Constitutional Monarchy Research Articles

By law or by justice: Deputies in the Spanish Congress of Deputies around the bill on dictatorship of 1848

In the article, the author analyses the discussions that took place in the Congress of Deputies in Madrid between 1 and 4 March 1848 regarding a bill that would transfer extraordinary powers to the government of General Narváez. He situates them within the broader context of the events that transpired in Spain during the spring of 1848, subsequently analysing the principal arguments advanced by the various parties. Those of the progressive persuasion who assailed the bill called for action in strict accordance with the law, but in essence sought to deny the government the right to resist what it regarded as the revolutionary threat. The Moderados, who represented the party in power, defended the government’s right, among other things, to take preventive measures to protect against the revolution. The author underscores that in Spain, there were merely two remaining parties, with varying specifics but similar overarching tenets. Both the Moderados and the progressives represented a central position within the political spectrum, aligning with the principles of liberalism. Some of them were of the opinion that large-scale reforms were necessary, while others preferred a gradual approach to innovation. However, neither of these perspectives envisioned Spain without a constitutional monarchy, particularly without the monarchy established by Isabella II. Radicals on both sides, both right and left, were expelled from the country with the assistance of French and British military forces. Consequently, the author characterises Spain under Isabella II as a state with limited sovereignty.

The role of cinema in Young Turk propaganda during the second constitutional era (1908–1913)

ABSTRACT This article examines the use of cinema by the Young Turk Movement, which played a significant role in transforming the Ottoman Empire from an absolutist regime into a constitutional monarchy in 1908. Upon gaining power, the Young Turks faced various external and internal political challenges, such as imperialist ambitions over Ottoman territory, Balkan states' efforts to reclaim lost lands, and separatist movements within the empire. This article explores how they used cinema to promote their political agenda and address these challenges. It argues that cinema was employed not only to display power and spread propaganda but also to project an image of governance aligned with constitutional ideals.

Church and State relations in Lesotho: A historical review locating the voice of the church in Lesotho’s political and mainstream history

The year 2024 sees Lesotho celebrate 200 years since the formation of Basotho as a nation. In these 200 years, the church has played a significant role in nation building and development. This article explores and seeks to locate the voice and presence of the church both as an ecumenical body and as a prophetic voice within the tumultuous history of Lesotho’s politics with a specific timeframe from 1833-2002. A literature review of relevant academic articles as well as historical works is used to ensure that the accounts recorded are factually correct. The formation of Basotho in the 18th century is a direct result of violence and war in the form of Lifaqane. King Moshoeshoe I, founder of the Basotho nation believed that peace could be procured via the presence of missionaries, therefore denoting the establishment of the church as an important factor. Within Lesotho’s mainstream history, the role played by the church has often been referred to in passing. Common sayings like “Baruti ba Moshoeshoe (Moshoeshoe’s pastors/ministers), and Lesotho ke naha ea Bokresete (Lesotho is a Christian nation)” are often quoted, and yet the actual role that the church has played and continues to play in Lesotho’s history and development has been an after-thought. In light of this, this article locates the role that the church has played in different eras of Lesotho’s history. From the establishment of the 1 st church (Protestant Church) in Morija, to the formation of ecumenical bodies such as The Heads of the Churches and Church Council of Lesotho to the current emerging coalition democracies under the constitutional monarchy.

Endogenous Political Legitimacy: The Tudor Roots of England’s Constitutional Governance

This paper highlights the importance of endogenous changes in the foundations of legitimacy for political regimes. It focuses on the central role of legitimacy changes in the rise of constitutional monarchy in England. It first defines legitimacy and briefly elaborates a theoretical framework enabling a historical study of this unobservable variable. It proceeds to substantiate that the low-legitimacy, post-Reformation Tudor monarchs promoted Parliament to enhance their legitimacy, thereby changing the legislative process from the “crown and Parliament” to the “crown in Parliament” that still prevails in England. The break with Rome permanently altered England’s political development.

Bhutan's Three-Pronged Strategy, Stifled Democracy and Human Rights Concerns

The assessment of human rights and social justice in Bhutan reveals numerous challenges. Developmental disparities are stark, with significant resources directed towards the western districts, home to the ruling elites. This exacerbates the development lag in the southern, eastern, and central districts. Tourism mainly benefits the western areas, concentrating the majority of tourists there and leaving limited opportunities for other regions. Gender inequality persists, with women underrepresented in political and leadership positions. Girls continue to face harassment in public, molestation in schools, and violence at home, without targeted political interventions. Ethnic minorities, religious groups, and residents of remote regions remain marginalized. Despite internal discontent and international pressure leading to a nominal political transition from an absolute monarchy to a democratic constitutional monarchy, the underlying power dynamics have not significantly shifted. There is a trend towards increased authoritarianism, surveillance, and opacity. Citizens advocating for democratic rights remain imprisoned for over three decades, despite the rulers' nominal embrace of democracy. While democratic institutions have been established, the monarchy wields more influence than before through the secret police (De-Suung), election interventions via the interim government, curtailing elected governments' autonomy, and preventing the introduction of ‘royal annuity bills’ in parliament to regulate the royal budget. This strategy has created a systematic authoritarian regime, cloaked as a constitutional monarchy for over sixteen years. Civil society organizations exist, but their leadership, often from the royal family, limits their effectiveness in addressing ordinary citizens' needs. These issues highlight profound governance, development, and gender equality challenges in Bhutan.

Waves of Popular Contention and Democracy in Denmark, 1700–2000

AbstractContrary to the dominant narrative of the historical formation of democracy in Denmark, which emphasises a smooth and gradual linear transition to democracy and modernity, this paper accentuates a discontinuous and contentious road towards democratisation. Based on quantitative and qualitative sources, this article identifies four major waves of popular mobilisation that paved the way for the introduction and expansion of political rights. The first wave of popular protest began in the 1830s and culminated in 1848 with the fall of absolutism and the transition to constitutional monarchy. The next protest wave from 1885 to 1887 arose from the so‐called ‘constitutional struggle’ and mobilised hundreds of thousands of ordinary Danes and contributed to the nationalisation and parliamentarisation of the political system. The third wave unfolded around the end of the Second World War, while the hitherto last wave of popular struggle erupted in 1968 with the youth rebellion. The analysis shows that ‘democracy’ was the central issue of contention in all four protest waves and supports the main thesis that periods of intense interaction between popular protest and the state have had a decisive formative influence on the genesis and further development of Danish democracy.

Ethical underpinnings and social work: a case study on the role of Buddhist compassion in Cambodian sustainable development

ABSTRACT This preliminary study explores the role of Buddhist compassion-based practices within the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) framework focusing on a Theravada Buddhist Pagoda in Siem Reap Cambodia. Employing a grounded theory approach within a triangulated methodology, data was analyzed from over 30 participant observations and 12 in-depth interviews with local religious leaders, non-governmental organization (NGO) leaders and, community members. Findings suggest that Buddhist ethical principles significantly impact Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) related to Good Health and Well-being (SDG 3), Quality Education (SDG 4), Reduced Inequalities (SDG 10), and Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions (SDG 16), notably improving community health and educational outcomes. The study examines the complex interactions between Buddhist practices, sustainable development, geopolitical challenges, and educational and social welfare in monasteries illustrating their integration into Cambodia’s socio-political context. The Cambodian political system, characterized by its constitutional monarchy and single-party dominance, directly influences the integration of religious practices into public policy highlighting the intersection of politics and religion in shaping development outcomes. Additionally, this study highlights the challenges of aligning donor expectations with authentic compassionate actions and stresses the need for integrity and authenticity in humanitarian efforts. The integration of Buddhist compassion into development strategies fosters inclusive community development and enriches the global dialogue on sustainable development suggesting a culturally coherent and geopolitically informed approach. This preliminary research highlights the influence of religious ethics in shaping development strategies in the “Global South” and recommends further investigation into their applicability across other regions facing similar challenges.

Staying Updated in Terms of Educational Values: The Problems and Reform of Vocational Education in China

Education is a crucial component of a nation’s superstructure. In today’s global landscape, we observe varied social systems, such as the relatively traditional constitutional monarchy in Britain, which has successfully integrated a comprehensive system of international vocational education early on. In contrast, influenced by over 2500 years of traditional Confucianism, education in our country embodies a rich cultural essence. Aligning and reflecting the value of domestic education with global development trends is essential for its advancement and relevance in the contemporary era.

Plus ça change: continuity in the theory and representation of monarchy in Dante and Bagehot

ABSTRACT The constitutional monarchy of present-day Britain hardly seems the same sort of institution as fourteenth-century feudal kingdoms, but Dante’s Monarchia (c. 1313) and Walter Bagehot’s The English Constitution (1872) share fundamental assumptions about what the purpose and strengths of monarchy are. In the Monarchia, Dante lays out the essential attributes of monarchy that endure even today: authority, impartiality, and unity. Dante values and promotes monarchy as final arbiter of conflicts, sole just judge without cupidity, and unifying will. More than 550 years later, Bagehot, despite his distrust concerning the Crown’s actual effectiveness, conceives of monarchy in surprisingly similar terms. The monarch is ‘the regulating wheel of our Constitution’, an authority outside and above partisan politics, and the ‘dignified’, ‘intelligible’, unifying element of government. In both cases, the monarch functions as the government’s source of impartial, unifying authority – whether monarch or Parliament ultimately wields that authority. The broad outlines of monarchy are surprisingly similar for both writers, suggesting a basic continuity in the conceptualization of monarchy from the fourteenth to the nineteenth century (and beyond) and an abiding store of reserve symbolism within the monarchic concept that writers, thinkers, and politicians throughout those centuries are able to tap at will.

The general theoretic aspects of the optimization of democracy in the context of the guaranteeing of the order and welfare

The article is devoted to the problems and perspectives of democracy as the form of organization of the social and political existence in general, as well as to the some aspects of the optimization of democracy in the context of the guaranteeing of the social welfare in particular. The real aim of the existence of the democracy was revealed. It was noted that stability is the most important elements of the value of the state. The author pays attention to the advantages of the presidential republic, of the constitutional monarchy, of the «Polybius scheme» of the ideal «mixed» state, of the two-party system, of the indirect elections, of the temporal fixation of the elections and of the absence of the snap elections in the context of the guarantee of the political stability. The optimal model of government, the rational limits of the democracy and its acceptable forms were proposed. The author says that democracy is more or less acceptable only if the laws of the state guarantee the impossibility of the election of the unworthy candidate. The system of the electoral qualifications for the members of the Electoral College as well as for the candidates to the elected positions was recommended. Also, the similar system of the qualifications for the officials of the executive power was recommended. The author says that the republican state should be built «from the below». It was noticed that citizens may make the conscious choice only inside their common during the local elections or during the elections of the members of the Electoral College, when they really know the candidates and their personal qualities. The author recommends the political model, when people elect the members of the Electoral College, and the last one form the local representative organs during the local elections, and after that the local representative organs delegate some their members to the regional representative organs, and the last one delegate some their members and form the parliament of the state. Also, the political model, when the executive power is built «from the below», was recommended. The author says that each official of the executive power should start his service from the primary position in local executive bodies, and that the filling of the vacant positions should be done exclusively on the basis of professionalism, experience, length of service and seniority of the officials, but not on the grounds of the arbitrariness of the highest officials or randomnicity. The main principles of replacing of the post of the head of the state in the parliamentary republic as well as in the presidential republic were outlined. It was noted that the professionalism, experience and the high moral qualities of the officials, and especially of the senior state officials, are the fundament of the effective governance and welfare of society, etc.

La disolución del primer Congreso Constituyente mexicano: un análisis de discursos

Objective/Context: This text analyses the assembly debates that preceded the dissolution of the first Mexican Constituent Congress in 1822. The research focuses on the ideological context that gave rise to the idea of dissolution. It examines the language and arguments used to defend or question the continuity of the national representative body of the First Empire. Methodology: For this purpose, the minutes of the Congress will be studied from the end of August, when the “republican” conspiracies against the government of Agustín de Iturbide took place, until its dissolution at the end of October. Through dialogue with various contemporary publications, the proceedings will be contextualised within the currents of liberal thought that fed political debates at the time. Originality: In recent years, thanks to the celebration of the Bicentennial of Independence, historiography has developed research on the period of the First Mexican Empire. However, there is still a long way to go to understand how the theoretical foundations that articulated a constitutional monarchy as the first project of a nation-state in Mexico were forged. Through unpublished sources and a reflection in dialogue with recent historiographical contributions, this article deepens the analysis of the political thought that sought to imagine an empire based on the foundations of political liberalism at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Conclusion: The idea of dissolution, far from being a unilateral decision by Iturbide’s government, resulted from a dialogue between different factions and political interests. Its argumentation was always based on the new constitutional language.

Political corruption in the Arab Mediterranean countries: an innovative typology

ABSTRACT Corruption is a major challenge in the Arab Mediterranean countries (AMCs). The fight against it was a key point in the Arab uprisings, yet since then and despite the international community’s attempts to support anti-corruption strategies, the governments of the AMCs have not been able to address effectively the demands of their population. The article compares the anti-corruption initiatives in four AMCs: two republican semi-presidential systems (Egypt, Tunisia) and two constitutional monarchies (Jordan, Morocco). It focuses on their fight against political corruption, which has different forms. To reduce corruption, policymakers advocate the decentralization of power, as it leads to more accountability and transparency. The article unpacks the idea of decentralization and asks to what extent it contributes to reducing political corruption in the region. In doing so, the article produces a new typology that adds two important factors that contribute to a better understanding of the links between anti-corruption initiatives and decentralization: the challenges to the political survival of the government and the type of external support to fight corruption. The findings show that decentralization measures frequently result in administrative deconcentration rather than the decentralization of decision-making. Thus, they reproduce political corruption in the region.

Analysis of the facade and spatial quality of educational buildings of the first national architecture period: The case of Konya

In the last years of the 19th century, architects who were under the influence of the nationalist ideas that developed in the last years of the 19th century and were strengthened with the declaration of the constitutional monarchy, led to the emergence of the First National Architectural Period as a reaction. They also considered this period as an eclectic architectural style in which they reinterpreted the facade, plan and ornamental elements of Ottoman and Seljuk architecture with Western construction techniques. In this architectural process, many public buildings, hotels, bank buildings, ministry buildings, educational buildings and residences were built. Educational buildings are an important group among the new types of buildings constructed in Konya, which has maintained its political and cultural importance throughout history. In this study, the façade and spatial quality analyses of the Sanayi Mektebi, Male Teachers' High School (Dârü-l Muallimin), Girl Teachers' School (Dârü-l Muallimat) and Gazi Mustafa Kemal, Hakimiyet-i Milliye and İsmet Paşa Primary Schools, which are among the educational buildings built during the First National Architectural Period and which contributed to the identity of the city of Konya, were examined. The authenticity and conservation values of the selected educational buildings were determined and compared with each other. According to the results obtained from the façade and spatial analyses of these samples; authenticity values are determined depending on the rate of having the characteristics of the period and conservation criteria. The fact that no previous study has been carried out in this period and group of buildings using the method defined increases the originality value of the subject.

The Survival Of British Monarchy: Transition From Absolute Monarchy To Constitutional Monarchy

With the death of Queen Elizabeth II, the British monarchy has come under scrutiny, sparking debates about its role in the British government, the future of the Royal family, and the potential transition to a republican system. This article aims to contribute to these discussions by examining the position of the constitutional monarchy in the United Kingdom and making a case for its continued existence in the near future.
 
 To accomplish this, the paper will delve into the unique transition from absolute monarchy to constitutional monarchy in the UK, illustrating how today's British monarchy has evolved within the bounds of law and democracy. Subsequently, the article will explore the concept of the British Constitutional Monarchy during its early stages, providing a foundation for understanding its contemporary meaning and significance and how it differs from the past. Finally, the article will assess the current position and role of the British monarch, considering their functions, powers, impartiality, and accountability. By doing so, the article aims to demonstrate that the constitutional monarchy within the British constitution poses no significant threat to the country; instead, it offers several benefits, particularly its unifying role.

An anarchist take on royalty: Pierre-Joseph Proudhon’s evolving assessment of post-revolutionary monarchy, 1839–64. Part I

ABSTRACT The name recognition of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in France during the early twentieth century was used to rally left-wing syndicalists and right-wing neo-monarchists to the 1911–14 Cercle Proudhon, a small political organization whose creation was once considered to represent the origins of European ‘fascism’. Oddly, no scholars have examined what Proudhon’s actual ideas about monarchy were and how they might have related to his criticisms of existing forms of political representation. This first part of a two-part series examines Proudhon’s evolving consideration of royalty from the July Monarchy until his exile in Belgium in 1858. It explores how Proudhon’s ideas about monarchy were impacted by his hostility to French liberal and republican attempts at electoral reform from 1838 until 1848. It then looks at how his assessment of monarchy began to change after his experience of the Second Republic and the latter’s experiment in universal manhood suffrage. For Proudhon, the ill-fated 1848-52 regime showed how democratic voting could contribute to a dangerous Caesarist personalization of state power and facilitate a fluid transition from republic to empire. During the early years of the Second Empire, Proudhon sometimes expressed nostalgia for liberal ideas of constitutional monarchy fashionable during the earlier 1814–48 era. He did not advocate restricting suffrage again like during the pre-1848 period, however.

THE BRAIN OF THE ORGANIZATION: TALÂT PASHA

Mehmet Talât Pasha, the most important figure of the Committee of Union and Progress, was born in Edirne in 1874. Although known as a Pasha in history, Talât Pasha had started civil service as a civil servant at Edirne Post-Telegraph Administration and he was called a Pasha since he became a Grand Vizier, according to the rules of the Ottoman Empire. In Thessaloniki, where he was exiled as an officer of Post-Telegraph, he became a founder of the Ottoman Society of Liberty with the influence of his brother-in-law İsmail Yörük and his other friends. Thus, the Committee, which initially operated as an underground organization, got stronger and became the Committee of Union and Progress as the Military staff in Rumelia began to become members of the Committee and the process which led to the declaration of the Second Constitutional Monarchy was experienced. Following the declaration of the Constitutional Monarchy on July 24, 1908, Talât Pasha entered the parliament as the Edirne Member of Parliament. He became the minister of Internal Affairs in the government that was established after the Bâbıâlî Raid. Before and during the First World War, as the minister of Internal Affairs, he dealt with the issue of immigrants from the Balkans, the issue of Armenians and especially the issue of forced Armenian migration. He became the Grand Vizier on February 4, 1917. During his Office as Grand Vizier while the Frist World War was continuing, he dealt with problems such as the subsistence of the army and cities. Towards the end of the war, on the night of November 2, following the Armistice of Mudros, he left İstanbul with the leaders of the Union and Progress. He moved to Germany and continued his political activities during the days he lived in Berlin. On March 15, 1921, he was killed by an Armenian terrorist. On February 20, 1943, his body was brought to Turkey and buried at Hürriyet-i Ebediye hill.

Modernization Efforts within the Scope of the Republic Project in Türkiye: The Example of the Novel of the Time Regulation Institute

The transformations that unfolded across the globe during the 20th century, underpinned by the ethos of modernism, wrought profound changes in the fabric of societies and human existence. In Türkiye, the trajectory of modernization, initiated during the Tanzimat and constitutional monarchy eras, persisted into the republican era. However, the imposition of modernism from the top down, in a milieu where a bourgeoisie failed to merge fully, engendered various challenges. Notably, thinkers like Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar harbored apprehensions about Türkiye’s future within its Westernization endeavor during the Republican era. Tanpınar’s novel The Time Regulation Institute (1954) vividly captures the trials and tribulations of Türkiye's modernization efforts, particularly amidst the emergence of systemic issues such as the adjuster system. Serving as a literary lens into the transition from constitutionalism to republicanism, from tradition to modernity, the novel paints a rich tableau of Turkish societal metamorphosis. This study explores The Time Regulation Institute, employing qualitative semantic content analysis to dissect its thematic underpinnings. Through delineating various categories, the transition from traditional to modern life is meticulously scrutinized in the tapestry of words and expressions throughout the novel. Central to the narrative is the portrayal of a meticulously ordered system orchestrated by the titular institute, presided over by an adjuster. Yet, the novel poignantly underscores the challenge faced by the Turkish populace in embracing this paradigm shift as the traditional, natural, and static conception of time grapples with the imposition of modernity.

Violence and Power of the Modern British Monarch

Violence and Power of the Modern British Monarch

The British Royals in Australia

The British Royals in Australia

A Kingdom of Possibility

A Kingdom of Possibility