Constitution In France Research Articles

Features of the regulation of the legal status of public law legal entities in France

In the article, the author considers issues related to the legal status of legal entities under public law in France. The legal status of legal entities under public law is regulated by the Constitution of France, special legislation in the field of administrative law. The article analyzes the criteria for distinguishing legal entities into legal entities of private and public law, developed by the judicial practice of French courts. In the article, the author examines the types of legal entities of French public law, in particular, the latter include: the state, territorial entities, public institutions. The article examines the legal nature and types of public service, which is carried out in the field of defense, transport, and industry management. The article defines a public service, as a rule, the specified services do not have the status of a legal entity, the specified status belongs to the state that creates these services. The author researches public institutions of France that belong to legal entities under public law. The article defines the concept of a public institution, classifies public institutions according to various criteria, and defines the organizational structure of these institutions. A variety of public institutions is industrial and commercial in nature. The author examines the historical aspects of the emergence and development of this type of institution. The article examines the characteristics of a public institution, in particular, the following characteristics are distinguished: 1) it is a legal entity under public law; 2) has a socially beneficial purpose; 3) is under the supervision (guardianship) of the state can be fully applied to the legal regulation of public benefit institutions, which also have the status of a legal entity, pursue a socially beneficial goal, and are under the supervision (guardianship) of the state. The article examines the legal nature of associations of persons of liberal professions (lawyers, attorneys, notaries, doctors, pharmacists, veterinarians, and others). The article examines the judicial practice of French courts on issues of compensation for damage caused by the activities of a state institution. The author examines and investigates issues of the legal regime of property of legal entities under public law.

Demokracja bezpośrednia we Francji i w Polsce. Analiza porównawcza

The aim of this article is to conduct a comparative analysis of direct democracy in France and Poland. In the research process, three research questions were formulated: 1) What is the tradition of direct democracy in France and Poland?; 2) What are the solutions characteristics of direct democracy in the constitutions of France and Poland, and other legal acts in these countries?; 3) What are the practical applications of direct democracy tools at the national and local levels in France and Poland?. An analysis of legal acts constituting the legal basis for direct democracy in France and Poland was conducted. Documents related to the practice of direct democracy in these countries were analyzed. France has a long tradition of a direct democracy. Compared to France, Poland has a short tradition of direct democracy. The constitutions of both countries adopted a solution in the form of a national referendum. In addition to the institution of a nationwide referendum, the constitution-makers in France and Poland included the institution of a local referendum. The Constitution of the Republic of Poland also indicates a legislative initiative. Ten national referenda have been held within the Fifth Republic. Turnouts in referendums at the national level ranged from 30.19 to 82.63%. The average turnout in the referendum is 65.82%. In the votes, eight solutions were adopted and two were rejected. Six national referendums have been held in Poland since 1989. Turnouts in referendums at the national level ranged from 7.8 to 58.85%. The average turnout in referendums was 35.87%. Two solutions were adopted in the votes and four were rejected.

СТАНОВЛЕННЯ І РОЗВИТОК АДМІНІСТРАТИВНОЇ ЮСТИЦІЇ У ФРАНЦІЇ У КІНЦІ XVIII–XIX СТОЛІТЬ

The article is devoted to the coverage of historical prerequisites to formation of the modern model of administrative justice in France at the end of the XVIII–XIX centuries. The place and role of administrative justice in the constitutions of France at the end of the XVIII–XIX centuries are characterized. Napoleon Bonaparte's state-legal reforms and their influence on the development of administrative justice in France are analyzed. The process of formation of the State Councils, their structure and functions in the XIX century is shown. Considerable attention is paid to highlighting the powers of the State Council in the preparation of normative and legal acts and its cooperation with the head of the French state and the French parliament National Assembly. Thus, on February 17, 1800, a supplementary Organic Law was adopted, which introduced the body of administrative justice – the Prefectural Council – in the departments. It became the first instance of administrative judicature. In addition, the prefecture council performed the functions of an advisory body to the prefect. The State Council was the highest appellate and at the same time cassation instance of administrative proceedings. During the time of Napoleon Bonaparte, in France, for the first time in Europe, a system of control of the the legality of administration decisions was introduced. This model of administrative justice continues to function in France to this day. Considerable attention is paid to the analysis of the functions and powers of individual structural parts of the State Council, such as the collegium of racketeers and the judicial collegium.

UNAMENDABLE PROVISIONS OF THE CONSTITUTION AND THE TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY OF UKRAINE

Background: Unamendable constitutional provisions arose with the appearance of the first constitutions in the USA and Norway, but did not become widespread. The unamendability of a republican form of government, included in the Constitution of France in 1885, continued this tradition. Such provisions became more widespread after the Second World War. Countries that gained independence began to include a mention of territorial integrity in such provisions. Ukraine belongs to such countries (the Constitution of 1996). Since 2014, Ukraine has faced encroachment on its territorial integrity by an aggressor state − its eastern neighbor. Given these circumstances, the study of the nature and meaning of unamendable provisions of a constitution has particular relevance. Methods: The following methods were used in the work to research the main approaches to the unamendable provisions of the constitution. The system-structural method was useful when providing a structural characterisation of the concept of unamendable provisions, as well as its varieties, establishing a relationship with other concepts (multilevel constitutional design). The logical-legal method made it possible to discover the positions of scientists regarding an optimal list of unamendable provisions, the possible violation of such provisions in the situation of a constitutional revolution, and the positions of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine regarding the protection of territorial integrity in Ukraine. The comparative method was used to study the experience of foreign countries. Results and Conclusions: The paper analysed the legal consequences of violation of territorial integrity, concluding that military aggression, occupation and unacknowledged annexation of part of Ukrainian territory by Russia is not a reason to refuse territorial integrity as an unamendable provision of the Constitution of Ukraine. On the contrary, the protection of this provision should be strengthened.

The establishment of electoral law in revolutionary France

The process of developing modern electoral law begins with the fundamental changes of the political system that occurred as a result of the outbreak of the French Revolution. The article shows the breakthrough moment – the resurrection of the Estates General, the fight for a fairer third estate representation system – (the bourgeoisie and the peasants represented 96% of the nation) and then the creation of a new census suffrage system that effectively suppressed the hopes of radical democrats. The concept of active and passive citizenship, developed by Emmanuel- Joseph Sieyes, consolidated the political achievements of the bourgeoisie and was adopted in the first constitution of France in 1791.

Constitutional recognition: French perspective

The Constitution of France is based on principles from the 1789 revolution, stating in its first article that it is an “indivisible republic” and that it “ensures the equality before the law of all citizens without distinction of origin, race or religion.” Growing up in such a unitary country (as opposed to multicultural), it was hard for me to completely grasp the idea of recognition of indigenous groups, of ethnic or cultural minorities. Yet, France recently recognised the existence of such local groups in territories outside the mainland – for instance, New-Caledonia. It mostly refers to memorial issues, reflecting on “the shadows of colonial times”, and further affirmative action. This draws on the concept of the ‘right to recognition’ theorised by Le Pourhiet (2014), with objective principles of cultural diversity and the grant of collective rights to more vulnerable groups.

GENESIS OF THE MECHANISM OF PUBLIC PARTICIPATION IN THE FORMATION AND IMPLEMENTATION OF THE STATE POLICY FROM ANCIENT TIMES – TO THE CONSTITUTION OF PYLYP ORLYK 1710

The article is devoted to the study of the origins and processes of approval of the mechanism of the public participation in the public administration in healthcare in Ukraine and abroad since ancient times – to the Constitution of Pylyp Orlyk 1710. To this end, the author of the article explored a number of related issues within the above chronological boundaries: firstly, the genesis of the phenomenon of the public and civil society and the historical forms of their existence and activity; secondly, the history of democracy and the diversity of its forms, first and foremost, direct, representative and participatory; thirdly, the history of healthcare formation and development in Ukraine in the context of world medicine development; fourthly, the genesis of the methods, forms, mechanisms and institutions of the public administration in the field of healthcare; fifthly, the development of the citizens’ constitutional right to participate in the administration of the public affairs, in particular in the field of public healthcare administration. The origins of government and healthcare in the countries of the ancient East (Sumer, Akkad, Egypt, China, etc.), as well as in Ancient Greece and Ancient Rome are examined, and the conclusion is drawn that the Antiquity era has become not only a cradle for the Western model of democratic governance, but also contributed to the transformation of the sacral-mystical approaches in medicine to material-rationalist ones. The mechanisms of the public healthcare administration and the development of the medical science in the Arab caliphates, which are underestimated in the modern European science, are analyzed. Special attention is paid to the emergence of the public administration in healthcare, epidemics and the development of the medical education in the Medieval Europe. The peculiarities of the emergence of the first Slavic states, in particular the Kyiv principality, as well as of “Veche democracy”, are defined as a form of government based on the rule of the people. However, it is emphasized that healthcare in ancient Slavs, as in fact and in Varangians, who were invited to reign, was hardly discussed outside the family. Since the destruction of Kyiv by Baty Khan’s troops in 1240 and during the so-called “dark ages”, healthcare in the lands of the Kyiv and other Slavic principalities has been mainly taken care of by the monasteries, as well as by the cities vested with the Magdeburg Right. It is concluded that the Constitution of Pylyp Orlyk of 1710, almost eighty years before the first constitutions of France or the United States, normalized the modern model of organization of the public (state) power in Ukraine, based on the principles of democracy. Although the healthcare administration issues have remained unresolved, since the 18th century they have been the subject of the public administration by the local communities. In the future (19th – the beginning of the 20th century) the development of the mechanism of the public administration in the field of healthcare in Ukraine was determined by the corresponding state policy of the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires, which included the Ukrainian lands.

El control preventivo de la legislación en perspectiva comparada: la relación entre el diseño normativo y la práctica jurisprudencial

El presente trabajo se centra en estudiar el control preventivo de constitucionalidad de la legislación, con el objeto de comprender su sentido y alcance, atendida su particularidad a nivel comparado. Se demostrará que si bien la modalidad preventiva se vincula con determinados diseños normativos que trascienden al control jurídico-político de la legislación, la práctica jurisdiccional es decisiva para legitimar su existencia en el marco de la justicia constitucional. Para probar tal cuestión se estudiará este mecanismo de control en las constituciones de Francia y España, desde el punto de vista de vista normativo como jurisprudencial.

Independence of judicial power as the constitutional value and principle of the constitutional system of Ukraine

In the article there is comprehensive analysis of politico-legal nature and social value of independent judiciary power as one of the main modern constitutionalism ideas, researched evolution of it social understanding and acceptance. Clarified that expected result of long historical process of science researches and philosophic-legal discussions regarding significant sense of independent judiciary existence for democratic and legal-state was common confession and formal legal assignment of that main idea in first left-wing democratic constitutions. At the same time explored that idea of judiciary independence as basic constitutional principle nowadays directly assigned only in Constitutions of France,Switzerland, in Constitutional Act of Canada and some other Constitutions. More often on the Constitutional level assigned norms which guarantees independence and inviolability of the judges (Spain,Germany,Italy,Greece, Japan etc.). In article proved that Ukraine being as a legal-state impossible without real independent and impartial judiciary, which is a guarantee of functioning other power institutes in frames of their powers stated by the Constitution and laws of Ukraine and final method of solution of any legal as of competent disputes between other power institutes. It made justified conclusion that political-legal idea of judiciary independence be due avowed values of Constitutional level, which absolute supported by Ukrainian society and found its systematic although mediocre legal-norm displaying in variety of articles in Constitution of Ukraine. According to the most importance and identified meaning of real judiciary independence for Ukraine functionality as the democracy and legal-state, for providing the rule of law and for primarily – effective human rights and freedoms protection, the judiciary independence belong to basic Constitutional principles which in total are basis for Constitutional System of Ukraine US style='font-size:14.0pt;font-family:Times New Roman,serif; mso-fareast-font-family:Times New Roman;mso-ansi-language:EN-US;mso-fareast-language: UK;mso-bidi-language:AR-SA'>abuse its constitutionally determined powers and, as a result, will infringe the Fundamental Law of Ukraine, in particular, its second section of article 19, according to which bodies of public power and their officials are obliged to act only on the grounds, within the limits of authority, and in the manner envisaged by the Constitution and the laws of Ukraine. However, the legislator is still able to prevent appearance of the above situation by necessary amendments to the Law of Ukraine «On the Constitutional Court of Ukraine»

A Primordial Attachment to the Nation? French and Irish Workers and Trade Unions in Past EU Referendum Debates.

We aim to contribute to a better understanding of the dynamics that are driving EU politicization and the rising Euroscepticism of workers and unions in the public sphere. One explanation frames the rise in Euroscepticism in cultural terms, emphasizing workers’ alleged primordial attachment to their nation. A second uses socioeconomic frames, linking growing Euroscepticism to the increasingly neo‐liberal direction of the EU. The weight of these competing frames in the referendum campaigns on the EU Constitution in France and the Lisbon Treaty and the Fiscal Treaty in Ireland cannot be measured easily, as the categorization of a phrase as socioeconomic or cultural is in itself subject to political classification struggles. We therefore presents the findings of an inductive lexical analysis of all Irish Times, all Le Monde and all worker‐ or union‐related articles published in almost all national media outlets during the mentioned referendum debates. This was made possible by the Alceste software package that allowed us to analyse very large corpuses of articles inductively. Our analysis reveals that socioeconomic terms dominated policy debates in both countries. The findings question existing EU politicization studies that were measuring the salience of different frame types by deductive analysis.

France and The European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages: Dilemma without Solution

There are more than seven thousand of unique languages nowadays, that reflect the uniqueness of the living conditions, the worldview and cultural traditions of different peoples. According to UNESCO, 75 languages in Europe and Asia Minor and about 115 languages in the United States over the past five centuries have been lost. The regional or minority languages are part of the national heritage and play leading role in the process of national identity as bearers and guarantors of national culture and national identity, that is why the value of regional languages is constantly increasing. However, the danger of the growth of nationalism and separatism makes politicians wary of measures to protect the national languages. The article deals with the political debate in France around the ratification of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, adopted by the Council of Europe on 25 June 1992, which purpose was to protect the historical regional languages of the EU, some of which are in danger of eventual extinction.. The author provides analysis of the historical preconditions of the current debate as well as of the stance taken by the French leadership on this issue. The study is based on a set of scientific methods and approaches - the principle of scientific objectivity and system of historical research. The main methods are problematic and historical-comparative analysis, classification and comparison of the political and historical concepts. Modern France de jure firmly follows linguistic traditions laid down by previous regimes, as defined in its constitution as the principles of the indivisibility of the Republic and the unity of the French people. According to Article 2 of the Constitution of the Fifth Republic, French language is the only official. However, in addition to the French 75 languages are being spoken all over the Overseas Departments and Territories of France, including 24 languages of the indigenous population of the European part of France, and the languages of immigrants. Despite the fact that the ratification of the Charter serve certain political figures, the Conseil d'Etat, the highest judicial authority in administrative cases, and later the Constitutional Council refused to ratify the Charter, due to the fact that the provisions of the Charter are contrary to the Constitution. The question of amending the Constitution of France is facing fierce debate and remains unresolved for nearly a decade. The political problem is the impact of the application of the Charter, by the fact that at all times promoting one language at the expense of others become a catalyst for powerful and very dangerous social and political processes.

Political dimension of European constitutionalism

Abstract Author in the article tries to analyse different elements of document called European Constitution. Analysis is supported with theoretical framework of federalism, presented by Brezovšek. Authors is playing with idea of (con)federal and international organization elements of European Constitution and their mix. They are also trying to set some connections between so called common European identity as necessary condition to give legitimacy to the European Constitution. This became important question after „votes of non-confidence“ to the European Constitution in France, despite it should be addressed already before. However, European Constitution is important document on the path of European integration and lack of support to it will slow down this process of widening and deepening European ties.

The Asymmetry of Human Dignity as a Constitutional Value and Fundamental Human Right in Europe

The meaning of human dignity as a fundamental value or right has traditionally been a focal point of interest for moral philosophers who have noted the historical variability of the concept and the centrality of Kantian theory in modern thinking. In recent years, human dignity has also begun to generate intense interest amongst jurists and legal theorists looking to understand the role of human dignity in constitutional texts and judicial reasoning in supreme courts. One important contribution links the historical variability of the philosophical and moral principle to legal indeterminacy in modern constitutions and their interpretation by constitutional courts. In this chapter, we offer an alternative perspective on human dignity as a fundamental value or principle in human rights instruments and national constitutions. We argue that the indeterminacy of human dignity as a fundamental constitutional value or principle facilitates the co-existence of a plurality and diversity of conceptions of human dignity in the constitutional architecture of democratic European legal systems. Indeterminacy accommodates expansive and religiously motivated conceptions of human dignity which extend dignity to all human life from the moment of conception as well as gradualist or secular conceptions which attach human dignity only to persons already born. We show that a comparative analysis of human dignity as a constitutionally protected human rights value and principle reveals an important asymmetry in the meaning and role of human dignity which runs along two lines. The first line of asymmetry reveals that the dividing line between pre-natal and post-natal human life is critical to human rights claims and directly enforceable legal entitlements flowing from the protection of human dignity as a constitutional value. Secondly, we argue that a second line of asymmetry is disclosed in the weight that human dignity carries as a limiting and ‘relational’ value against interference with fundamental human rights, whether by the State or others, particularly in the context of experimental and research interventions on ‘human beings’ and ‘human life’. The first part of the chapter charts the rise of human dignity as a fundamental principle in human rights texts, including the Council of Europe and European Union Treaties and case law, culminating in the paradoxical judgment of the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the European Union in the Brustle case. The second part examines the role of human dignity in the national constitutions of France and Germany and the respective case law of their supreme courts. Our analysis shows that the indeterminacy of human dignity as a fundamental value or principle creates an asymmetry in the existence, substantive content and attribution of direct legal rights in legal orders which are founded on respect for the plurality and diversity of moral and religious cultures in democratic societies in Europe.

Fifty Years of Constitutional Evolution in France: The 2008 Amendments and Beyond

The Constitution of France’s Fifth Republic, adopted in 1958, has proved remarkable in its ability to adapt to changing political, social, economic, and demographic conditions and values. This is quite a departure from most of post-revolutionary French history, which had witnessed extreme constitutional instability for more than 175 years, France having had 15 different constitutions during that period. The 1958 Constitution has evolved through amendments enacted by Parliament or referendum, decisions of the Constitutional Council interpreting and applying the Constitution, and the practice of governmental institutions. This mix of mechanisms (political, judicial, and customary practice) for legitimating change has resulted in a Constitution which now plays an increasingly important role in advancing the rule of law and symbolizing and promoting social and political integration. The extensive constitutional amendments of July 2008 continue the “constitutionalization” of French law and politics. Rejecting calls for a more radical restructuring, the French Parliament pursued a cautious, evolutionary route to reform. Following for the most part the recommendations of a commission established by President Sarkozy (the Balladur Commission), Parliament amended the Constitution to better define the powers of the president of the Republic, to better balance the relationship between the Government (the executive branch) and Parliament, and to better protect the rights of citizens. In some areas change is modest (like better defining the powers of the president and his relationship to the prime minister); in some areas change may be significant or not, depending on the ability and willingness of institutions to use their new competences and resources (like the relationship between Parliament and the Government); and in some areas change is substantial (like allowing individual litigants to have the question of the constitutionality of a law already in force decided by the Constitutional Council during litigation in ordinary or administrative courts). Constitutional developments in France since 1958 provide an excellent example of the progressive entrenchment of constitutionalism in a nation that had long been hostile to the “government of judges” by a combination of political and judicial techniques that assure continuity and legitimacy to fundamental changes in political and legal structures and values.

SOVEREIGNTY OF A NATION IN THE PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM OF LITHUANIA: PROBLEMS AND PROPOSALS

The aim of the article is to show in what way it is possible to guarantee the proper representation of human interests in the parliamentary form of government. To quote ideas of Mykolas Romeris concerning relationships between sovereign and State powers, it is stated that a special function of safeguarding of constitutionality as an expression of the Sovereign's will ought to be provided in the Constitution of Parliamentary Republic. In the article, it is demonstrated that such function is implemented in the Constitutions of France and Germany by granting a President to guarantee a proper work of parliamentary system (the function of political and legal reserve). It is also shown that in Lithuania, which is considered to be a Parliamentary Republic, the President does not perform a function of political and legal reserve and does not have appropriate authorizations. The author of the article proposes to follow the standards of Constitutions of France and Germany and to reconsider the competences between the institutions of the Seimas and the President. Tautos suverenitetas parlamentinėje Lietuvos sistemoje: problemos ir pasiūlymai Santrauka Straipsnyje siekiama parodyti, kaip parlamentinė valdymo forma gali užtikrinti deramą žmonių interesų atstovavimą. Remiantis Mykolo Romerio idėjomis apie suvereno ir valdžios santykį teigiama, kad parlamentinės valstybės Konstitucijoje privalo būti numatyta speciali konstitucingumo apsaugos funkcija kaip suvereno valios išraiška. Parodoma, kad tokia funkcija numatyta Prancūzijos ir Vokietijos Konstitucijose, suteikiant Prezidentui funkciją užtikrinti deramą parlamentinės sistemos veikimą (politinio ir teisinio rezervo funkcija). Atskleidžiama, kad Lietuvoje, kuri taip pat yra laikoma parlamentine respublika, Prezidentas politinio ir teisinio rezervo funkcijos neatlieka ir atitinkamų įgaliojimų neturi. Straipsnyje siūloma pasekti Prancūzijos ar Vokietijos Konstitucijų pavyzdžiu ir peržiūrėti Seimo bei Prezidento kompetencijas.

Debating the EU Constitution in France

This paper focuses on the argumentative approaches and the rhetorical strategies employed by political actors in France in favour of or against the EU Constitutional Treaty (TCE), as they appeared in four French daily newspapers, Le Monde, Le Figaro, Libération and Aujourd’hui en France (national edition of Le Parisien), before the 29th of May 2005 referendum. In a qualitative discourse analysis and with the aid of argumentation theories and political communication approaches, the study investigates how the European Union’s Constitution, identity and future were represented and discussed by French political actors through the media in their effort to obtain public adherence before the referendum. Inevitably, the role of the media and the mediation process in the construction and transcription of the political discourse is also discussed.

Nordic newspapers on the EU

Previous studies (by the author of this article) on coverage of the EU in 1993 and 1996 by four leading Nordic newspapers generated three theoretical categories for a `European political journalism'. The categories were named participation, legitimacy and mondialization/universalism. The present study revisited the same Nordic newspapers over 10 years later in 2005, shortly before and after the referenda on the proposed new EU Constitution in France and the Netherlands, to test the validity of these categories. Generally speaking, the same conceptual landscape still applies to Nordic journalism on the EU, but some of the empirical material seemed to demand the new category of `identity'. This category seemed to be linked both to threats to national identity and to the loss of an emerging `core European identity'. The article suggests that the core category of journalism's sense-making about the EU is the question of `participation'. This core category is grounded on the classical Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft distinctions. The three other important categories — legitimacy, mondialization and identity — can be seen as supporting categories in the analysis of media coverage of the European Union. Within this general and normative conceptual frame, there are remarkable differences in the way the Nordic newspapers contribute to such European political journalism.

Comparative Perspectives of Constitutional Asylum in France, Italy, and Germany: Requiescat in Pace?

Most countries provide asylum through domestic legislation, such as a statute incorporating the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. France, Italy, and Germany stand out as three of very few European countries specifically to guarantee a right of asylum in their national Constitutions. The origin, wording, and scope of these constitutional provisions vary, depending on historical factors specific to each country. This article examines the right of asylum guaranteed in the Constitutions of France, Italy, and Germany from a historical perspective. It discusses how this right has evolved in all three countries, especially in light of the Refugee Convention and recent European Asylum Legislation. It concludes that however unique and individual constitutional asylum has traditionally been regarded as in France, Italy, and Germany, international obligations and recent European commitments have absorbed its distinctiveness, making it a redundant, almost obsolete, concept.

Direct Democratic Choice: The Swiss Experience

Direct Democratic Choice: The Swiss Experience. By Hanspeter Kriesi. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2005. 263p. $90.00.The determinants of the voters' decision in direct democratic votes have received growing attention over the last 15 years. The reasons for this are mainly twofold. First, there has been a sharp increase in the number of popular votes worldwide. In Europe, the successive waves of referenda on the European Union, up to the recent rejection of the EU constitution in France and in the Netherlands, have put the issue of direct democratic choices on the top of both the scientific and political agendas. Second, we have witnessed important theoretical developments in the study of opinion formation and political behavior (e.g., the contributions of social and political psychology with respect to the role of cognitive strategies, or the contributions of communication studies with respect to media and campaign effects).

Does Italy's plight threaten European Monetary Union?

Economic OutlookVolume 29, Issue 3 p. 20-26 Does Italy's plight threaten European Monetary Union? First published: 27 July 2005 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0319.2005.00501.xAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Abstract The Italian economy is in a mess. GDP is expected to contract by 0.6% this year and the budget deficit is heading towards 4% of GDP – it is hard to see a way out of the mire. And after the rejection of the European constitution in France and the Netherlands, questions are being asked about the very future of the European project. With Italy fundamentally uncompetitive across a whole range of both price and non-prices measures, and with an industrial structure ill-equipped to deal with the challenges of globalisation, Italy's long-term membership of the Euro is being debated. This article by Keith Church sets out Italy's problems and argues that, if the economy stagnates for a prolonged period, pressure to leave EMU will become irresistible. This can be avoided if the government finally implements structural reforms instead of continually ‘muddling through’. At the same time, the ECB needs to realise the urgency of the current situation and start to show greater flexibility. Volume29, Issue3July 2005Pages 20-26 RelatedInformation