Democratic Consolidation Research Articles

Gender Disparities, Circulation of Elites and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria

Gender Disparities, Circulation of Elites and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria

Digitization of Electoral Process and` Democratic Consolidation: A Case of Ekiti and Osun State, Southwest, Nigeria

Liberal Democratic theorists have established a strong link between Democracy and Election. A high premium is thus placed on the integrity of election in the democratic project. In Nigeria, attempts at strengthening and consolidating democracy have always been frustrated by electoral fraud ranging from rigging, ballot snatching, unauthorized announcement of elections, illegal thumb-printing and most recently, vote buying. To arrest this she nanigan, the Country’s electoral rules introduced the use of Smart Card Reader as a technological innovation into the electoral process in 2015. A further step in this initiative was the introduction of the use of Bimodal Voters Accreditation System and Electronic Transmission of Result in the Electoral Act, 2022. This paper examines the use and consequences of the technology on Nigeria’s democratic future as demonstrated in the 2022 Ekiti and Osun governorship elections. It relies principally on secondary data generated from documented evidence of local and international election observers, archival materials, journals and texts. The content analyses revealed that there was effective deployment of Bimodal Voters Accreditation System (BVAS) in the conduct of the two 2022 gubernatorial elections with minimal challenges in their functionality. This facilitated prompt release of the election results. Digitization and transmission of election results, if properly administered have the prospect of guaranteeing increased security of election and encouraging increased voters’ turnout as a result of perceived guarantee of electoral integrity. This portends good prospect for Nigeria’s democratic stability and institutionalization in future polls.

Faces and implications of the legal framework on democratic consolidation in Tanzania

Faces and implications of the legal framework on democratic consolidation in Tanzania

Enforcing the Rule of Law in the EU: The Case of Poland and Hungary

The Commission’s 2022 Report on the Rule of Law highlights serious concerns about the independence and impartiality of the judiciary, particularly in Poland and Hungary. The ongoing consolidation of illiberal democracies in these countries has led not only to a stagnation but also to an erosion of the fundamental principles of the rule of law. In Poland, the ruling PiS government’s judicial reforms have sparked controversy and pose a threat to the rule of law. Forced retirements, disciplinary proceedings and political appointments of judges have exposed the judiciary to legislative and governmental control. The decision of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal to declare EU primary law unconstitutional testifies to the Polish institutions’ departure from the common values enshrined in Art. 2 TEU. The Union’s regular control and sanction mechanisms have proved inadequate in the face of this crisis. Budgetary sanctions, such as those applied to Hungary under the Conditionality Regulation to protect the EU budget and to Poland and Hungary by withholding funds under the Union’s Recovery and Resilience Facility, provide a means of pressuring those countries to halt further erosion of the fundamental guarantees and institutions of the rule of law. However, given the systemic deficits evident in both countries, doubts remain about the effectiveness of such measures.

Social Media and Political Propaganda: A double-edged Sword for Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria

Social Media and Political Propaganda: A double-edged Sword for Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria

The Dynamics of European Union Foreign Electoral Assistance: Case of Kenya’s General Elections

Electoral integrity is widely recognized as an indispensable element of democratic consolidation in the developing world. However, achieving electoral integrity in these countries has been hindered, in part, by their deficient capacity to invest in the essential resources required to enable key sectors to fulfill their roles in ensuring free, fair, and credible elections. Additionally, elections in these regions often report malpractice characteristics such as electoral fraud, contested results, and protracted legal disputes over outcomes. Consequently, external actors have been called upon to help bridge these gaps, foster peaceful political transitions, and bolster the process of democratization. Despite substantial support from foreign actors, there is a paucity of research focusing on the dynamics of their involvement through technical and capacity-building initiatives. Existing research often presents passive assertions about specific African countries, leaving a dearth of empirical evidence regarding the extent and manner of external actors’ engagement in these nations. Consequently, fundamental questions concerning when, how, and to what effect external actors intervene in foreign electoral support efforts remain unanswered. This study investigates the European Union’s contribution in supporting democratization in Kenya through technical and capacity-building assistance. Employing a case study approach and interpretive descriptive designs, the research delves into the intricacies of EU electoral support in Kenya. By conducting purposive Key Informant Interviews with representatives from key stakeholder institutions and administering surveys to 384 respondents, this study discerns that foreign technical and capacity-building assistance primarily occurs during elections, despite EU policy documents emphasizing that elections are a process rather than a one-time event. The findings reveal that capacity building and technical support, while closely intertwined, are analytically distinct components of EU support, both delivered through the basket fund mechanism. This support is targeted at both governmental institutions involved in elections and non-governmental stakeholders. Crucially, the study establishes that the extent to which the EU’s support can contribute to free, fair, and credible elections hinges on the degree of “political hygiene” practiced by the political class and political parties. In essence, the effectiveness of EU support is profoundly influenced by the conduct of domestic political actors, highlighting the intricate interplay between foreign assistance and internal political dynamics. The theoretical framework is guided by Professor Michal Doyle’s Liberal Democratic Peace Theory.

Ambivalent allies: How inconsistent foreign support dooms new democracies

Since the Cold War ended, foreign support has been identified as an important factor in facilitating democratization. However, in certain parts of the world Western enthusiasm for democratization has been highly uneven, particularly when regime change has been achieved through nonviolent revolutionary mobilization. This article introduces the concept of ‘ambivalent allies’ and argues that ambivalence may be highly detrimental to new democracies emerging from nonviolent resistance. Ambivalent allies signal public support for a democratic transition while remaining quietly skeptical about the desirability or viability of the new regime. These misleading signals cause democratic leaders to deprioritize the maintenance of their diverse coalitions, choosing instead an exclusivist approach that alienates their domestic partners. They therefore end up doubly exposed to counterrevolutionary threats, lacking both a broad domestic support base and strong foreign backers. The article illustrates this argument through an examination of Egypt’s 2011 revolution and 2013 coup, drawing on approximately 100 interviews with Egyptian political leaders and foreign diplomats. It shows that the USA’s ambivalence toward the transition contributed to the coup by giving the elected government headed by Mohamed Morsi a false impression that it had strong foreign backing, and that it could afford to marginalize the secularist wing of the original revolutionary coalition. Egypt’s experience is then compared to two cases in which new governments survived counterrevolutionary threats: Burkina Faso in 2014 and Madagascar in 2009. The study contributes to our understanding of how international support may facilitate or undermine democratic consolidation following nonviolent revolutions.

Intra Party Politics as a Veritable Tool for Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria: Assessment of PDP (Peoples Democratic Party) And G5 in 2023 General Election

This paper clearly investigates the role of intra party politics as a tool for democratic consolidation in Nigeria, with a search light in Peoples Democratic Party and the role of G5. In doing this the researchers uses purposive sampling technique in selecting four different States where 30 respondents each were randomly selected from political science department. A structured questionnaire was adopted as instrument for this study, using simple percentage and Paired Sample Statistics method for its data analysis. The findings shows the indispensability of intra party politics on the sustenance of democracy in the country as well as some hindrances because of players egocentric attitudes. In conclusion certain recommendations were made by the researcher; respecting the fundamental rights of other people in the field, playing the political games by its rules and participation in politics with the spirit of sportsmanship (just to participate and not to win by do or die affair).

Assessing the Political System in Bangladesh: Challenges and Prospects for Democratic Consolidation

Assessing the Political System in Bangladesh: Challenges and Prospects for Democratic Consolidation

Liberal Democracy is A Myth: A Legislative Response to Election Irregularities in Zimbabwe

Elections in Zimbabwe have been marred by electoral irregularities and have been contested and remain a controversial issue which in turn has resulted in some researchers to believe that democracy is unattainable. Faced with a lot of anomalies various legislative measures were effected by the Legislature to deal with electoral irregularities. This article finds out that there is a strong correlation between weak institutions and election irregularities. Another major finding of this article is that although elections are not the be all and end all in achieving democracy but they lay a concrete foundation for democratic consolidation. However, despite various amendments, election irregularities are still a common feature in Zimbabwe. This article concludes that in order to address the anomalies relating to elections, the legislative arm of government in Zimbabwe has come out with numerous initiatives. This study recommends that there is need for political will to deal with issues of amending the Electoral Act and align it with the Constitution of Zimbabwe. This article also recommends that the Government of Zimbabwe should create strong electoral institutions so as to curb election irregularities.

Citizenship Education in Higher Education as a Support for Democracy and Educational Quality

The purpose of this essay is to support the need to address citizenship education as a transversal axis in the integral or holistic training of the professionals of today, contributing to human development for peaceful and democratic coexistence, promoting the construction of citizens with ethical values, respectful of the common good and the public sphere. The method used consisted of argumentative criticism based on documentary analysis, considering the approach to the problem (introduction), the development (arguments) and the conclusions that have been inferred. The results and conclusions were that the development of citizenship competencies should be addressed throughout the different curricular experiences or subjects of a given professional career, creating spaces for learning experiences with the purpose of forming integral professionals: probity, commitment to social reality, strengthening and consolidation of democracy, professionals capable of transcending technocratic pragmatism, interested in participating in politics with ethical solvency, capable of building social relations marked by respect for the individual, equality, a sense of justice and the common good.

Pelemahan Masyarakat Sipil dan Gagalnya Desain Kelembagaan Demokrasi Pasca Reformasi 1998

The fall of Suharto did not make the position of civil society grow and had a significant impact on the trajectory of the consolidation of Indonesian democracy after the 1998 Reformation. Instead, in the sharing of the results, the picture is of a civil society that is much weaker and unable to support democratic agendas. The weakening of civil society after the 1998 reform was motivated by many factors, such as the tragedy of the 1965 massacre and the strengthening of the position of oligarchic groups in the post-1998 reform democratic system. Oligarchic networks are able to hijack democratic institutions through democratic means for the accumulation and protection of material resources. The operationalization of oligarchic networks in weakening the position of civil society manifests itself in repressive measures in a number of regulations that restrict the expression of freedom in the public sphere, such as the Law on Electronic Information and Transactions, which has so far often been usedas an instrument by public officials in silencing critics.In the midst of weakening and subordinating the position of civil society, it increasingly confirms that the institutional approach—an approach that is often used to measure the quality of democracy—is not enough to support the sustainability of an empowered and bargaining civil society in powerrelations. This is exactly where structural approaches come into play to address the impasse of democracy and the sustainability of civil society in post-1998 democratic politics. Through the use of qualitative approaches with descriptive analysis methods, this paper sees that the democratic agendas after the 1998 reform have not changed much towards improvement due to the weakening of the position of civil society.

COMPLIANCE OF THE POST-SOVIET BALTIC STATES WITH THE INSTITUTIONAL AND VALUE REQUIREMENTS OF EU MEMBERSHIP

The compliance of the Baltic States with the EU requirements for member states is studied. Compliance is determined by the indicators of gender equality, tolerance and effectiveness of anti-corruption policy. A set of problems that hinder the consolidation of democracy in the Baltic States is identified. The gradual increase of various ethnic stereotypes and new social phobias in the communities of the Baltic States was noted. The authors attribute the problems of democracy quality and discrepancies with EU standards to the peculiarities of political culture and value orientations of the population (dominance of survival values over self-expression values). It is concluded that the Baltic States do not fully meet the EU standards at the institutional and value levels. It is argued that institutional reforms have satisfactory results in many areas, but the values of the population are modernizing very slowly towards those specifically defined by the EU.

The Politics of National Leadership and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria

The Politics of National Leadership and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria

GOD-FATHERISM AND GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA

The impact of the godfathers on Nigeria’s general elections was unprecedented. Its contemporary manifestations suggest that it has assumed epidemic proportions, becoming one of the greatest threats to democratic consolidation in Nigeria. The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of godfatherism on governance in Nigeria. The study adopted descriptive survey research design type as the information collected from the participants (Political science lecturers) were used for the purpose of predicting, describing and interpreting the subject matter. The population consists of some selected Political science lecturers in twenty (20) purposively selected tertiary institutions in South West, Nigeria making a total of One hundred (100) respondents. The main instrument for data collection is a self-structured questionnaire based on the two (2) research objectives raised in the study. The data collected from the respondents was analysed using Chi-square statistical tool at 0.05 alpha level. To ensure the validity of the instrument, the researcher gave the draft of the questionnaire to the experts in Test and Measurement to restructure the instrument in line with the research objectives. To determine the reliability of the instrument, a pilot test was conducted, the scores were tabulated, the Pearson Product Moment Correlation Coefficient formula was applied and a correlation coefficient of 0.852 was obtained. Findings from the study revealed that there is significant relationship between godfatherism and governance in Nigeria and there is significant impact of godfatherism on governance in Nigeria. The study concludes that Nigerian political leaders should concern themselves with the welfare and interest of people, which is assumed to be the necessary and sufficient condition of governance and its legitimacy. The study recommends that there is need to reform electoral laws in Nigeria until it can measure to the yearning of Nigerians in such a way that it will discourage godfatherism in electoral process of our political office holders. Also the researcher recommends that Nigerian electoral laws should be reformed to mitigate the funding of political parties and their candidates by individuals and corporate organizations.

Tunisian Political Climate from Aristocracy to Democracy and Presidential Coup: An Emerging Challenge to the Islamic Movements

The popular uprising brought forth change in Tunisian presidential palace during 2011 as it entered a state of liminality while becoming a consolidated democracy from authoritarianism. However, after a decade of democratic transition, only the democratic success story of the Arab Spring is in danger after the decree of Tunisian President. This article aims to highlight that by using Article 80 of the constitution, President has seized more power; and it narrates how it contradicts the constitution and negatively impact on political scenario. Furthermore, this study provides an analysis that how certain regional countries are trying to jeopardize the democratic system. Thus, the Islamic movement of Tunisia has been possessing a lion share on Country’s political arena and is considered as the vanguard of Islamic identity and democratic process since 2011 revolution. Finally, it concludes that amid a lenient policy of Rashid Al-Ghannouchi, the founder of the Movement and speaker of the Parliament, towards Islamic doctrine in Tunisian political arena, coup from Tunisian president. Leadership of Al-Nahdah again playing a vital role to stable political climate through dialogue, but it seems that the situation is still in danger. In this article, the primary and secondary data has been analyzed by using Discourse analysis method with its approach of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA).
 Keywords: Authoritarianism, Constitutional imploration, Democracy, Ennahda, islamic movement, Political crises, Presidential coup, Tunisia

A contextual analysis of the evolution of transitional justice: the story of Taiwan

ABSTRACT Taiwan confronted the challenge of transitional justice when it underwent democratic transitions in the late 1980s. This article examines Taiwan’s undertaking of transitional justice, the impacts of contextual dynamics on such undertaking, and the extent to which civic engagement and the incorporation of international human rights norms have facilitated transitional justice initiatives. The article argues that Taiwan’s negotiation-based transition and authoritarian legacy have substantially shaped the limited development of transitional justice at the early stage of democratisation. Influenced by civic engagement and the domestic implementation of international human rights instruments, new transitional justice mechanisms have been initiated in recent years. These bottom-up mechanisms are examined and highlighted to offer insights for advancing transitional justice and democratic consolidation.

Promoting Democracy Under Electoral Authoritarianism: Evidence From Cambodia

After many decades and billions of dollars spent, the effects of foreign democracy promotion interventions remain poorly understood, particularly in authoritarian contexts. Do these external interventions contribute to the building blocks of democratization and democratic consolidation under autocracy? Do these potential contributions come at the cost of bolstering autocrats’ credibility? This article presents a randomized study of a democracy promotion program undertaken by a prominent international non-governmental organization (INGO) in rural Cambodia, in which elected parliamentarians from multiple political parties interacted with constituents. The intervention had relatively large effects on individuals’ knowledge about politics and self-reported political engagement but, crucially, did not give citizens increased confidence in Cambodia’s “democracy,” suggesting a role for democracy promotion without whitewashing the authoritarian nature of Cambodian politics. Overall, the results suggest that democracy promotion under authoritarianism can foster a more engaged and informed citizenry without lending undue credibility to an authoritarian system.

Maritime Transport in the Spanish Economy in the Decades of Consolidation of Democracy (1975–1995)

This research analyzes the traffic of goods through the ports managed by the Port Authorities of the Spanish port system from the beginning of democracy in Spain to the end of the 21st century; a period that shows the effects on maritime transport as a result of the political changes that have taken place and the new regulations that have been applied, highlighting the 1992 Port Law, which would facilitate the transition from the port as an integrated center for international trade to the port as a logistics platform. We have used primary sources from the Spanish State Port’s archives and have consulted statistical yearbooks, commercial reports and the yearbooks of the National Statistics Institute (INE). This research allows us, through the data of the traffic of goods by presentation and the GVA at market prices, to quantify the transformation of the group of state-owned ports and their impact on the Spanish economy. Until now, speculation has focused on the share of freight traffic and its value at this time of transition in the Spanish economy, as well as the actual contribution it made to inflation in the period under study.

Delegative democratic attitude and public opinion on human rights: empirical evidence from the Philippines

ABSTRACT Why do citizens in post-authoritarian democracies perceive that there is high respect for individual human rights in their country when objective indicators suggest differently? Drawing on multiple individual-level opinion data and using Philippines as an illustrative case, this study hypothesizes that delegative democratic attitude (DDA) (i.e. operationalized as support for strong executive with minimal legislative intervention) shape citizen’s perception of human rights respect. Despite reports of higher levels of human rights violations in the country which should have led to more negative appreciation of human rights protection, citizens with DDA are more likely to regard that individual human rights are respected and protected. We theorize that citizens form dissimilar perception of human rights protection based on their desire for quick fixes and decisive action which could have made citizens less rigid and more tolerant with their evaluation of government actions. This would then make them paint a less than horrible image of the human rights protection in their country although it may not be reflective of the true state of affairs objectively. Given the Philippines’ longstanding authoritarian legacies and struggles with democratic consolidation, our study sheds light to the enduring appeal for personalist rule in the contemporary political world.