SmallWrath'(p. 5) and the 'LesserWrath' (P. 17), 'autumn field practice' for 'autumn manoeuvres' (p. 2I8), 'war expedition' for 'campaign' (p. 220), and the literal but mysterious 'forest guards'for 'armedbands of deserters'(p. 20 1). Some Russianpersonalnames have been transliteratedin the Finnishway and some Finnishformsretained forplace-names in Russia. The table of MinisterState Secretariesomits those for 1905--I8. Careless proofreading is evident throughout the book. Part of the Finnish army was apparently 'demolished' rather than demobilized after the offensivephase of the Continuation War (p. 203). Perhapsthe most unfortunate misprint ever seen by this reviewer refersto the 'high morality' instead of 'high mortality' of the Red prisoners in I9I8 (p. 112). There is much to correctif the book is reprinted. An impressionremainsof the narrownessof the concept of politicalhistory. How much more rewardingthe book would have been had it ranged more widely into social, economic and culturalhistory.But it must be accepted on its own termsand it is undoubtedlya valuable addition to worksin Englishon modern and contemporaryFinnishhistory. London J. E. 0. SCREEN O'Rourke, Shane. Warriors andPeasants.TheDonCossacks inLateImperial Russia. Macmillan, Basingstokeand London, and St Martin's Press,New York, 2000. XiV + 200 Pp. Glossary.Maps. Notes. Tables.Bibliography.Index. /42.50. THE dissolution of the Soviet Union in I99I stimulated a short-lived enthusiasm for Cossack nationalism and a more lasting revival of interest in I64 SEER, 79, I, 2001 the Cossackpast. The resulthas been a risingnumberof publicationson their historyboth in Russia and the West. Shane O'Rourke's Warriors andPeasants is concerned with the Cossacks'economic and social condition ratherthan with their military role, and focuses squarely on the Don rather than telling the storyfrom the perspectiveof St Petersburg. O'Rourke drawson recordsin the oblast' archivein Rostov-on-Don as well as material in the Central Archive of the Ministry of War and an array of publishedsources.The book begins with a conspectusof Don Cossackhistory from I549 to I920 which is based on secondary sources, tinged with romanticism, and occasionally misleading. Cossack hatred of the Russian state (on which they were always dependent) is overstated; the claim that early Cossacks insisted that recruits profess the Christian faith is improbable (the very first Cossacks were renegade Tatars), and the assertion that sixteenth century Don Cossacks 'created a state that was independent of Muscovy' (p. 32) cannot be sustained. By contrast, the remainder of the book, which concentrates on the Don Host in the later nineteenth century, is a worthy and welcome contribution to the literature. Like T. M. Barrett in his recent study of the Terek Cossacks (At theEdge of Empire.7The Terek Cossacks andtheN'orth Caucasus Frontier I700-I86o, Boulder, CO, I999), O'Rourke adopts an ecological approach. There is a good chapter on soil characteristics, land-use, climate, woods, water and...

The Jews in Finland and World War II

In the years 1989–1944 two different wars against the Soviet Union were imposed upon Finland. During the Winter War of 1989–1940 Germany remained strictly neutral on the basis of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact&&Great Britain and France planned intervention in favour of Finland. When the second, so-called Continuation War broke out in the summer of 1041, Finland was co-belligerent of Germany, and Great Britain declared war on Finland in December 1941. De jure, however, Finland was never an ally of Germany, and at the end of the war, in the winter 1944–1945, the Finnish armed forces expelled the German troops from Lapland, which was devastated by the Germans during their retreat to Norway. Military service was compulsory for each male citizen of Finland. In 1939 the Jewish population of Finland numbered 1 700. Of these, 260 men were called up and approximately 200 were sent to serve at the front during the Winter War.

At War With God: Ju/'Hoan Curing Dances

AbstractIn the 1950s and 1960s, only a few !Kung speaking San, or Bushmen, continued to follow the traditional way of life of nomadic food gathering in the Kalahari semi-desert of Southern Africa. One group were the Ju/'hoansi of the Nyae Nyae and Dobe areas of the Northwestern Kalahari. It is their religion that is discussed in this article. Their central rite was the curing dance, an all-night ritual which they often practised (and practise now, after they have settled permanently, even more commonly than before).2 It served as their major means of maintaining solidarity within their egalitarian bands3 and of removing conflict from it__another means being the sharing of the food they had collected and the meat they had hunted. Solidarity was maintained through the curing dance, partly because the dance was itself a process of sharing, of n/um, 'curing power', and partly because it served as a ritual of exclusion. God and the deceased were blamed for the evil present in the group, were declared personae non gratae and refused admission to the dances as unwelcome aliens, the !Kung waging a continual ritual war upon them as their sole enemies. The special interest of this religion and this ritual for the comparative study of religions is highlighted by an examination of the link between the anthropological study of the !Kung curing dances and recent archaeological research on San art, especially the thousands of rock paintings which have been found all over Southern Africa, and which are interpreted now as reflecting a tradition of San curing dances dating back for many millennia.

What is Rationality? A New Reading of Veblen's Critique of Utilitarian Hedonism

As is widely known, in the methodological parts of his literary output, Thorstein Veblen wages a continuous war against the prevalent presupposi tions of economic science, which he finds, partly ad hoc, partly based on dated knowledge.1 His summarizing caption for them is utilitarian hedonism, and he finds them ubiquitous in all creeds and schools of economics, though most so in the classical and neoclassical ways of thought.2 In Veblen's interpretation of economic history, a turn to the worse takes place in the economic theory that comes after Adam Smith: the analytical focus switches from production onto consumption. Concomitantly with this analytical switch, the hedonistic presuppositions of Jeremy Bentham's utilitarian phi losophy and psychology are accepted as the main parameters of human nature (Veblen 1899-1900: II). "Nature has placed mankind under the governance of two sovereign masters, pain and pleasure," Bentham had said, and this has been accepted without questions, in the bulk of economic theory since then. The least one can say is that Veblen is not attacking a straw man here. Indeed, the utilitarian presuppositions were sometimes not accepted unwittingly, they rather were deliberately chosen for economic analysis, especially by the neoclassical school. Of Stanley Jevons it has been said that he "begins with a theory of pleasure and pain based on Bentham," (Roll 1992: p. 347), and there were others to do so. And if these suppositions were met with suspicion, neoclassical economists were quick to note that the reference to pleasure and pain was only a necessary figure of speech. It was an abstraction that for analytical purposes had to be made in economic discourse. Alfred Marshall goes to pains on this. As he says, "It has unfortu nately happened that the customary uses of economic terms have sometimes

Law and Morality in Israel's War with the PLO (review)

Book Reviews 117 incomplete. In sum, Katriel's book has interest and merit but lacks the depth and power of solid theoretical analysis. Rohn Eloul Committee on Judaic Studies University of Arizona law and Morality in Israel's War with the PLO, by William V. O'Brien. New York & London: Routledge, 1991. 342 pp. William O'Brien, a government professor at Georgetown University, acknowledgeably differs with the international consensus about the legality and morality in some ofIsrael's most controversial policies and actions visa -vis its Arab neighbors and those in the occupied territories. The major theme of his study is that in large part these policies are justified because of the state of war between Israel and the PlO. Although an undeclared war, the violent struggle between Israel and the Palestinians has the attributes of a major international conflict; therefore, Israel is justified in using the various tactics and strategies it has employed against the Palestinians during the war in lebanon and in fighting the Intifada. Without using these methods, many ofwhich have been condemned by the United Nations as well as by Israel's closest friends such as the U.S., the country's very existence would be in jeopardy, O'Brien argues. The public at large, the media, and much of the international community including the U.S. have failed to recognize that Israel's conflict with the PlO "is not a series of violent episodes, to be judged individually, but a continuous war that varies in intensity but never stops" (p. 2). Because the Palestinians' objective has been the destruction of Israel by '''armed struggle'-which has meant mainly terrorism" (p. 3), O'Brien asserts, Israel has had no alternative but to resist by using the methods for which it has acquired so much opprobrium. He discounts such major changes in PlO policy as those during the 1970s and more recently resulting from the Intifada, in which it appeared that the mainstream of the Palestinian national movement has changed its objectives from elimination of the Jewish State to acceptance of a two-state solution, i.e., coexistence between Israel and a Palestine state. While the PlO mainstream may have changed its rhetoric, there remain a number of factions affiliated with the national movement that continue to use terrorist methods. Such attacks on Israel need not occur only on the territory of the 118 SHOFAR Fall 1992 Vol. 11, No. 1 state to warrant Israel's counter-measures, but even those outside the Middle East justify use of "anti-terrorist" strategies. The study reviews in detail the policies of Israel defense ministers from David Ben-Gurion, the first, through Ariel Sharon in 1982. The "strategy of counterforce deterrence by demonstration" targets not only the perpetrators of terrorist attacks on Israel, but the local populations among which the PlO maintains bases and the governments of territory (lebanon-1982) from which attacks occur. One chapter analyzes Israeli actions during the 1982 war in lebanon, such as the siege and bombardment of Beirut, Israel's response to the Maalot attack, and the Entebbe operation, concluding that, generallyspeaking, Israel acted with reasonable restraint, "proportionality," and "discriminate" counter attacks. Although the international community may have been critical of many such actions, O'Brien, through his interpretation of international law, disagrees. Only occasionally did local officers over-step the bounds, and then they were reprimanded, he states. The injury done to Israel's standing by the Sabra and Shatilla affair, although serious, was "somewhat mitigated by the fact that Israel did constitute the Kahan Commission, which produced afair set of judgements and recommendations that acknowledged the indirect responsibility of Israel and· its top officials and commanders for the massacres" (p. 208). The author reviews a number of the methods used by Israel in the West Bank and Gaza to repress the Intifada, including beatings, tear gas, plastic bullets, destruction of homes, curfews, and deadly force; he concludes that "properly used," they "may be justified by military/security necessity" (p. 258). Even the use of deadly force by the settlers and other civilians "in immediate self-defense may be legally permissible" (p. 259). O'Brien's differences with the international community and his overall...

Women’s Roles and Recent Marriage Trends in Iran

This paper examines recent marriage trends in Iran. The available data suggest a significant up-trend in the number and rate of marriage since 1979. This trend is consistent with the social philosophy of Islam advocated in the Islamic Republic. The factors behind this up-trend in marriage are analyzed in the context of this philosophy and in relation to social and legal changes which have been introduced in Iranian society. In addition to religious promotion of marriage and procreation the long continued war with Iraq younger age structure slowdown in increasing pattern of age of marriage for women and significant decline in age of marriage for men remarriage and polygyny seem to be contributing to this up-trend in marriage. (SUMMARY IN FRE) (EXCERPT)

The Right to Life and Latin American Penal Systems

Deaths at the hands of the state in Latin America, through the penal system, are a serious menace to democracy in the region, and they are the worst attacks on human rights. According to the public portrayal of these deaths, it seems necessary to project a continuous war, sometimes as a political war and sometimes as a war against common delinquency. Human rights organizations are usually worried about the first phenomenon and its deaths, but they do not perceive the enormous importance of the deaths produced by the war against criminality, which is publicized by the police agencies to justify the use of their illegal power. Social contamination with common delinquency - and with marginalization in general - is the tool used to inhibit the public denunciation of these deaths - the number of which is frequently higher than the number of deaths caused in cases of open political violence - and to delegitimate any action along that line, especially through the journalists and social operators of the law-and-order campaigns that create the public war atmosphere.

The preservation of Turkey's neutrality during the second world war: 1940

On 19 October 1939, the Turkish Republic signed a treaty of Mutual Assistance with Britain and France. But leaders like President In6nu and the close circle of foreign policy advisers around him knew that Turkey was in no condition to take part in any modem war. ' She was only just beginning to heal the wounds left by the continuous wars from 1909 to 1923, when the Republic had been founded. Therefore, Turkey had to be kept out of the war, and yet her sovereignty and territorial integrity safeguarded. This brought forth from the Turkish leaders at the time, a most remarkable feat of diplomacy. Despite her vital strategic location Turkey managed to avoid involvement in the worldwide upheaval. The most critical stage of the war for Turkey was 1940, as this year presented the Turkish foreign policy planners with great difficulty in the application of their policies. It was a year of severe crises and unforeseen events. 'When the Turks, the French and the British signed an alliance it was impossible to foresee either the German successes in Western Europe and the developments which brought the Axis to the very doors of Turkey, or the threat of complete hostile encirclement ...'I In the previous year during the treaty negotiations the British had spoken in terms of the 'Maginot line' and the French having 'the best existing land defences in the world', this making 'a direct attack on France most unlikely'. They had also spoken of a 'Polish Offensive in the East'.3 In view of what actually happened it was hardly surprising that the Turks kept their reserve. It is no more surprising that Turkey, 'was not even ready to allow the indispensable naval and air bases to be prepared in her territory'.4 The British and Turks approached the Alliance with completely contradictory viewpoints. To the Turks it was an insurance policy to be put into practice only in case of dire need, while for the British it was a means of effective action in the Balkans and Middle East. Barutqu quotes Inonu as saying at the time:

Emperors, Frontiers and Foreign Relations, 31 B. C. to A. D. 378

Severus…. was in the habit of saying that he had gained a large additional territory and made it a bulwark for Syria. But the facts themselves show that it is a source of continual wars for us, and of great expenses. For it provides very little revenue and involves very great expenditure; and having extended our frontiers to the neighbours of the Medes and Parthians, we are constantly so to speak at war in their defence.’ So writes Cassius Dio about the extension of the Eastern frontier in the 190s and the creation of the provinces of Mesopotamia and Osrhoene. The significance of the passage however, extends beyond the question of the Eastern frontier itself at that moment. Written by an ex-consul, and former assessor of Severus, it reveals two types of justification for conquest uttered by the Emperor himself - one straightforwardly imperialistic, the other strategic; and a critique of this from two points of view, the balance of income and expenditure, and the wider strategic commitments incurred. Whether Dio had formulated such views already in Severus’ reign we cannot know; this section of his History will have been written at the earliest towards 220, and probably later. If he had, we have no reason to think that he expressed them to Severus. If he did, it can only have been after the event, for his own narrative at this point makes clear that the new province of Mesopotamia was entrusted to an eques, and an ‘honour’ (the status of colonia) given to Nisibis, either after the campaign of 195, or (less probably) after that of 198, in neither of which Dio himself took part. None the less, the fact that the passage retails both the authentic views of an Emperor and a critique of them by a consularis may encourage us to ask some general questions: how, by whom and within what conceptual frameworks were the foreign and frontier ‘policies’ of the Empire formulated?

That Guilty Third Tier: Prostitution in Nineteenth-Century American Theaters

that dark, horrible, guilty 'third tier,' she was referring to an upper row above dress and family circles which was set aside for sole use of prostitutes in American theaters. The third tier, or gallery as it was frequently called, struck young actress as a brutal exhibition of faces at which she gazed from stage with some such feeling as one might have in looking over into pandemonium. ' The playgoer, as well as performer, could also observe in top gallery the hard-visaged, illbehaved, boisterous, indecent.2 The custom of relegating prostitutes to a single gallery in theater is rarely mentioned, much less discussed, now; but in nineteenth century it was considered a matter of grave import to those who worked for survival of theater. Of all accusations hurled at theater by its enemies, charge relating to third tier was their strongest, least refuted argument. In its influence on American culture third tier was much more than just a pivotal subject of discussion in continual war between moralists and artists; it was a theatrical fact of life which probably shaped American stage much more decidedly than historians have recognized. The assignment of prostitutes to one part of theatrical house had a profound impact on theater design, on theatrical economics, and on extent to which theater was accepted and supported in nineteenth century. To most of early theater historians, third tier seems to have been

The Impacts of the Vietnam War on Defense Spending: A Simulation Approach

THE purpose of this paper is twofold-to present some quantitative estimates of the direct aggregate economic impacts which have resulted from the Vietnam war and to attempt some measures of the short-run deflationary impacts which may be expected to result from a cessation of Vietnam hostilities. The basic technique to be employed for this purpose is that of simulation. This involves first the development of regression equations to explain defense spending and then, in the case of the wartime impacts, the use of these equations to estimate defense spending in terms of both its actual pattern and the pattern that it would have most probably followed in the absence of the Vietnam situation. The differences, of course, are then attributed to the war. Similarly, to estimate demobilization impacts, simulations are run for the cases of continued war and the likely patterns of demobilization. As will be considered in detail below, this approach requires specific sets of assumptions for the independent variables of the regression equations for the no war, continuation of war, and demobilization situations. The total direct macroeconomic impacts of the war may be defined as the sum of the following three components:' (1) Increases and decreases in military compensation arising from changes in the size of the standing army given the pay structure.2 (2) Changes in noncompensation defense purchases of goods and services. (3) Inventory investment or disinvestment resulting from variations in the stocks of defense goods-in-process. The first two of these impacts will immediately affect the defense spending component of the national income accounts, whereas the third will be reflected at first in private inventory investment and only later in defense spending proper. Our task is to quantify these impacts. Let us begin by considering the specific equations upon which our simulations will be based.

A Common Market of Ideas

FAR BE IT FROM ME to lay any claim to originality. All I can hope to do is to say in my own words what has often enough been said before. Can anyone do more? It is common form to admit that in the fairy tale time of long ago knowledge was shared throughout the known world. It was not hedged in by security and electric fencing. The common market of ideas was not even affected by the continuous wars. It flourished despite the soldiers.

The Paasikivi Line in Finland's Foreign Policy

OLLOWING WORLD WAR II, Finland's foreign policy toward the Soviet Union has consistently followed the so-called Paasikivi Line. This policy deserves investigation for its approach to the Soviet and for its possible contribution to East-West relations generally, since the Kremlin leaders have apparently accepted it as a satisfactory arrangement for coexistence with an independent, non-Communist nation with which Russia shares some seven hundred miles of border. It is the purpose of this article to explore the concepts and measures underlying the Finnish policy and to evaluate their significance. The Paasikivi Line is compounded from the views and diplomatic practices of its conservatively-oriented author, the late Juho K. Paasikivi Prime Minister, 1944-46, and President, 1946-56 and his successor, the Agrarian party leader Urho Kekkonen Prime Minister on five occasions between 1950 and 1956 and President since 1956.1 Paasikivi's beliefs in rapprochement with Russia had been consistently held for nearly a halfcentury before he became responsible for Finland's policies after the armistice of 1944. Kekkonen's conversion from anti-Russian views occurred during the Continuation War, 1941-44, although he had advocated moderation in policy as early as 1937.2 The Paasikivi Line is based on the assumption that the Soviet Union's interest in Finland is pre-eminently a security interest and that occupation and satellization are not necessary to ensure achievement of this objective. It holds that if Finland initiates friendly and co-operative measures to convince her neighbor that hostile actions by her, or even through her territory, will henceforth be prevented, the Soviet will in turn co-operate to the extent of accepting Finland's independence and its freedom of choice in other respects, including the conduct of its own internal affairs and those aspects of its external relations which do not affect the Soviet Union's strategic interests. This case is based partially on historical evidence of