American Conservatism Research Articles

From Institutions to Families? The Changing Allocation of Responsibility for Cognitively Disabled Children in Dutch Postwar Long-Term Care Policies

Who is responsible for health care? Neoliberal policies since the 1970s seem to place this responsibility increasingly on the individual, in a process that is called responsibilization. The recent literature on neoliberalism, however, has questioned the preference of free-market liberalism for individual responsibility and shows how neoliberals often made common cause with communitarian conservatives on social policies. Melinda Cooper, for instance, has argued in her book Family Values that free-market liberals and social conservatives in the US both identified the family as a ‘wholesale alternative to the 20-century welfare state’. This article investigates whether this coalition of neoliberals and social conservatives, who agree on the importance of familial solidarity in addition to market freedom, has also played a role in the making of Dutch health care policies. By tracing how responsibility for long-term care has been allocated in the postwar Netherlands in the specific case of children with (cognitive) disabilities, the author will show how ‘the family’ has increasingly been embraced by policymakers as the main responsible party. This is remarkable because the Dutch postwar welfare state sought to loosen family ties in favour of individual arrangements. However, attempts by different stakeholders to deinstitutionalize Dutch health care during the 1990s unintentionally moved the state's responsibility for long-term care not so much onto individuals as onto families.

Iberian Vistas: Franco, Salazar, and American Conservatives

The article takes both a historical and a present-oriented look at the influence of the twentieth-century authoritarian Iberian regimes—including their leaders, Franco and Salazar—on the American conservative movement. It explores the political and religious motivations and major narratives driving Hispanophilia and Lusophilia, and their main advocates. Furthermore, and with a comparative approach, the text analyzes the past and current arguments—in magazines, books, and social media—favoring both regimes, especially in the light of the revival within American conservatism of Catholic Integralism and the defense of alternative representative systems, such as corporatism, that could usher in a new postliberal political regime. The article further explores the potential impact—and inherent limitations—of such strategies and projects, and shows that the revival of interest in figures such as Franco and Salazar is significant not only in terms of a reinvigorated criticism of the political and moral philosophy of liberalism but also regarding the search for new political forms and regimes.

A ‘natcon takeover’? The New Right and the future of American foreign policy

Abstract Donald Trump's capture of the Republican Party enabled a radical questioning of received wisdom within the broader conservative intellectual movement. In particular, it enabled the emergence of a post-Trump, distinctly American New Right. This policy paper examines the American New Right and its visions for United States foreign policy. In the context of contemporary American politics, the New Right is best understood as a rejection of the ‘fusionism’ that has characterized US conservatism since the early decades after the Second World War. The paper argues that there are three major identifiable parts of the New Right: the Claremonters, the post-liberals and the national conservatives. In part because of their ‘big-tent’ character, as well as deft intellectual leadership by Yoram Hazony, the national conservatives have become the most influential group within the contemporary New Right. The article also examines how the New Right has attempted to create an alternative ideational infrastructure, with a clear focus on entrenching itself through large-scale credentialing of personnel deemed to be loyal to the New Right's agenda. There is reason to speak of a ‘natcon takeover’ of traditional conservative institutions. This is particularly the case with the Heritage Foundation, the largest and most influential conservative think tank. While all segments of the New Right ostensibly embrace some notion of grand strategic restraint, the policy paper argues that the rise of national conservatism is likely to accelerate the US pivot from Europe to Asia rather than lead to neo-isolationism, as is sometimes suggested.

Where ideology meets private interest: the three-part composition of climate obstruction in the United States

Abstract A network of organizations working to oppose climate action, called the climate change countermovement (CCCM), has long been a critical yet highly opaque subject of study for social scientists concerned with climate politics. We leverage a new combined dataset of boards of directors, financial contributions, and texts produced by CCCM members to characterize its sources of support and social structure. We show that foundations tend to make more frequent and larger donations to CCCM nonprofits when they are linked through a board member. We also show that CCCM nonprofits which are more distant from each other in the social network of board members produce different climate change discourses. Community detection methods robustly detect three communities within the CCCM: conservative think tanks (CTT), oil and gas trade associations, and utility, coal, and manufacturing trade associations, each with unique goals within the countermovement. The findings suggest that the climate countermovement is an interface among these communities which together ensure that climate action obstruction is achieved on different but complementary fronts, through both discursive and more concrete policy efforts. This paper also introduces a new way of understanding organized climate obstruction and makes significant methodological contributions in the study of social movements and countermovements.

Leveraging Systems Thinking to Dismantle Systemic Racism in Conservation

ABSTRACT In the early 1990s, the American Institute for Conservation (AIC) and other cultural heritage organizations began to formally address the lack of racial diversity in the US conservation field. Since then, a wide array of programs designed to attract a more racially diverse group of people to the field have been developed and implemented. Their impact, when measured by increased racial diversity in AIC membership, has been limited. Using the concepts of systemic racism, critical race theory, and systems thinking, this article explores how the conservation field got to where it is today and what it could do to become a contributing element of an inclusive society. Possible ways to leverage lasting change are proposed. An invitation to those who are interested in interrogating what is set out, finding the weak points, filling the gaps, and building on the strengths is extended to all readers.

Silencing trans voices

ABSTRACT In recent years, conservatives in the United States have deployed a transgender moral panic attacking the place of trans people in public spaces. This article explores how this panic has been supported by an effort to purge trans-inclusive literature from education spaces, such as schools and libraries, in the United States. Utilizing a unique set of materials, I identify the common discourses developed by anti-trans activists. By eliminating trans stories, anti-trans activists seek to erase even the possibility of trans happiness from the realm of imagination.

“A Revolution in Economic Thinking” – USAID and Privatization in Latin America and Eastern Europe (1981–1993)

Abstract: With Ronald Reagan’s ascent to power in January 1981, the conservatives were eager to promote neoliberalism to revitalize America at home and weaken the Communists and the New International Economic Order abroad. Surprisingly, the main vehicle of this ideological offensive was an agency long hated by the American conservatives, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Throughout the 1980s, the agency promoted neoliberal dogmas in developing countries, especially in Latin America which was considered as a testing ground for the neoliberal ideology. To achieve this goal, USAID promoted an important tenet of neoliberalism as a tool for economic development: privatization. At the same time, the agency established various collaborations with different types of actors in a “neoliberal nebula” in which it found an important place. At the end of the 1980s, the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Eastern Bloc provided the reaganized agency its most important test: the promotion of free-market economy in the socialist countries. This article examines how USAID became part of the ideological offensive led by the Reagan administration through its transformation into a neoliberal actor seeking to promote privatization in developing countries. In the process, Latin America became a testing ground for these new policies, but also a blueprint for those that USAID would soon implement in the Eastern Bloc after the fall of the Berlin Wall.

“Above the Written Law”: Iran-Contra and the Mirage of the Rule of Law

AbstractWhy have scandalous sprees of lawbreaking by U.S. government officials proven so seductive yet so difficult to prosecute? This article takes the Iran-Contra scandal of the Reagan–Bush era as an instructive case study and red flag in the attitudinal erosion of the belief in the rule of law among American conservatives. Before the scandal broke, officials and legal counsels willfully mis-interpreted a clear prohibition to fund counter-revolutionaries and fabricated a post-facto presidential permission in order to sell weapons to Iran without congressional oversight. Congress's assumption that government officials would obey its statutes resulted in neither wrongdoing being punishable by criminal sanctions. Conservatives therefore argued that ends justified neglecting certain laws while also denying they had broken any laws. Prosecutors found themselves compelled to prosecute Iran-Contra's defendants over more prosaic crimes such as lying and stealing rather than more abstract and damaging ones. President George H. W. Bush's pardon of Iran-Contra defendants contributed to an impunity that further eroded the American rule of law to this day.

Distinct But Not Separate: Rethinking Maritain’s Distinction of Planes to Recover his Democratic Potential

Few Catholic theologians wielded as much influence over the Twentieth-Century Catholic Church as Jacques Maritain. Furthermore, few have stirred as much global controversy in the realm of theological politics (especially in the area of global affairs). Considered treasonous by Latin American conservatives and impractical by those arguing for a politically active church, Maritain’s work touts a contemplative moderation that frustrates all political sides. Maritain’s canon daunts even the best readers and often breeds practical misinterpretation of his own philosophy. Using primary sources from Argentina and Brazil, this article reexamines Maritain’s distinction of the spiritual and worldly planes and its application of Maritain’s political thought during both the Spanish Civil War period and Brazil’s 21-year dictatorship (1964-1986). It thereby pushes back on longstanding theological critiques of this distinction. Far from advocating a church aloof from the political sphere, Maritain advocated for a vigorous engagement with it while maintaining the church’s spiritual integrity.

Questioning the Pope: US Conservative Catholics and the Online Polarization of the Debate about the “Church of Bergoglio”

Questioning the Pope: US Conservative Catholics and the Online Polarization of the Debate about the “Church of Bergoglio”

Owning the Libs: The Contemporary Politics of Envy

Abstract: This essay defines Owning the Libs (OTL), a logic of envy, characterized by a subject's need to both deny another enjoyment and to frustrate the capacity of these political opponents to live. My case studies focus on reactions to progressive protests in the post-Ferguson environment. OTL is not downstream of some cultural war nor an exotic right-wing, illiberal phenomenon. Situating personhood in the tradition of violent dispossession, I illuminate the practice's liberal roots, before concluding OTL will be (if it is not already) US conservatism's policy agenda, and an existential threat to progressive agitation.

Man in the Mirror

ABSTRACT: Write about politics for long enough and you'll put some arguments into the world you come to regret. This issue's special section on the global right has me reconsidering a long piece on American conservatism that ran here in Dissent in 2019. That's before Joe Biden steamrolled over a primary field that was supposed to be the future of the Democratic Party, barely scraped together a victory over Donald Trump in an election that was supposed to signal the arrival of a new progressive majority, and then pre sided over an administration that was supposed to mark the end of neoliberalism. It's also before the summer of George Floyd, when the largest protests in American his tory were supposed to launch a reckoning that would transform the country.

The Problem of American Conservatism, Revisited

The Problem of American Conservatism, Revisited

Resisting in Times of Law and Order: Civil Disobedience, American Conservatism, and the War on Crime

Resisting in Times of Law and Order: Civil Disobedience, American Conservatism, and the War on Crime

The health costs of political identity: evidence from the US during the COVID-19 pandemic

ABSTRACT We estimate the impact of US political identity on COVID-19 safety behaviors, cases, and deaths. Our data set merges US county-level data on mask-wearing, cell-phone mobility, vaccination rates, county characteristics, and variables reflecting conservative political identity with COVID-19 cases and deaths from the first 12, 20, and 28 months of the pandemic in the United States. State-level fixed-effect estimations controlling for county characteristics indicate every 10 percentage point increase in the county popular vote for President Trump in the 2020 election to be associated with a 0.36σ reduction in a COVID-safety index, 1798 additional COVID cases, and 31.9 COVID deaths per 100,000 county residents in the initial 28 months of the pandemic. Further, we ask whether differential behavioral responses during the pandemic can be explained by traditional strains of American conservatism or are associated with a more specific Trumpian identity. We create state-level indices of traditional libertarian and social conservatism, finding that these indices display little systematic explanatory power over COVID-safety behaviors, cases, and deaths relative to 2020 Trump voter support.

McCarthyism and American Cold War Ideology in Irish-American Autobiographical Writing

This article explores the various ways in which the protagonist of Frank McCourt’s autobiographical account ’Tis, A Memoir confronts the McCarthyite proceedings and their unsettling consequences at times of utmost conservatism in America. It addresses his negotiation of an ultimately alienated ethnic identity, arguing that the protagonist’s fractured self not only reflects the slippery ground upon which McCarthyite practices are founded, but is also brought about by it. Beyond this analysis, however, the article is set to problematize the very status of McCourt’s autobiographical writing by assessing the memoir’s narrative codes in association with its content and purported readership. Specifically, the proposal evaluates the fictional strategies on which it is constructed, as well as the inconsistencies inherent in the narrative depiction of the character’s partial assimilation into an eventual Irish-American national identity. The proposal ultimately assays McCourt’s memoir as a product and reworking of the ideological tenets characteristic of McCarthyism and the early Cold War period.

Dwa amerykańskie konserwatywne republikanizmy

TWO AMERICAN CONSERVATIVE REPUBLICANISMS: THE INTELLECTUAL ORIGINS OF THE AMERICAN CONSERVATIVE RIGHT During the founding period of the United States, the ideological foundations of American political discourse were formed. The constitutional debate and the first years of the young republic showed the fundamental differences between the Founding Fathers. Their different conceptions of the Union and its essence created different currents within American republicanism. In the article, the author analyzes two conservative republicanisms that arose in the North and South of the United States. In his opinion, the northern republicanism of Hamilton, Ames, Adams and Marshall, emphasizing the negative side of human nature, had to appeal to power, which alone can tame particularisms and unite the efforts of all in one direction. Southerners, on the other hand, took as the starting point of their argument the organic nature and primordiality of the basic social structures that determine the scope of power, primarily federal.

“A Mission Without Precedent”: The Rise and Fall of the Office of Economic Opportunity, 1964–1981

AbstractThis article traces the history of the Office of Economic Opportunity/Community Services Administration, focusing on Richard Nixon’s failed attempt to dismantle it in 1973 and Ronald Reagan’s successful effort in 1981. I explore main two main questions: Why was Reagan able to succeed when Nixon had failed? and What does the dismantling of the agency reveal about the development of American conservatism in the 1970s and 1980s? Drawing on original archival materials, I argue that the Reagan administration learned from Nixon’s failures and adopted a more professional, managerial stance when it dismantled the agency in 1981. In addition, recent work in history and political science has explored how the multiracial democratic vision articulated by LBJ’s Great Society helped fuel the modern conservative movement. By focusing on the long-term opposition against OEO/CSA, this article provides new insights into how conservatives articulated an alternative ideology to postwar liberalism.

Transphobic Truth Markets: Comparing Trans-hostile Discourses in British Trans-exclusionary Radical Feminist and US Right-wing Movements

British “Trans-Exclusionary Radical Feminist” (TERF) discourse has often been contextualised in fringe radical feminist thought, but its similarities to and alliances with right-wing trans-exclusionary movements in the US are notable (McClean, 2020). To understand the place of TERF discourse in an international wave of trans-hostility, it is necessary to understand how it converges with and differs from explicitly conservative counterparts. I place TERF discourse in comparison to trans-exclusionary discourses of the American Right (AR) using a Critical Frame Analysis, investigating the extent of shared themes and the role of ontological discourses across cases. I find that TERF and AR discourses converge heavily on frames and have a shared ontology, but draw on different repertoires to bolster their claims. Combining Harsin’s (2014) truth markets and Smith’s (1995) ideological code theory, I show how an ideological-code-like structure demonises and ontologically delegitimises trans people, demonstrating how reactionary frames can be granted cross-ideological appeal.

Resistance International: Soviet dissidents, US conservatives, and Cold War ‘anti-communist internationalism’, 1983-93

ABSTRACT In 1983 a group of East European dissidents convened Resistance International (RI); a one-of-a-kind Cold War organisation designed to wage a global struggle against communism. Later, in 1984, a US branch of the group was formed with wealthy anti-communist conservative backers. Historians have begun to highlight the complexity of the partnership between East European dissidents and US anti-communists. This article conducts the first detailed study of RI and provides a new opportunity to study how dissident-anti-communist cooperation functioned. The article examines how dissidents involved in RI managed their relationship with US-based anti-communists alongside their relationships with the wider dissident community.