Contemporary Political Theory Research Articles

The case for methodological naturalisation: Between political theory and political science

Contemporary political theory demonstrates a turn towards data-sensitive research. Waldron, Shapiro, Carens, Blau and Floyd emphasise the importance of grounding political theory in empirical data. Political scientists developed methods aimed at improving the ways in which political institutions are studied. What can empirical political theory borrow from this literature, that would advance its aim to precisely evaluate political institutions? It is suggested to naturalise within political theory political-science methods. We point to three methods: the usage of case studies, avoiding sampling by the dependent variable and process tracing. In order to demonstrate their relevance, we re-read three studies in contemporary political theory (by Walzer, Spinner-Halev and Wenar), in light of the noted methods. If empirical political theory aims to fulfil its own stated goals and evaluate the desirability of political institutions according to reliable data regarding their functionality, it would greatly benefit from naturalising the methods of political science.

Decline of the Centrality of Work? Critique of a Contemporary Ideology

Decline of the Centrality of Work? Critique of a Contemporary Ideology

Introduction to Bernard Stiegler, “The National Front and Ultraliberalism” (Extract from Pharmacologie du Front National, 2013)

Abstract The French philosopher Bernard Stiegler published Pharmacologie du Front national in 2013. It is above all a response to the 2012 French presidential election, which, despite the election of François Hollande, gave evidence of the rising influence of the far-right National Front, and thus of a growing regressive tendency in the politics of the Western representative democracies. But Stiegler's concern in this regard can be traced back to his first book and is present throughout his work, which has always been concerned with the positive technical (default of) origin of the conjunction of desire and knowledge, and the irreducibility of the tendency for these to be undermined by what he will call the negative pharmacological side of technics. In Pharmacologie du Front national, he draws attention to a third dimension of the pharmakon: its tendency to lead to the designation of the pharmakos, or the scapegoat, as that negative side takes hold. For Stiegler, the industrial populism characteristic of today's consumerist economico-technological model inevitably and dangerously leads to political populism. He thus calls for a new critique of ideology, one that returns to its starting point in Marx and Engels, overcomes the limitations of Marxist and Althusserian materialisms that ultimately remain grounded in an oppositional metaphysics, and provides new practical and conceptual weapons in the struggle against contemporary ideology, whose essential motto is that “there is no alternative.”

The Powers of Dignity: The Black Political Philosophy of Frederick Douglass

The Powers of Dignity: The Black Political Philosophy of Frederick Douglass

The Common Good Tradition from Madison to Rawls

Abstract Americans interested in community today often lament precisely what conservative Americans prize: the perceived emphasis on individual rights and absence of explicit endorsements of civic duty, collective authority, and social equality in our eighteenth-century founding documents. Many who are familiar with the influence John Rawls had on contemporary political theory likewise fault him for prioritizing liberty over equality, a preference widely criticized by communitarians insisting that the common good is the proper end and measure of government. This article challenges those understandings of our nation’s founding, and of Rawls’s work, in order to show that concerns with the common good run as deeply through American history as do celebrations of individual rights.

Three Flaws in One Justification A Critical Examination of Nussbaum’s Reasoning Behind Her List of Capabilities

Who should decide what makes one’s life good? This is a long-standing question that has recently led to an unresolved discussion between two leading figures of the contemporary political and social theory, namely Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum. In this discussion, addressing the adverse effects of unjust social conditions on people’s choices such as the problem of adaptive preferences, Nussbaum proposes a philosophically-informed list of aspects of the good life developed from a particular normative account. However, the reasoning behind her proposal, I argue, involves three flaws that appear due to absence of a sociologically-informed account of people’s choices. First, considering that unjust social conditions can adversely affect not only people’s choice on aspects of good life, but also their choices in achieving these aspects, developing a list from a philosophical account of the good life cannot be a solution against these adverse effects. Second, Nussbaum excessively generalises her findings based on data involving a quite limited number of disadvantaged women in a way that her findings are applicable to all disadvantaged people living in varied social settings. Third, both existing empirical evidences and the qualitative data I collected in three distinct settings of Turkey demonstrate that disadvantaged people are not necessarily those who, as Nussbaum implicitly addresses, are unable to develop sophisticated/reasoned judgements on their material conditions, but might be those who must have developed the ability of deliberately adapting their preferences to make a living within given structural inequalities.

Non-domination and constituent power: Socialist republicanism versus radical democracy

Two of the dominant frameworks for criticizing capitalism and liberal democracy in contemporary political theory is Socialist republicanism, on the one hand, and radical democracy, on other hand. Whereas radical democratic thinkers have for decades criticized liberal democracy for being elitist, hierarchical and outright anti-popular, socialist republicans have for the last 10 years developed critiques of capitalism centred on the neo-republican idea of freedom as non-domination and proposed various arguments for workplace democracy and cooperative forms of ownership. Despite the common ambition of uncovering hierarchical relations of economic, political and social power, and creating new egalitarian and participatory modes of political organization, no systematic comparison of socialist republicanism and radical democracy exists. This paper fills this gap by comparing the different understandings of (a) institutions and (b) political action and (c) their diverging historical and political relations to socialism.

The Genius of Feminism: Cavellian Moral Perfectionism and Feminist Political Theory

Work on Stanley Cavell in contemporary political theory tends to foreground Cavell’s reading of Emersonian moral perfectionism, but this aspect of Cavell’s thought is often left out of feminist readings of his work. In this paper, I give an overview of Cavell’s importance to political theory, and I also trace two Cavellian-inspired feminisms: Sandra Laugier’s ordinary language inflected ethics of care and Toril Moi’s understanding of feminist theory as the close and careful reading of examples. I argue that Cavellian-Emersonian moral perfectionism enhances these feminist readings of Cavell because it helps us explain certain practices in feminist activism, such as resisting conformity, acknowledging the limits of our understanding and being receptive to other members of our feminist community.

Critical multiculturalism and countering cultural hegemony with children's literature

Children’s literature is potentially a starting point to present critical multicultural concepts to young learners. It may also be a medium through which historical and contemporary ideologies of society are encouraged in the young learners. This process may be viewed as a form of cultural hegemony when the choices of literature and reading materials for children are deliberately selective for content and themes. The study is based on a critical content and thematic analysis of 15 multicultural children’s literature picturebooks. It aims to examine the social construction of culture, characters, and literary genres through the process of critical multicultural analysis. Code categories through content analysis of selected children’s literature picturebooks were formed by both directed and conventional content analysis. These code categories include content with a social justice/equity issue, themes involving inclusivity, discovering new worlds/other cultures, language/ethnicity/religion diversity, and multidimensional characters from minority or marginalised groups. This process provides insight into counter-cultural hegemonic elements in many forms of multicultural literature. Implications are discussed in terms of culturally responsive practice and multicultural education. These multicultural and picturebook narratives provide windows to society, informing readers and learners about diverse cultural experiences.

Beyond the vulnerability/resilience dichotomy: Perceptions of and responses to the climate crisis on Emau, Vanuatu

In Vanuatu, a South Pacific island nation, the effects of climate change pose new challenges for low-lying coastal communities. This study explores how one village on Emau, an island offshore of capital island Efate, has developed several overlapping strategies to manage climate change impacts, including drought and sea level rise. Informants reveal their perceptions of changing environmental baselines and how socio-economic processes, including population growth, cultural loss, and limited access to cash incomes, have shaped the community’s response. Informants describe four climate adaptation strategies: 1) expanding access to cash income through seasonal or urban labor migration; 2) leveraging international expertise and funding to meet their goals; 3) developing hybrid forms of traditional practices and contemporary ideology to preserve environmental knowledge; and 4) performing physical and emotional labor to preserve and remain on their land. These strategies span oceans and cross international borders, refuting narratives of islands’ being ‘isolated’ from the rest of the world and passive ‘victims’ of climate change. Contextualizing perceptions of and responses to environmental change provides critical nuance to the resilience/vulnerability framework, which alone obscures ongoing political, social and economic processes on islands.

Moral and Political Foundations: From Political Psychology to Political Realism

Abstract The political psychologists Hatemi, Crabtree and Smith accuse orthodox moral foundations theory of predicting what is already intrinsic to the theory, namely that moral beliefs influence political decision-making. The authors argue that, first, political psychology must start from a position which treats political and moral beliefs as equals so as to avoid self-justificatory theorising, and second, that such an analysis provides stronger evidence for political attitudes predicting moral attitudes than vice versa. I take this empirical result as a starting point to intervene in a debate in contemporary normative political theory which has, to my mind, become largely unwieldy: the political realism controversy. I advise the realists to ‘downplay’ the (thus far) inconclusive debate over realism’s metanormative standing in favour of a non-metanormative inquiry. Hatemi, Crabtree and Smith’s study makes for an excellent backdrop. It affirms the realist hypothesis that politics is in some relevant sense – a causal, psychological sense – prior to morality.

Seeing Like a Representative

Lisa Disch is Professor of Political Science and Women’s and Gender Studies at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor (US), where she teaches courses on contemporary political theory, political representation, Anglo-American and French Feminism, as well as courses on population and the environment among others. Professor Disch has published books on the political thought of Hannah Arendt, on the discursive production of two-party democracy in the US, and most recently on political representation. She is co-editor of The Oxford Handbook of Feminist Theory with Mary Hawkesworth, and co-editor with Nadia Urbinati and Mathijs van de Sande of The Constructivist Turn in Political Representation. Since 2020 she has been an elected member of the Ann Arbor City Council.

Assessing the Use of Intuitions in Contemporary Political Theory

Assessing the Use of Intuitions in Contemporary Political Theory

The View from Below: How the Neoliberal Academy Is Shaping Contemporary Political Theory

Contemporary political theory is a game. Individuals compete to publish in ‘top’ journals, to amass greater numbers of publications than their peers; then journal-ranking is combined with number of publications generating scores. The aim is to get the most points. Whoever gets the most points wins: they get the best jobs and the most prestige. This Hunger Games–like contest has serious consequences for people’s lives, determining who can make a living from academia, who will be relegated to the academic precariat or forced out of the profession. In this article, I argue that, aside from the chilling effect that job insecurity and the gamification of academia has on the precariat, these conditions are stifling intellectual creativity, diversity, and dissent in political theory/philosophy. I discuss how privatization and deregulation of universities has created unbearable working conditions, why academics are forced to publish in so-called top journals and why this is detrimental to our field, marginalizing people, topics, and methodologies these journals do not support (which usually align with already structurally marginalized peoples and modes of knowledge). I explain why we are engaging in this game and how it perpetuates itself. I conclude with some suggestions for breaking this vicious cycle, as well as a discussion of who is really benefitting from it, namely, the corporate elites who run many universities and most academic publishers.

#WeAreMaunaKea: ключевые аспекты политической мобилизации национальных меньшинств (Гавайские острова, США)

The article shows the impact of the information society development on the glocalization of mobilization processes on the case of the TMT telescope construction by the global scientific community in Hawaii, USA, on a mountain sacred to the Native Hawaiian people. The study uses the case study method, qualitative analysis, and concept analysis method. The paper reflects methodological features of a detailed analysis of the development of local protest using social media Instagram communication technologies. The aim of the proposed work is a detailed analysis of the local community mobilization process. The chosen case is interesting because it allows studying both mobilization and demobilization technologies of a social conflict. As a result of the study, the necessity of having a leader in the group, the consolidation of the protest group around a sociopolitical symbol, and the construction of a coherent discourse within the mobilized community are shown. The importance of forming a delayed event is determined. At the same time, the mechanism of using demobilization technologies aimed at blurring the focus of the protest group is demonstrated. The study aims to contribute to the development of contemporary political mobilization theory, as well as to offer an analysis of theoretical concepts on a practical example. The paper shows how the global scientific community managed to stop the construction of local mobilization social protest and open the way for the giant telescope TMT on the sacred mountain Mauna Kea.

Indigenous governance now: settler colonial injustice is not historically past

ABSTRACT This article argues against Jeremy Waldron’s supersession thesis by outlining several ways in which the historical injustice of settler colonialism is not past, but continuous. Through engaging with both contemporary settler colonial theory and contemporary Indigenous political theories, I argue that Waldron’s understanding of historical injustice and the focus on justice in the now, which may supersede historical claims, relies on both Eurowestern epistemological and temporal frameworks that are ill-suited for understanding the continuous nature of settler colonial violence, and thus what Indigenous justice requires. As such, I explain how the supersession thesis, specifically the supersession of sovereignty, contributes to a prominent theme in western liberal political theory that attempts to fix both settler colonial injustices and Indigenous nations to an irrecoverable chronological past.

The Cave of Images: Understanding Visual Politics in and Through Plato's Republic

Plato's Republic links seeing to philosophizing and civic order. Socrates denounces images, but the dialogue's inquiries depend on them while revealing and even enacting the mutual constitution of the visual and political fields. Introducing the text through work by the conceptual artist, Thomas Demand, and representative criticisms of Plato by Ernst Gombrich, Hannah Arendt, and Arthur Danto, I explore the key dependencies and performative moments. My reading undercuts prevailing approaches to Plato while presenting the politics of vision and the visuality of politics in ways relevant to the current image environment yet overlooked in much contemporary political science and theory.

Consensus, convergence, and COVID-19: The ethical role of religious reasons in leaders' response to COVID-19.

Focusing on current efforts to persuade the public to comply with COVID-19 best practices, this essay examines what role appeals to religious reasons should (or should not) play in leaders’ attempts to secure followers’ acceptance of group policies in contexts of religious and moral pluralism. While appeals to followers’ religious commitments can be helpful in promoting desirable public health outcomes, they also raise moral concerns when made in the contexts of secular institutions with religiously diverse participants. In these contexts, leaders who appeal to religious reasons as bases of justification for imposing COVID policies may seem to fail to show respect for the autonomy of those who lack the relevant religious commitments, and—especially when a leader herself rejects the religious commitments she makes reference to to persuade others—her appeals to religious reasons may seem to constitute ethically problematic exercises of manipulation. This essay draws on the resources of contemporary political philosophy to analyze and respond to these concerns and concludes that they are not sufficiently well-founded. To the contrary, it contends that there are good moral grounds for leaders to appeal to religious reasons as (partial) bases of justification for why followers should accept COVID policies. In the course of the argument, this essay also highlights how contemporary political theory can enrich discussions about the distinctions between coercion, manipulation, and leadership. It thereby give insight not only into the ethics of leadership but also—at least by the lights of central theories of leadership like that of James MacGregor Burns (1978)—into whether and how appeals to religious reasons can figure into genuine exercises of leadership, in contrast with mere instances of the wielding of social power.

Eugene Rivers and the responsibility of intellectuals

Eugene Rivers and the responsibility of intellectuals

From Professionalisation and Normalisation to Genealogy and Realism: The Challenge of Liberalism in Contemporary Political Theory

This essay seeks to characterise and explain a specific pattern in professional political theorising over the last five decades. The paper does not seek to offer a stipulative or philosophical definition of the activity and nor can it offer a full historical or political sociological analysis of the activity in the context of academic institutions in the Anglophone world. Instead it provides a high-level overview of a particular pattern of development in the activity of political theory as exemplified in core outputs such as monographs, journal articles and essays as a way of explicating some perennial dynamics in the discipline that could be given a more extended historical and sociological explanation. That pattern is illustrated in the initial quest for professionalisation and institutional normalisation which has a tendency towards presenting the subject of study as converging on a broadly liberal agenda. This dominant liberal paradigm in turn has been challenged by the recent development of genealogical analyses of the contemporary intellectual history of political theory and the rise of political realism as attempts to sustain a common subject of enquiry that does not collapse into the endorsement of a liberal vision of ‘the political’. This dialectic, which centres on the problem of liberalism, is the key to understanding the fundamental dynamic of Anglophone political theory as an institutional practice as well as a body of ideas, principles and values.